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10X  14X  18X  22X 


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IS 


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et  de  heut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'inriages  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


trrata 
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1 

2 

3 

32X 


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2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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V 


I 
I 


.^ 


EEYOLUTIOMRY  SERVICES 

AND 

CIVIL   LIFE 

OP 

GEIEEAL  AVILLIAM  HULL; 

PREPARED  FROM  HIS  MANUSCRIPTS, 

BY  HIS  DAUGHTER, 

MRS.    MARIA    CAMPBELL: 

TOGETHER   WITH   THE 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

AND 

SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT, 

BY  HIS   GRANDSON, 

JAMES  FREEMAN  CLARKE. 


NEW-YORK: 
D.   APPLETON   &   CO.,  200  BROADWAY. 

PHILADELPHIA  : 
GEO.  S.  APPLETON,  148  CHESNUT-STREET. 
M  DCCC  XLVIU. 


76710 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1847, 

By  E.  F.  CAMPBELL, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New- York . 


76710 


TO    THE    READER. 


rd  1847, 
'New- York. 


In  arranging  and  collating  this  manuscript,  my 
desire  is  not  to  take  more  credit  to  myself,  than  com- 
mon industry  can  claim  ;  neither  would  I  render  my 
father  responsible  for  my  failures,  when  I  have  been 
obliged  to  speak  in  other  language  than  his  own. 

General  Hull  left  behind  him  Memoirs  of  his  Rev- 
olutionary Services,  in  MS.,  which  he  had  written 
for  the  gratification  of  his  children  and  grandchildren. 
These  memoirs  are  the  basis  of  the  present  work. 
His  spirit  pervades  the  whole,  and  my  endeavour  has 
been,  that  it  should  not  be  obscured.     The  facts  are 
in  substance  precisely  as  he  has  related  them.     But 
as  his  MS.  was  not  prepared  for  the  press,  it  was 
necessary,  to  a  certain  extent,  that  the  arrangement 
of   the   work,  and  sometimes   the   style,  should    be 
changed.     When  General  Hull  is  spoken  of,  it  will 
be  noticed  throughout  the  book,  that  the  first  and 
third  persons  are  indiscriminately  used. 

In  the  chapter  concerning  Captain  Hale,  1  have 
more  fully  unfolded  sentiments  expressed  by  my  fa- 
ther in  his  last  interview  with  that  noble  young  man. 
In  the  work  generally,  I  have  introduced  remarks  not 
found  in  the  MS.,  but  which  were  familiar  to  my  re- 


IV 


TO  THE  READER. 


collection  from  our  frequent  interchange  of  thou'^ht 
as  he  alwaj^s  conversed  witli  his  children,  as  though 
they  were  his  equals.     He  rarely  spoke  of  himself,  of 
hissuflrermgs,orofhis  services  rendered  to  his  country 
It  was  at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  children,  that 
he  took  up  the  pen.     The  feelings  of  the  soldier  gave 
alacrity  to  the   work,  and   it  was  completed.     He 
wrote  without  view  to  publication,  and  directed  his 
Jamily  to  look  for  the  connecting  links  of  the  narra- 
tive, m  the  histories  of  the  Revolution. 

The  death  of  General  Hull  took  place  before  the 

Writings  of  Washington,"  by  Jarkd  Sparks,  were 

published ;  but  the  faithfulness  of  his  memory  is  ex- 

hibited   in   comparing  his  MS.  with  the   authentic 

documents  of  that  most  valuable  work. 

Augusta,  Georgia,  1845.  EDITOR. 


■'4 

s 


:)f  thought, 
.  as  though 
"himself,  of 
lis  country. 
Idren,  that 
oldier  gave 
eted.     He 
reeled  his 
the  iiarra- 

before  the 
RKs,  were 
ory  is  ex- 
authentic 

EDITOR. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Jared  Sparks,  Esq.,  to  the 
Rev.  James  F.  Clarke. 

Salem,  July  31st,  1817. 

Dear  Sir,— I  have  perused  the  manuscript 
which  you  sent  to  me,  relating  to  the  Revolutionary 
Services  and  Civil  Life  of  General  Hull.  The  whole 
appears  to  me  to  be  written  with  close  attention  to 
the  facts  of  history  ;  and  it  derives  great  value  from 
the  circumstance  of  its  containing  a  record  of  the 
observations  of  General  Hull  himself  on  numerous 
public  events  in  which  he  took  a  part,  or  with  which 
he  was  personally  acquainted.  Having  been  an  offi- 
cer in  the  army  during  the  whole  war  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, engaged  in  many  actions,  and  highly  estimated 
for  his  military  talents  and  character,  he  was  necessa- 
rily connected  with  stirring  incidents,  which  are  well 
described  in  this  work. 

I  have  also  read,  with  a  lively  interest,  the  chap- 
ters on  the  Campaign  of  1812.  The  narrative  is 
clear  and  full,  and  whatever  judgment  may  be  formed 
of  the  result,  the  particulars  here  set  forth,  give  evi- 
dence of  having  been  drawn  from  the  highest 
sources  ;  and  they  are  exhibited  in  such  a  manner,  as 
to  present  the  controverted  points  in  a  just  light. 


VI 


uETTER  FROM  JARED  SPARKS,  ESQ. 


These  are  my  impressions,  upon  a  haslj  perusal  of 
the  manuscripts,  and  I  doubt  not  they  would  be  sus- 
tamed  by  a  more  careful  study. 
1  am,  dear  sir. 

Respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

JARED  SPARKS. 


i 

/a 

I 


perusal  of 
lid  be  sus- 


SPARKS. 


PREFACE. 


If  principle  be  of  any  value,  its  power  wil  be 
felt  and  exhibited  in  the  hour  of  adversity.  Weak  is 
the  man,  who,  after  having  laid  down  to  himself  a  rule 
of  virtuous  action,  is  diverted  from  it,  by  the  frustra- 
tion of  his  plans  and  the  disappointment  of  his  hopes. 
But  when  amidst  the  painful  vicissitudes  of  life,  he 
keeps  his  onward  course,  exhibiting  the  same  can- 
dour, dignity,  and  strength,  which  marked  him  in 
more  prosperous  days,  we  learn  the  useful  lesson,  that 
there  is  a  sustaining  power  in  our  nature  which,  co- 
operating with  that  from  above,  gives  peace  to  the 
soul  amidst  its  severest  trials. 

Many  an  individual  more  highly  distinguished 
than  General  Hull,  has  descended  to  th^^  grave  with- 
out a  record  of  his  public  services  or  private  worth. 
But  the  manoeuvering  of  the  Politician  will  some- 
times fix,  with  more  distinctness  and  permanency,  the 
laurel  on  the  brow  which  his  hand  was  raised  to  de- 
stroy. Had  it  not  been  for  a  persecution  as  severe 
as  it  was  unmerited,  the  zeal,  the  ability,  the  faithful- 
ness and  the  patriotism  of  General  Hull  in  his 
country's  service,  might  never  have  been  made  public, 
to  sustain  him  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 


VlJl 


rnnFACE. 


And  so  frustlii-,  so  satisfi,.,!  is  conscious  innocL-ncc, 
in  tl.o  approbation  of  a  l.if,^!,,,-  Power;  so  modest  in 
Its  clain.s  to  notice,  thai  perhaps  not  (^en  this  would 
have  heen  do.ie,  had  not  children,  in  the  warmth  and 
respect  of  filial  love,  ur^r,d  and  claimed  the  hoon. 

PoliUad  nccvssity  is   the    ])lea  ever  ollercd  for 
translcrrmg  the  errors  of  an  administration  to  an  in- 
dividual, however  innocent :  and  the  sacred  rights  of 
character  are  thus  sacrificed  on  th(«   altar  of  popular 
Jeeling.     If  such  be  the  practice  of  an    enlif^htened, 
Christian  government,  who  can  expect,  in   the  hour 
of  adversity,  the  justice  to  which  services  and  virtues 
arc  entitled  ?     Even  Washington,  with  all  the  hi-di 
pcrlection  of  his  character,  did    „ot  escape,  when 
taction  and  interest  judged  his  conduct. 

The  heart  sickens,  while  contemplating  sufTerin"- 
produced,  not  hy  th,3  depravity  of  om/man,  who 
would  blush  to  do  the  deed  alone,  but  from  the  i-- 
sonsibility  of  the  many,  when  acting  together.  The 
laws  of  morality  cease  then  to  operate  ;  and  hence, 
as  has  ever  been  the  case,  individuals  have  been  sac- 
riiiced,  to  Jfhield  depraved  or  imbecile  governments. 

How  diflbrcnt  would  have  been  the  fate  of  Ad- 
miral Byng,  whose  sad  history  "  is  the  deepest  stain 
on  the  memory  of  Chatham,  and  the  deepest  dis- 
grace of  George  II.  and  his  Ministers,"  had  the 
administration,  generously  and  with  moral  courage 
shielded  him  from  calumny  and  outrage,  under  the 
hrst  burst  of  a  nation's  disapjmintment! 

When  General  Hull  loft  Washington,  in  1812,  to 
take  the  command  of  the  Northwestern  Army, 'he 


rRKFACE. 


ix 


mioconco, 
iKxlcst  in 
lus  would 
niith  and 

boon. 
r(l;rcd  for 
to  an  in- 

riglits  of 
r  popular 
glitoncd, 
tlu!  hour 
d  virtues 
llio  high 
c,  when 

ufiTering, 
in,  who 

the  ]••- 
r.  Tlie 
I  lience, 
;en  sac- 
nen  ts. 

of  Ad- 
st  stain 
>st  dis- 
ad  the 
ouragc, 
Jer  the 

!U2,  to 


was  assured  hy  tlie  Government,  that  a  naval  force 
Would  he  |)h»ced  on  Lake  Krie,  to  keep  open  his  eom- 
inunieation  with  iiis  country,  and  that  iiis  army  would 
be  reinforced,  before  war  was  declared.     Jlavinir  ar- 
rived   at    IJrhana,   in     the     State  of    Ohio,    where 
his    army    had    asscMubUul,    he    cut    a    road    from 
that  place  through  the  wiidenujss,  for  nearly  two  hun- 
<lr(!d  miles,  ami  reached  the  river  Miami,  seventy-two 
miles  below  Detroit.     Jlcre  he  availed  himself  of  the 
water  comnuinication  to  send  on  the  sick,  with  his 
military  stores  and  baggage.     By  mistaken,  a  trunk 
containing  the   papers  of  General    Hull  was  put  on 
board  the  same  vessel.     After  she  had  sailed.  Gene- 
ral Hull    received  a   letter,  announcing  that  on  the 
IfUh  of  June  war  had  been  declared.    Thus  fourteen 
days  had  pass(>d  before  he  was  apprised  of  a  fact  so 
important  to  the  safety  of  his  army,  while  the  British 
at  Fort  M.ilden  had  four  or  five  days  previously,  been 
possessed  of  lln^  information.     The  vessel  was  cap- 
tured, and  the  consequent  possession  of  this  portion  of 
the  papers  of  General  Hull  was  made  the  ground  on 
which  the  charge;  of  treason  was  i)redicated. 

After  the  surrender  of  the  fortress  of  Detroit, 
when  General  Hull  was  taken  a  prisoner  to  Montreal, 
lie  judged  it  best  to  commit  his  remaining  papers, 
with  other  valuable  articles,  to  the  care  of  his  daugh- 
ter, Mrs.  Hickman,  who,  with  her  family,  was  short- 
ly to  take  her  departure  for  her  paternal  residence, 
in  Newton,  Massachusetts.  The  brig  Adams,  in 
which  they  sailed,  was  an  American  vessel,  but  had 
been  captured  by  the  British.     The  brig  arrived  in  the 


X  PREFACE. 

evening  near  Buffalo,  and  Mrs.  Hickman  was  put  on 
shore,  assured  by  the  captain  that  her  baggage  would 
be  sent  to  her  in  the  morning.  Jn  the  course  of  the 
night,  the  bng  was  attacked  by  our  sailors,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Elliott,  and  in  the  contest  was 
burnt.  By  th,s  event,  the  remaining  papers  of  Gene- 
ral  Hull  were  dectrojed. 

In  the  public  offices  at  Washington,  there  were 
duphcate  s  of  letters  and  other  papers,  sent  by  Gene- 
ral Hull  to  the  different  Departments,  while  Governor 
of  .ho   Michigan   Territory.     To  possess  copies  of 
Uiose  documents,  was  necessary  to  his  justification. 
Previously  to  lus  trial,  he  made  application  for  them. 
Ihcy  pomted  to  the  necessity  of  a  naval  force  on 
Lake  Lrie  ,•  and  for  troops,  required  for  the  garrison 
of  Detro:t,  Michilimackinac,  and  Chicago,  to  enable 
the  army  to  maintain  a  defensive  position,  or  success- 
ful to  carry  on  an  offensive  war  against  the  British 
and  Indians,.     Bu^  the  exertions  of  friends,  joined  to 
his  own  eftorts  to  obtain  copies  of  these  papers,  were 
unavailing.  ^ 

When  the  trial  of  General   Hull  closed  in  1814 
he  yet  hoped  to  give  to  his  fellow-citizens  a  detailed 
history  of  the  Northwestern  Campaign.     Anterior  to 
that  period,  he  had  published  nothing  in  his  defence, 
persevermg  in  a  dignified  silence,  while  constantly 
assailed  in  the  public  prints,  with  contumely  and  the 
grossest  falsehoods.    So  exaggerated  was  the  abuse, 
that  to  every  reflecting  mind,  it  carrieu  with  it  the 
materials  for  its  own  refutation.     Again  :md  a^rain 
were   Ins  hopes  crushed   by  a  failure  in  procuring 


I 


PREFACE. 


as  put  on 
ge  would 
■se  of  the 
inder  the 
(test  was 
of  Gene- 

ii'e  were 
y  Gone- 
jovornor 
opies  of 
fication. 
)r  them, 
brce  on 
garrison 
enable 
iuccess- 
British 
'ined  to 
s,  were 

1  1814, 

etailed 
;n*or  to 
:fence, 
^'antly 
nd  the 
abuse, 
it  the 
again 
:uring 


XI 


copies  of  these  important  documents.  Finally  he 
yielded,  without  temper  and  without  recrimination  to 
these  last  acts  of  injustice,  which  the  rulers  of  ihe 
natmn,  at  this  critical  period  of  their  power,  consid- 
ered expedient,  if  not  necessary  to  their  safety 

At  the  expiration  of  nearly  twelve  years,  the 
Honourable  John  C.  Calhoun  was  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  War.  General  Hull  made  one  more  effort 
and  on  his  application  to  that  officer,  most  of  the  pa- 
pers, previously  applied  for,  were  immediately  for- 
warded ro  him. 

As  soon  as  he  became  possessed  of  these  docu- 
ments, he  gave  to  the  public  a  Memoir  of  the  Cam 
Pa.gn  of  the  Northwestern  Army^and  in  the  confi- 
dence of  „,nocence  and  truth,  appealed  to  his  coun- 
t^men  for  a  reversal  of  a  sentence  which  couid  be 
viewed  as  no  less  cruel  than  unjust.* 

These  Memoirs  have  been*'  before  the  public  for 
mere  than  eighteen  years,  and  those  of  his  Mow- 
citizens  who  have  read  them,  have  risen  from  their 
perusal  satisfied  that  the  cause  of  failure  in  the  u„. 
successful  mvasion  of  Canada,  was  not  to  be  imputed 

h^liXH"     "'"'"^^^ 

that  had  lushea  into  war  without  foresight  or  prepar- 
ation.    Almost   every  engagement   pledged   by  the 
Government  or  the  support  of  their  army  was  vioLed 
General  Hull  was  sent  forth  with  a  band  of  b.  ve 
but  undiscphr.ed  yeomanry,  most  of  whom  i,ad  seen 

*  Oonoml  Hull  vas  sentcnrcd  to  f  nn.Ipr  fl,o  . 

be  shot,  u.ul.r  the  cargo  of  cow-        ■  V^l^^    commendation  of 


XII 


PREFACE. 


no  service,  to  contend  with  the  numerous  and  well- 
trained  army  of  Britain,  aided  by  her  savage  allies, 
not  only  unsupported,  but  deserted  by  his  Govern- 
ment. 

But  under  all  these  untoward  circumstances. 
General  Hull  could  have  sustained  his  post  at  Detroit, 
had  not  an  armistice,  now  a  portion  of  history,  been 
entered  into  with  the  enemy  by  General  Dearborn, 
to  the  exclusion  of  General  Hull's  army,  and  without 
his  knowledge.  It  was  this,  together  with  previous 
neglect  on  the  part  of  General  Dearborn  to  concen- 
trate troops  at  Niagara,  which  enabled  General  Brock, 
with  an  overwhelming  force,  suddenly  to  come  against 
and  overpower  him. 

General  Dearborn  was  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  American  forces.  He  was  stationed  on  the  Ni- 
agara river,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  below  De- 
troit. His  orders  were  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check, 
or  to  act  offensively,  as  occasion  might  offer,  and  to 
co-operate  with  the  army  of  General  Hull. 

Instead  of  obeying  these  orders,  he  agreed  to  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  with  Sir  George  Prevost,  the 
Commanding  General  of  the  King's  forces,  and  stipu- 
lates that  it  is  to  the  exclusion  of  General  BuWs  army  ; 
the  very  point  to  be  gained  by  his  wily  adversary. 

The  period  of  five  days  allowed  ample  time  for 
the  British  to  ascend  the  Lake  and  capture  the 
American  forces  at  Detroit.  A  ruse  de  guerre,  cred- 
itable to  the  acuteness  of  the  enemy,  but  a  sad  re- 
flection on  the  military  genius  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  American  army. 


■1 

(.4 


PREFACE. 


xm 


General  Hull  received  no  official  information  of 
this  arrangement  between  the  two  hostile  armies 
until  twelve  days  after  it  had  taken  place,  and  four 
days   after   his  army  had   surrendered    to   General 
Brock ;  from  whom  he  first  learned  the  astoundin- 
met.  ^ 

Among  other  papers  for  which  application  was 
made  at  the  seat  of  Government,  General  Hull 
asked  for  a  copy  of  this  fatal  armistice ;  none  was 
ever  furnished,  hut  the  foct  is  recorded,  and  its  disas- 
trous effects  on  the  issue  of  the  campaign  can  no 
longer  be  gainsayed  by  the  most  prejudiced  mind. 

At  the  period  of  the  late  war,  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
retired  from  office,  but  his  pen  was  still  exerted  to 
support  the  measures  of  his  party,  and  the  Adminis- 
tration of  1812.  He  was  familiar  with  the  character 
of  General  Hull,  in  the  military,  civil,  and  social  re- 
lations of  life ;  and  he  generously  testifies  to  his  merit 
in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Duane,  at  the  first  intelligence 
of  the  surrender  of  the  Northwestern  Armv.  He 
writes  : 

"  The  character  of  General  Hull,  as  an  officer  of 
skill  and  bravery,  was  established  on  the  trials  of  the 
ast  war,  and  no  previous  act  of  his  life  had  led  to  doubt 
his  fidelity."*  Yet  it  is  not  long  before  we  perceive, 
in  another  letter,  that  political  necessity  obliges  this 
distinguished  individual  to  speak  a  different  lan-uagc 
In  a  letter  to  General  Dearborn,  the  negotiator  of 
the  armistice,  he  writes  : 


I 

I 


Jefferson's  Memoirs,  VoL  IV.,  page  ISl. 


I 


XIV 


PREFACE. 


u 


After  the  disasters  produced  by  the  treason,  or 
the  cowardice,  or  both,  of  Hull,  and  the  follies  of 
some  others,"*  &:c.,  &c. 

But  his  first  communication,  uninfluenced  by  the 
bias  of  political  necessity,  and  while  yielding  to  the 
sober  dictates  of  truth,  with  a  full  recollection  of 
faithful  services,  was  but  a  just  tribute  to  a  man,  on 
whose  public  and  private  life,  a  steady  and  unclouded 
light  had  rested  for  forty  years,  eight  years  of  which 
period  he  had  served  to  gain  our  Independence. 

Finally,  at  the  age  of  sixty-one.  General  Hull 
was  summoned  before  a  court  martial  to  answer  to 
crimes,  of  which  the  thought  had  never  entered  his 
mind.  His  appointed  judges  were  men  high  in  mili- 
tary rank  and  titles,  but  many  of  whom  had  obtained 
that  elevation  and  distinction  without  having  ren- 
dered any  service  to  their  country. 

In  the  defence  before  the  court  martial,  while  an- 
imadverting upon  the  testimony  of  some  of  the  wit- 
nesses introduced  on    the   part   of  the  prosecution. 
General    Hull   says:  "It   seems  extraordinary  that 
there  jias  not  been  a  witness  examined  on  the  part  of 
the  prosecution,  who  has  not  been  promoted  since  he 
was  under  my  command.     A  great  majority  of  the 
young    gentlemen,    who    have  been   called  by  the 
Judge  Advocate,  have  appeared,  decorated  with  their 
epaulets  ;  these  have  been  bestowed,  and  sometimes 
with  the  augmentation  of  a  star,  upon  gentlemen 
who  began  their  military  career  with  my  unfortunate 
campaign.     By  what  services  many  of  these  gentle- 

*  Jefferson's  Memoirs,  Vol.  IV..  page  258. 


I 

4 


^% 


Bason,  or 
follies  of 

d  by  the 
ig  to  the 
3ction  of 
man,  on 
nclouded 
)f  which 
ice. 

!ral  Hull 
iswer  to 
ered  his 
in  mili- 
Dbtained 


ng  ren- 


hile  an- 
the  wit- 
ecution, 
iry  that 
J  part  of 
since  he 
y  of  the 
by  the 
th  their 
nelimes 
itlemen 
rtunate 
gentle- 


PREFACE. 

XV 

men  have  merited  such  rapid  promotion,  I  have  not 
learned.  But  if  it  all  arises  out  of  their  achievements 
while  under  my  command,  I  must  say,  that  it  appears 
to  me,  my  expedition  was  more  prolific  of  promotion, 
than  any  other  unsuccessful  military  enterprise  I  ever 
heard  of."* 

Without  counsel  to  speak  in  his  defence,  he  stood 
before  the  court  unaided,  except  by  his  own  vigorous 
mind  and  a  clear  and  calm  conscience. 

In   the  following  narrative  of  the  Revolutionary 
services  of  General  Hull,  there  will  rarely  be  found 
allusion  to  that  act  of  his  life,  which  was  at  once  his 
glory  and  his  shame  ;^the  surrender  of  the  fortress 
of  Detroit  to  the  British  arms.     It  was  his  glory,  be- 
cause he  had  "dared  to  do  his  duty."t     It  was  his 
shame,  because   the  epithets   of  traitor   and  coward 
were  attached  to  a  name,  that  had  remained  untar- 
nished ior  more  than  half  a  century.     It  had  stood 
the  test  of  temptation,  in    the    dangerous    hours  of 
prosperity-in  the  possession  of  wealth,  and  in  the 
acquisition  of  much  honourable  distinction,  in  public 
and  pnvate  life.     Prosperity  did  not  elate,  nor  did 
adversity  depress  ;  the  same  virtues  shone,  equally 
bright,  in  both  estates.  ^      ^ 

The  thirteen  years  that  succeeded  his  changed 
fortunes,  were  spent  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  a^- 
ncultui-e  ;  m  the  calm  of  a  quiet  conscience,  in  tl^ 
possession  of  the  affection  and  respect  of  virtuous 
friends ;   blessed  by  the  happiest  relations  of  the  do- 

*  Gonoral  IIulI's  Trial,  p.go  64.      hi.  ,vifo,  respecting  the  surrender 
t  L.vtract  ir„,„  the  iir.t  letter  to    while  a  prisoner  ut  Montreal 


; 


1 


XVI 


PREFACE. 


mestic  fireside,  and  surrounded  by  a  numerous  pro- 
geny of  affectionate  children  and  grandchildren, 
each  striving  to  cheer  his  declining  years,  and  all 
cherishing,  with  filial  reverence,  the  virtues  of  their 
patriot  sire. 

To  the  latest  moment  of  his  life,  when  aware  he 
was  on  the  verge  of  eternity,  in  the  full  possession 
of  his  mental  powers.  General  Hull  still  breathed  his 
thanks  to  his  Heavenly  Father,  that  he  had  been  the 
instrument  of  saving  from  the  cruelties  of  a  savage 
foe,  a  people  who  expected  and  demanded  protection 
at  his  hands.* 

One  generation  since  that  trying  hour  has  grown 
into  manhood  and  imbibed  the  poison  of  falsehood 
from  our  school-books,  while  studying  the  history  of 
the  Northwestern  Campaign.  Another  promising 
band  is  now  receiving  the  same  distorted  views,  over 
which  it  is  hoped  truth  will  sooner  or  later  triumph. 

Such  are  the  returns  rendered  to  a  soldier  of  the 
Revolution,  who,  through  long  and  trying  years  of  se- 
vere service,  aided  to  secure  the  sweets  of  liberty  and 
all  its  associated  advantages  of  moral  and  religious 
education. 

To  my  interesting  and  beloved  young  country- 
men, the  present  work  is  dedicated  ;  and  when  the 
youthful  student  learns  what  the  soldier  of  1776  per- 
formed, he  will  more  readily  be  convinced  by  truth 
and  facts,  that  he  was  altogether  innocent  of  the 
charges  of  which  he  was  accused  in  1812. 


*  General  Hull  was  the  Governor    well  as  Commander  of  tlie  army  at 
of  the  Territory  of  Michigan  as    this  time. 


erous  pro- 
idchildren, 
IS,  and  all 
3S  of  their 


aware  he 
possession 
eathed  his 
i  been  the 

a  savage 
protection 

las  grown 
falsehood 
history  of 
promising 
ews,  over 
triumph, 
ier  of  the 
^ars  of  se- 
berty  and 
religious 

coun  try- 
when  the 
1776  per- 

by  truth 
nt  of  the 


tlie  army  at 


CONTENTS. 


To  THE  Reader  .  .  .  . 
Letter  from  Jared  Sparks,  Esq. 
Preface 


111 

V 

vii 


CHAPTER  I. 

Early  Life  of  William  HaLL.-HE  joins  the  Army  of  Washington 
AT  Cambridge,  in  July,  1775         ..        , 

CHAPTFR  II. 

Siege  of  Boston. -Washington  takes  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights. 
—Evacuation  of  Boston  BY  Sir  William  Howe      ....    25 

CHAPTER  III. 

Execution  of  Captain  Hale  and  Major  Andre.-Parallel  drawn 
between  these  two  Officers        .        .        ,  „ 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Battle  of  Chatterton  Hill,  at  thf  White  Plains 


52 


CHAPTER  V. 

Battle  of  Trenton.-Captain  Hull  acts  as  Field  Officer  ,n  the 
absence  of  Major  Brooks       . 

•    58 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Critical  State  of  the  Country—Washington's  efforts  to  prevent 
the  troops  from  returning  to  their  homes.-Promotion  of  Captain 
Hl'll, — Battle  of  Princeton         .  „„ 

.63 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Retreat  of  General  St.  Clair  from  Ticonderoga 

1* 


72 


I 


XVIII 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Generai,  An.vor.D  marches  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix.— Trial 
OF  Butler.— Retreat  of  Gen.  St.  Leger.        .        .        .        : 


.    80 


CHAPTER  IX. 

General  Schutler  scterseded   in   command  of  the  Northern  Army 
BY  General  Gates 


87 


CHAPTER  X. 

Buegoyne's  Camtaign.— Battle  of  the  Nineteenth  of  September    .    92 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Battle  of  the  Seventh  of  October.— Surrender  of  the  British  Army 

UNDER    BuRGOYNE 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Valley-Forge.— Sufferings  of  the  American  Army 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Baron  Steuben  ArroiNTED  a  Major-General  jn  the  Army.— Lafayette 
SENT  with  a  Detachment  to  watch  the  Enemy.— His  escape  from 
THE  British  Army.— Major  Hull  in  the  Detachment  sent  to  reci- 

FORCE  HIM.— MeeTLNG  OF  LaFAYETTE  AND  GENERAL  HuLL  IN  1824         .    126 


99 


112 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


The  Battle  of  Monmouth 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Major  Hull's  Co.-mmand  on  the  Lines 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Capture  of  Stony  Point 


133 


142 


155 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Promotion  of  Major  Hull  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel.— He 
IS  transferred  from  the  Eighth  to  the  Third  Massachusetts 
Regiment.— Appointed  a  Commissioner  to  present  a  Petition  to 
the  Legislature  of  MA.ssAniiusETTs,  for  the  relief  of  the  Officers 
AND  Soldiers.- Appointed  L\spector  in  the  Army,  under  Baron 
Steuben 


f 


171 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


IX.— Trial 
:        .    80 


ERN  Army 


87 


TEMBER      . 

92 

nsH  Army 

. 

99 

.  112 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

State  of  the  Currency.-Mutinies  in  the  Penn.syi.vania  and  Jersey 

LI.VES.-EXPEDITI0N   OF  LiKUTE.VANT-CotONEL  HuLL  AGAINST    MoRRIs- 

SANiA.— Marriage  of  Colonel  Hull      •        .        ,        .        .  179 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Colonel  Hull  despatched  by  General  Washington  to  Count  de  Ro- 
ciiambeau.-Plan  of  attack  on  New- York  and  other  points- 
Change  of  the  scene  of  operations  from  New- York  to  York- 
town.-Capture  of  the  army  of  Cornwallis—Washington  takes 
LEAVE  of  THE  Army        .        . 

•        •        •        •        ■  .  199 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Disbanding  OF  the  Ar.my.-Establ.shment  of  the  Society  of  Cincin- 
nati.—Mis.sion  to  Quebec      ....  „, , 


iAFAYETTE 
CAPE  FROM 
r  TO  REI^T- 

1824   .  126 


133 


143 


Shays'  Rebellion 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


318 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Spirit  of  Disaffection  continues—Instructions  to  the  Repre- 

cZZ'^Zr  ''"'^  ''  ^'^^^^°^'  Massachusetts,  prepared  by 

» 228 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Petition  to  Congress   for   Pay   of   Officers  and  Soldiers   of  the 
Kevolutionary  Army    .  \,  ^ 

240 


155 


lEL. — He 
chusetts 
ition  to 
Officers 
I  Baron 

.  171 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Indian  War.-Colonel  Hull  appointed  a  Commissioner  to  Upper 
Canada,  to  make  arrangements  for  a  Treaty  with  the  Indians - 
Interview  with  Governor  Simcoe         ....  251 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Colonel  Hull  visits  Europe.-Address  to  the  President  of  the 
Umted  States,  .Tohn  Adams,  and  ins  answer,  in  relation  to 
THE  Militia  of  the  County  of  Middlesex    ....  ogj 


XX  CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX. 
I. 

C0U.NEI,  Htn.t's  coNVEHSATtON  WITH  Governor  Simcoe  (in  1793)  be- 
sPECTiNo  Wasiiinoton's  ::scArE  from  Cornwallis  at  Trento.v,  New 
Jersey    

II. 

Three  letters  from  the  IIonouradi,e  Horace  Binney.of  Philadelphia, 
to  a  daughter  of  General  William  Hull. — Extract  of  a  letter 

FROM   AN   OFFICER   OF    DISTINCTION    (Major   HuLL)    IN    THE    NORTHERN 

Army,  dated  July  17,  1777,  taken  from  the  "  Connecticut  Cou- 
RANT,"  Hartford,  July  28, 1777 269 


207 


I 


I 


m. 

Letters  to  Major  Hull,  commanding  on  the  Lines  in  1779  . 


277 


IV. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Hull  to  one  of  her  daughters,  dated 
April  12,  1822 3^4 


V. 

Extracts  from  a  Journal  of  Colonel  Hull,  while  Commissioner  to 
treat  with  the  British  and  hold  treaties  with  the  Lndians  in 


1794 


28(; 


ERRATA. 

I'age  vii.  I.  1,  for  wil  read  will. 

18,  I.  2.5.  for  Houaatonniic  read  HousaUmic. 
"     28,  1.  21,  and  p.  7(i,  I.  2(1,  for  Thatcher  read  Thacher. 
"      45,  1.  5,  for  c/«sc  read  Clovp. 
"      54,  55,  for  Brum  read  Jlrnnx. 
"     74,  1.  ;t,  for  withia  read  within. 
"      7lj,\.  1,  tor  thai  tpiiiX  that. 

80,  I.  19,  for  Odiic.iuoort  read  Oanscvoort. 
"    :HHi,  I.  24,  for  17(A  read  Ulh. 

H17,  I.  24,  for  regular  timrt!  read  regulations. 
"    ;il!),  I  24,  after  could  read  not. 
"    389,  bottom  line,  for  J^ote  id  read  JVo^c  %!. 
"    410,  close,  for  lias  at  last  illuminated  read  will  at  last  illumina'e. 


I  1793)  RE- 
JNTO.v,  New 

.  207 


ii.adelpiiia, 

if  a  letter 

Northern 

;ticut  CoiT- 


269 


HEVOLUTIOJVARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL  LIFE 


OF 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


277 


ERS,   DATED 

.    284 


5SI0NER    TO 

Indians  in 


28(; 


I  illumina't. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Early  Life  of  AVilliam  ircLL—IlE  joi.vs  the  Army  of  Wasiiingto.v  at 
Cambridge,  in  Jily,  1775. 

1775. 

William  Hull  was  born  at  Derby,  Connecticut, 
24th  June,  1753.  His  gieat-grandfathcr,  Joseph 
Hull,  emigrated  from  Derbyshire,  England,  and  set- 
tled ni  Derby,  Connecticut.  His  grandfather,  Joseph 
Hull,  survived  /lis  flither  but  a  few  years. 

Joseph  Hull,  the  father  of  the  subject  of  these 
Memoirs,  while  following  the  agricultural  pursuits  of 
his  ancestors,  was  likewise  engaged  in  the  councils 
of  his  country. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Legisla- 
ture for  many  successive  years.  His  immediate  de- 
scendants, consisted  of  six  sons  and  two  daughters. 
Joseph  was  the  eldest.    In  early  life,  he  engaged  in 

2 


1 


I 


18 


REVOLUTIONARY  HERVICEH  AND  CIVIL 


I 


the  West  India  trade.  At  tlie  conimencemont  of  the 
war  of  the  Kevohition,  lie  received  the  appointment 
of  Lieutenant  of  Artillery,  and  was  ma(h;  prisoner  at 
the  eapture  of  Fort  Washini-ton,  on  York  Island,  in 
1776. 

In  defence  of  this  Fortress,  he  is  reputed  to  have 
behaved  willi  great  gallantry.  He  remained  in  cap- 
tivity two  years.  Atjen^^th  lie  was  exchanged,  and 
his  unbroken  spirit  was  once  more  given  to  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country. 

Shortly  after,  he  was  apj)ointed  to  the  command 
of  some  boats  on  Long  Island  Sound,  formerly  used 
in  the  whale  fishery,  but  now  fitted  out  to  annoy  th(! 
enemy,  as  opportunity  might  offer.  In  this  limited 
but  dangerous  si)here  of  action,  he  gave  earnest  of 
a  mind  and  spirit,  which  under  other  circumstances 
would  probably  have  develo])ed  more  important 
results. 

On  one  occasion,  a  British  armed  schooner  was 
lying  in  the  Sound.  She  was  engaged  in  transport- 
ing provisions  from  the  country  to  New-York,  where 
the  British  army  was  then  stationed.  Lieutenant 
Hull  proposed  to  some  of  his  companions  of  the  town 
of  Derby  to  go  out  and  ca])ture  the  schooner. 

Derby  stands  on  the  Housatonnuc  river,  about 
twelve  miles  from  its  entrance  into  the  Sound.  On 
the  evening  appointed,  twenty  men,  placing  them- 
selves under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Hull,  em- 
barked in  a  large  boat,  similar  to  those  used  in  carry- 
ing wood  to  the  city  of  New- York.  The  men  lay 
concealed  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat  ;  and   the  dusk 


!mont  of  the 

ippointmont 

;  prisoner  ai 

Island,  in 

ted  to  have 

ncd  in  cap- 

langed,  and 

to  tlie  ser- 

D  command 
merlv  used 
t  annoy  tlu; 
his  limited 

earnest  of 
:nmstances 

important 

looner  was 
transport- 
ork,  where 
Lieutenant 
f  the  town 
ler. 

ver,  about 
und.  On 
ing  tliem- 
Hull,  em- 
\  in  carry- 
men  lav 

4/ 

the  dusk 


LIFE  OF  (JKNKRAL  WUJJAM  HULL. 


19 


of  the  evening  favouring  the  deception,  it  had  the 
app(;arance  of  being  loaded  with  wood.  As  they  ap- 
proached the  vessel,  the  sentinel  on  deck  hailed 
them. 

Lieutenant  Hull,  who  was  steering,  answered  the 
call,  but  continuing  his  course,  came;  quite  near  the 
vesspl,  without  exciiing  suspifion,  when,  by  a  sudden 
niov(Mnent,  he  drew  close   along   side  of  her.     His 
men,  well  armed,  sprang  to  her  deck.     The  com- 
mander of    the  schooner  was  slei;ping  below,  and 
aroused  by  the  firing  of  the  sentinel,  h(!  made  an  at- 
tempt to  gain  the  deck,  but  was  instantly  shot  dead. 
The  Americans  immediately  fastemsd  down  the 
hatches,   took  possession  of  the  vessel,  and  carried 
her  in  triumph  up  to  the  town. 

This  gallant  soldier  was  the  father  of  Commo- 
dore Hull,  who,  by  his  coolness  and  intre])idity,  was 
the  first  to  give  to  America  the  knowledge  of  her 
naval  superiority,  as  exhibited  in  his  celebrated  escape 
from  a  British  squadron  and  afterwards  by  his  victory 
ov(;r  the  "  Gwemer." 

Samuel  Hull  served  as  a  Lieutenant  a  part  of 
the  Avar,  and  was  reputed  a  brave  man.  Isaac  passed 
his  life  in  agricultural  pursuits.  Levi  died  young. 
Elizabeth  married  a  respectable  farmer,  and  settled  in 
"^\uniont.  Sarah  married  in  Derby,  and  soon  after 
^.Icd.  David  was  too  young  at  the  period  of  the 
war,  to  be  enrolled  with  his  brothers,  in  the  service  of 
his  country.  He  graduated  at  Yale  College,  and  be- 
came a  distinguished  physician,  in  Fairfield,  Connec- 
ticut, where  he  settled  and  died.     He  married  the 


I 


20 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AxND  CIVIL 


daughter  of  Andrew  Elliott,  D.  D.,  of  Boston.  Doc- 
tor Hull  passed  his  life  in  extensive  professional  use- 
fulness, respected  and  beloved  by  a  large  circle  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  He  died,  a  faithful  disciple  of 
his  Savioui,  in  the  spring  of  1834. 

William,  the  fourth  son,  and  the  subject  of  this 
Memoir,  was  sent  at  an  early  period  to  reside  with 
his  grandfather  HuM.      He  attended  a  New  England 
school,  and  was  instructcid  in  the  common  branches 
of  English  education.     Residing  on  a  farm,  he  work- 
ed daily  in  the  fields,  and  here  he  acauired  that  taste 
for  agricultural  pursuits,  which  was  his  solace,  when 
the  dark  and  heavy  clouds  of  adversity  gathered  thick- 
ly around  the  gray  hairs  of  declining  years.     In  this 
employment  he  strengthened  a  naturally  good  con- 
stitution, which  secured  the  enjoyment  of  uninterrupt- 
ed health.     It  may  here  bo   remarked,  that  a  vigor- 
ous  body  and  sound   mind  are  often  united   through 
a  long  life,  when  the  tarly  years  of  childhood  are 
given  to  active  and  healthful  employments,  and  the 
mind  is  not  hurried  into  premature  cultivation. 

It  being  decided  that  William  should  receive  a 
liberal  education,  his  fother  sent  for  him  to  return 
home.  His  grandfather  remonstrated,  for  he  could 
not  sympathize  with  the  more  enlarged  views  of  an- 
other generation.  He  loved  the  affectionate  and 
industrious  boy,  and  his  old  heart  grieved  to  part  with 
him.  "  Billy,"  he  said,  "  is  a  pure  boy  to  work  :  it 
is  a  shame  to  take  him  to  College." 

But  the  young  plough-boy  soon    proved  that  he 
had  mental  as  well  as  physical  strength.     He  studied 


I 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLL\M  HULL. 


21 


4 


^ 


7itli  the  Rev.  Mr.  Leavensworth,  a  highly  respected 
divine,  and  entered  Yale  College  at  the  age  of  fifteen 
years.  At  the  expiration  of  four  years,  he  graduated 
with  honour.  The  English  oration  was  assigned  him 
at  Commencement,  and  his  College  life,  as  well  as 
his  performanci.  on  this  occasion,  gave  satisfaction  to 
his  friends  and  all  who  were  interested  in  his  youthful 
career,  now  opening  with  such  fair  promise. 

His  first  occupation  after  leaving  College  was' the 
charge  of  a  school.     He  has  often  been  heard  to  say, 
that  "  this  was  among  the  happiest  years  of  his  life/' 
But  his  parents  anxiously  desired  that  he  should  be- 
come a  clergyman.     Without  the  fixed  bias  for  this 
profession,  which  he  deemed  essential,  he  commenced 
the  study  of  Divinity,  rather  from  motives  of  filial 
affection,  than  from  a  conviction  of  religious  duty. 
He  studied  for  a  year  with  Dr.  Watos,  subsequently 
Professor  of  Theology  in  Yale  College.     But  he  was 
too  deeply  impressed  with  the  sacred  trust  devolving 
on  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  to  assume  its  responsi- 
bilities without  a  single  eye  to  ':he  glory  of  God,  and 
a  distinct  call   from  the  Holy  Spirit.     He  therefore 
withdrew  from  these  studies,  though  with  reluctance, 
inasmuch  as  he  disappointed  the  hopes  his  parents 
had  cherished  in  reference  to  the  clerical  profession. 
After  this  decision,  he  attached  himself  to  the  cele- 
brated Law  School  in  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  and 
WuS  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1775. 

The  war  with  Great  Britain  was  now  the  subject 
of  universal  interest,  and  with  others  of  his  country- 
men  did  the  young  barrister  sympathize  in  views 


22 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


and  feelings,  which  soon  gave  a  new  direction  to  his 
mind.  But  he  maintained  a  reserve  in  regard  to  his 
inclinations,  which  he  foresaw  would  soon  ripen  into 
action. 

His  father  returned  one  evening  from  a  meeting 
of  the  citizens  of  Derby.  He  said  to  his  son,  "  Who 
do  jou  suppose  has  been  elected  Captain  of  the 
company  raised  in  this  town  ?"  He  named  several. 
HisTather  replied,  «  It  is  yourself."  He  hesitated  not 
in  accepting  the  appointment,  so  unexpectedly  of- 
fered by  his  townsmen  ;  and  prepared  himself  to  join 
the  regiment  of  Colonel  Webb,  then  being  raised  by 
the  State.  At  this  interesting  moment,  his  father 
was  seized  with  a  severe  illness,  which  soon  termi- 
nated his  useful  life. 

By  his  will,  the  property,  respectable  for  the 
times,  was  bequeathed  to  his  widow  and  children. 
William  refused  to  receive  any  part  of  it.  He  said, 
"  I  want  only  my  sword  and  my  uniform."  With  a 
full,  but  resolute  heart,  he  left  his  peaceful  home,  and 
his  afflicted  family,  to  give  his  services  to  his  country, 
then  contending  for  rights  which  neither  remonstrance 
nor  patience,  but  force  only  could  obtain.  His  com- 
pany immediately  joined  the  regiment  which  marched 
to  Cambridge,  the  head-quarters  of  General  Wash- 
ington. 

The  first  incident  recorded  by  Captain  Hull,  on 
his  arrival  in  camp,  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the 
deficiency  of  military  order,  discipline  and  etiquette, 
with  which  Washington  had  to  contend  througliout 
the  war.     A  body  of  the  enemy  landed  at  Leclimere's 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


23 


on  to  his 
ird  to  his 
ipeu  into 

meeting 
1,  "  Who 
1  of  the 

several, 
tated  not 
tedly  of- 
If  to  join 
aised  by 
is  father 
n  termi- 

for  the 
children. 
He  said, 

With  a 
me,  and 
country, 
istrance 
lis  com- 
narched 
1  Wash- 

iull,  on 
I  of  the 
i(|ui'tte, 

)Ugil0Llt 

ii  mere's 


Point,  on  the  main  land.  It  was  expected  an  attack 
would  be  made  on  the  American  lines.  The  alarm 
was  given,  and  the  troops  ordered  to  their  respective 
stations.  When  the  regiment  of  Col.  Webb  was 
formed  for  action,  the  captains  and  subalterns  ap- 
peared, dressed  in  long  cloth  frocks,  with  kerchiefs 
tied  about  their  heads.  Captain  Hull  was  the  only 
man  in  uniform.  The  officers  inquired  "why  he 
came  out  in  full  dress  ;— -that  the  regiment  was  going 
into  action,  and  that  he  would  be  a  mark  for  the  ene- 
my's fire."  He  replied,  « that  he  thought  the  uni- 
form of  an  officer  was  designed  to  aid  his  influence 
and  increase  his  authority  over  his  men — and  if  ever 
important  in  these  points,  it  was  more  particularly  so 
in  the  hour  of  battle."  They  referred  to  their  expe- 
rience, remarking  that  « in  the  French  war  it  was 
not  customary,  and  they  had  never  worn  it."  Captain 
Hull  yielded  to  age  and  experience,  sent  his  servant 
for  a  frock  and  kerchief,  and  dressed  himself  after 
the  fashion  of  his  companions.  His  company  was  in 
advance  of  the  British  lines.  While  at  this  station. 
General  Washington  and  suite,  in  the  course  of  re- 
viewing the  troops,  stopped  at  the  redoubt  and  asked 
"what  officer  commanded  there."  " With  feelings 
of  inexpressible  mortification,"  says  General  Hull, 
"  I  came  forward  in  my  savage  costume,  and  reported 
that  Captain  Hull  had  the  honour  of  commanding 
the  redoubt."  As  soon  as  General  Washington 
passed  on.  Captain  Hull  availed  himself  of  the  first 
moment  ^o  despatch  his  servant  with  all  possible  speed 

As  he  put  it  on,  he  quiet- 


to  bring  him  his  uniform. 


24  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ly  resolved,  never  more  to  subscribe  to  the  opinions 
of  men,  however  loyal  and  brave  in  their  country's 
service,  whose  views  were  so  little  in  unison  with  his 
own.  After  the  troops  had  waited  four  or  five  hours 
in  expectation  of  an  attack,  the  enemy  returned  to 
his  encampment,  having  no  other  object  in  makiii- 
the  descent  than  to  procure  provisions.  "" 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


opinions 
country's 

with  his 
ive  hours 
urned  to 

making 


25 


CHAPTER    II. 

SlEG.   OF  BoSTON.-WASHmGTON   TAKES   POSSESSrox  OF   DoHCHESXER  HEIGHTS 
— 1.VACUATI0N  OF   BoSTON   BY   SiR   WiLLIAM   HoWE. 

1776. 

In  October,  General  Gage  was  recalled  and  Gen- 
eral Howe  appointed  in  his  place,  to  take  command  of 
the  troops  in  Boston.     On  the  land  side,  the   town 
was  blockaded  bj  the  Americans.     The  eves  of  the 
whole  country  were  upon  Washington  and  expecta- 
tion at  Its  highest  pitch.     It  was  believed  that  he  had 
an  army  adequate  to  every  emergency,  and  that  the 
Jiritish  General  would  soon  yield  to  the  force  of  his 
arms.     But  faint  were  the  hopes  of  the  American 
General  of  such  an  issue.     Yet,  trusting  in  an  over- 
ruling Providence,  his  strength  rose  in  proportion  to 
his  difficulties.  ^ 

In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  he  says :-« I  know 
the  unhappy  predicament  in  which  I  stand-  I 
know  that  much  is  expected  of  me  ;  I  know  that 
without  men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition, 
without  any  thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a 
soldier,  little  is  to  be  done  ;  and  what  is  mortifying,  I 
know  that  I  cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world,  with- 
out exposing  my  own  weakness,  and  injuring  the 
cause,  by  declaring  my  wants,  which  I  am  deter- 


26 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


mined  not  to  do,  farther  than  unavoidable  necessity 
brings  every  man  acquainted  with  them.  My  situa- 
tion is  so  irksome  to  me  at  times,  that  if  I  did  not 
consult  the  public  good  more  than  my  own  tranquillity, 
I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  every  thing  on  the 
cast  of  a  die.  So  far  from  my  having  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  well  armed,  I  have  been  here 
with  less  than  half  that  number,  including  sick,  fur- 
loughed,  and  on  command ;  and  those  neither  armed 
nor  clothed  as  they  should  be.  In  short,  my  situa- 
tion has  been  such,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  use 
art  to  conceal  it  from  my  own  officers."* 

A  resolution  had  been  passed  in  Congress  which 
Washington  viewed  as  an  expression  of  their  wishes, 
that  he  should  make  an  attack  on  Boston.  To  this 
he  was  fully  inclined,  and  he  begged  Congress  to  do 
him  the  Justice  to  consider  that  circumstances,  not 
inclination,  occasioned  the  delay.  He  says,  "  It  is 
not  in  the  pages  of  History  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours. 
To  maintain  a  post  within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy, 
for  six  months  together,  without  ammunition,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit  an- 
other, within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd  British 
regiments,  is  more  than  probably  ever  was  attempted. 
But  if  we  succeed  as  well  in  the  latter  as  we  have 
hitherto  done  in  the  former,  I  shall  think  it  the  most 
fortunate  event  of  my  whole  life."t 

Such  were  the  difficulties  which  embarrassed  the 


pen. 


*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of       f  Marshall's  Washington,  Vol.  II., 
Washington,  Vol.  I.,  page  170.  page  340. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


necessity 
My  situa- 
'  I  did  not 
•anquillity, 
ng  on  the 
1  army  of 
been  here 

sick,  fur- 
her  armed 
my  situa- 
ted to  use 

ess  which 
3ir  wishes, 
To  this 
ress  to  do 
mces,  not 
ys,  "  It  is 
!  like  ours, 
lie  enemy, 
Dn,  and  at 
3cruit  an- 
Id  British 
ttempted. 
5  we  have 
;  the  most 

-assed  the 


^on,  Vol.  IL, 


27 


movements  of  the  Commander-in-chief.     The  short 
enlistment  of  the  troops  furnished  no  opportunity  for 
their  improvement  in  discipline.     The  officers  were 
unable  to  establish  their  authority,  and  insubordina- 
tion  and   misrule    prevailed.      General  Washington 
says  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Congress :  "  To  make 
men  well  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  a  soldier,  re- 
quires time.     To  bring  them  under  proper  discipline 
and  subordination,  not  only  requires  time,  but  is  a 
work  of  great  difficulty  ;  and  in   this  army,  where 
there  is  so  little  distinction  between  officers  and  sol- 
diers,   requires  an  uncommon  degree  of  attention. 
To  expect,  then,  the  same  service  from  raw  and  un- 
disciplined recruits,  as  from  veteran  soldiers,  is  to 
expect  what  never  did,  and  perhaps  never  will  hap- 
pen." *  ^ 

To  dislodge  the  enemy  from  Boston,  before  they 
received  reinforcements,  was  an  object  of  the  highest 
importance.  To  effect  this,  four  or  five  thousand 
troops  were  enlisted  in  Massachusetts,  but  a  council 
of  war  decided  almost  unanimously  against  the  attack, 
prmcipally  on  the  ground  of  the  want  of  ammuni- 
tion,—and  to  General  Washington's  great  regret  the 
measure  was  abandoned. 

It  has  been  a  question  why  General  Howe,  with 
a  force  of  ten  thousand  men,  did  not  attack  the  be- 
sieging army ;  and  it  is  supposed  to  have  resulted, 
either  from  ignorance  of  its  weakness,  or  from  the 
express  orders  of  his  govunment,  to  put  nothing  to 

*  Marshall's  Wanhington,  Vol.  11.,  page  345. 


28 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


hazard.     As  the  attack  on  Boston  was  abandoned, 
Washington  decided  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  which  lie  east  of  the  town  and  entirely  com- 
mand it.     This  step,  if  successful,  would  force  the 
British  to  evacuate.     To  deceive  the  enemy  and  fa- 
cilitate the  execution  of  the  plan,  a  heavy  bombard- 
ment and  fire  was  kept  up  from  Lechmere's  Point, 
Cobble  Hill  and  Roxbury,  together  with  other  posi- 
tions in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  enemy.     This  took 
place  on  the  second  of  March.     On  the  night  of  the 
fourth,  immediately  after  our  firing  began,  a  body  of 
American   troops,   under  the   command  of  General 
Thomas,  in    which   was   Captain  Hull's  company, 
marched  from  Roxbury  to  the  Heights,  and  having 
prepared  fascines,  for  the  construction  of  the  works 
by  hand-labour,  at  morning  light  a  barrier  had  been 
raised  to   screen   them   from   tl-e  enemy.     A  severe 
but  ineffectual   fire    was   directed    by    the   British 
against  our  works,  and  General  Howe  deemed  it  ne- 
cessary  to  dislodge  our  troops  from  their  position,  or 
he  could  no  longer  hold  the  town.     Dr.  Thatcher,  in 
his  Military  Journal,  who  was  a  witness  of  what  he 
narrates,  gives  a  lively  description  of  these  events. 

Here  Washington  showed  the  genius  and  resolu- 
tion of  the  soldier,  hi  one  night  he  made  himself 
master  of  ground  that  left  no  alternative  to  his  adver- 
sary, but  to  fight  or  evacuate  the  town.  The  plan 
was  bold,  and  in  the  execution  of  it  he  was  nobly 
sustained  by  the  brave  and  virtuous  yeomanry  of  New 
England.  His  ranks  were  filled;  the  munitions  of 
war  were  brought  to  his  aid,  and  the  spirit  of  so  many 


M 


L 

bandoiied, 
Dorchester 
tirely  com- 
1  force  the 
ly  and  fa- 

bomhard- 
re's  Point, 
ther  posi- 
This  took 
^ht  of  the 
a  body  of 
f  General 
company, 
nd  liaving 
the  works 
had  been 

A  severe 
e  British 
led  it  ne- 
sition,  or 
atcher,  in 

what  he 
ivents. 
d  resolu- 
i  himself 
is  adver- 
lie  plan 
as  nobly 

of  New 
itions  of 
so  many 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


29 


heroes  supplied,  for  the  time,  the  deficiency  of  disci- 
phne  ;  while  his  single  word  moved  the  congregated 
multitude  to  act  with  one  voice  and  one  heart.  * 
Napoleon,  when  addressing  his  army,  just  before 
g|     the  battle  of  Moscow,  as  the  sun  arose,  said,  with  the 
tact  of  one  who  well  knew  the  human  heart—'  This 
is  the  Sun  ofAusterlitz:    Washington,  at  the  moment 
when  he  expected  to  be  engaged  in  a  severe  conflict 
with  the  enemy,  exhorted  his  troops  "  to  bear  in  mind 
the  fifth  of  March:'  when  the  first  blood  of  their 
countrymen  was  shed  in  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty. 
He  has  been  called  the  American  Fabius,  it  being 
said,  "  that  the  art  of  avoiding  battle,  of  baffling  the 
enemy,  and  of  temporizing,  was  his  talent  as  well  as 
his  taste."     But  we  have  seen  at  this  period,  his  fixed 
purpose,  to  make  an  attack  on  Boston,  in  the  hope, 
that  it  would  result  in  the  destruction  of  the  British 
army.     In  this  he  was  disappointed;  for   after  the 
decision  of  three  successive  councils  of  war,  he  was 
obliged  to  abandon  a  plan,  in  the  prosecution  of  which 
he  was  sanguine  of  success.     Washington  combined 
the  two    indispensable  ingredients  which  form    the 
character  of  the  soldier,  and  when  we  arrive  at  the 
stirring  scenes  of  Trenton  and  of  Princeton,  when  he 
took  an  oflbnsive  position  and  won  two  battles  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours,  we  shall  find  it  difficult  to 
admit  the  assertion  that  '  avoiding  battles,  baffling  the 
enemy,  and  temporizing,  was  his  talent  as  well  as  his 
taste  !' 

Again,  in  his  new  position  on  the   Heights,  he 
challuiges  his  adversary  to  battle,  and  carries^'out  his 


do 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


plans  of  ofTensive  operations.  In  the  full  expectation 
of  an  assault  on  Dorchester  Heights,  his  intention 
was,  either  during  or  after  the  battle,  should  a  Aivour- 
able  moment  offer,*  "  to  embark  from  Cambridge 
four  thousand  chosen  men,  who,  rapidly  crossing  the 
arm  of  the  sea,  should  take  advantage  of  the  tumult 
and  confusion,  to  attempt  the  assault  of  the  town." 

Upon  General  Washington's  taking  possession  of 
Dorchester  Heights,  General  Howe  was  compelled 
either  to  attack  him  immediately  in  this  new  and 
strong  position  or  to  evacuate  the  town.  For  many 
reasons  he  judged  the  latter  course  preferable,  and  ac- 
cordingly abandoned  Boston  to  the  Americans.  The 
details  of  these  transactions  may  be  found  in  Botta, 
and  in  other  histories  of  the  Revolution. 

*  Otis's  Translation  of  Botta's  History,  Vol.  II.,  page  39. 


>0 


IL 

3xpectation 
s  intention 
d  a  favour- 
Cambridge 
rossing  the 

the  tumult 
le  town." 
ssession  of 

compelled 
J  new  and 

For  many 
)le,  and  ac- 
ans.     The 

in  Botta, 


^e39. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


31 


CHAPTER    III. 

Execution  of  Captain   Hale  and  Major  ANDRE.-PAHAi.i.Er,    drawn  be- 
tween THESE  TWO  Officers. 

1776. 

The  successful  termination  of  the  siege  of  Boston 
rendered  the  presence  of  the  American  army  no  long- 
er necessary ;  and  New- York  being  now  the  object 
of  the  enemy,  General  Wasiiingtoii  removed  the 
troops  to  the  defence  of  that  city.  To  obtain  this 
j)osition,  was  highly  important  to  the  British,  as  it 
would,  by  means  of  the  Hudson,  open  their  communi- 
cation with  Canada,  and  enable  them  to  co-operate 
with  the  troops  in  that  quarter. 

General  Howe  sailed  from  Boston  to  Halifax, 
where  he  received  reinforcements  from  England. 
He  then  bent  his  course  southwardly,  and  took  pos- 
session of  Staten  Island,  near  New- York. 

The  Americans  had  been  engaged  under  General 
Greene  in  fortifying  the  Heights  of  Brooklyn.  This 
officer  was  obliged  from  illness  to  retire  from  command, 
and  General  Sullivan  succeeded  him.  General  Put- 
nam was  finally  sent  over,  and  on  him  the  command 
devolved,  four  days  before  the  battle  commenced. 
The  British  army,  soon  after,  passed  over  to  Long 
Island,  between  the  Narrows  and  Sandy  Hook.     A 


I: 


^ 


^ 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


severe  action  took  place.  Tlie  force  of  the  Ameri- 
cans was  about  five  tlionsand— that  of  the  British, 
fifteen  thousand  men.  Lord  Stirling's  division  con- 
sisted of  l*ennsjlvania,  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops. 
They  fou<,dit  with  great  bravery.  General  Sullivan's 
corps  was  attacked  on  both  sides,  and  after  an  obsti- 
nate resistance  for  three  hours,  he  was  compelled 
to  surrender.  The  courage  and  good  conduct  of  all 
the  troops  were  universally  acknowledged.  Their 
loss  was  between  eleven  and  tvi'elve  hundred,  more 
than  a  thousand  of  whom  were  captured. 

General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling  were  among 
the  i)risoners.     In  the  midst  of  this  sa  .guinary  battle. 
General   Washington  crossed  over  to  Long    Lsland 
with  a  i)art  of  his  army  and  took  possession  of  Brook- 
lyn Heights.     The    regiment  of  Colonel   Webb,  to 
which  Captain  Hull  was  attached,  was  in  this  division. 
We  saw  the  carnage  of  our  brave  countrymen.     The 
soul  of  Washington  seemed  bursting  with  anguish  at 
an  event  so  unexpected  and  distressing.    To  hasten 
to  the  succour  of  his  gallant  troops,  was  his  first  wish; 
l)ut  prudence  denied  this  relief,  which  he    had  too 
much  reason  to  apprehend   could  only  be  secured  by 
the  sacrifice  of  his  remaining  brave  soldiers.     J3esides 
those  with  him,  he  had  at  command  the  troops  in 
New-York,  which  he  might  have  ordered  into  the  bat- 
tle.    But  sensible  of  his  inability  to  contend  with  the 
powerful  army  of  the  British,  in  the  spirit  of  his  usual 
wisdom  and  self-command  he  restrained  the  desire, 
and  turned  his  attention  to  the  best  mode  of  making 
a  retreat.     "  A  council  of  war  was  called.     No  time 


^ii0'' 


the  Amcri- 
lic  J3ritish, 
ivision  con- 
vixrc  troops. 
I  .Sii!livan's 
r  an  obsti- 
compelled 
duct  ol'  all 
:d.  Thoir 
died,  more 

ere  among 
lary  battle, 
•ng    Island 
I  of  Brook- 
Webb,  to 
is  division, 
len.     The 
mgnlsh  at 
To  hasten 
first  wish ; 
)    had  too 
ecu rod  by 
J3i'sides 
troops  in 
to  the  bat- 
d  with  the 
f  his  usual 
he  desire, 
if  making 
No  time 


LIFE  OF  ORNRRAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  33 

was  lost  in  deliberation.  It  was  resolved  to  with- 
draw tile  troops  from  Long  Island.  Boats  were  col- 
lected and  other  preparations  were  made  without 
delay.  On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  the  whole 
army,  amounting  to  nine  thousand  men,  the  military 
stores,  nearly  all  the  |)rovisions,  and  the  artillery  ex- 
cept a  thw  heavy  cannon,  were  safely  landed  in  Nlw- 
York. 

"  With  such  secrecy,  silence  and  order  was  every 
thing  conducted,  that  the  last  boat  was  crossing  the 
riv(.>r,  before  the  retreat  was  discovered  by  the  enemy, 
although  parti(>s  were  stationed  within  six  hundred 
yards  of  the  lines. 

"  This  retreat,  in  its  plan,  execution,  and  success, 
has  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
military  events  in  history,  and  as  reflecting  the  high- 
est credit  on  the  talents  and  skill  of  the  Commaiufer. 
So  intense  was  the  anxiety  of  Washington,  so  un- 
ceasing his  exertions,  that  for  Ibrty-eight  hours  he 

did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  rarely  dismounted  from  his 
horse."* 

It  was  evident,  that  the  superior  force  of  the 
British,  would  soon  giv(!  them  possession  of  New- 
York.  The  Commmander-in-chief,  therefore,  took 
a  position  at  Fort  Washington,  at  the  other  end  of 
the  Island.  To  ascertain  the  further  object  of  the 
enemy,  was  now  a  subject  of  anxious  inquiry  with 
General  Washington.  Ife  communicated  his  wishes 
to  Colonel  Knowlton,  who  made  it  known  to  Captain 

*  "Wriiing-s  of  Washin<.t.„K"  hy  Sprk.,  Vol.  I.,  pago  192. 


'■'sj* 


34. 


REVOLUTIONARY  .SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Halo  and  other  officers  of  his  regiment.  Captain 
Halo  had  recenti)'  been  transferred  from  the  regiment 
of  Colonel  Webb  to  that  of  Colonel  Knowlton. 
There  existed  a  warm  friendship  between  himself 
and  Captain  Hull.  They  were  of  the  same  age,  and 
had  been  classmates  at  Yale  College.  Two  jears 
after  they  graduated,  the  war  commenced.  They 
heard  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill. 
Their  names  were  soon  enrolled  under  the  standard 
of  their  country,  and  they  marched  in  the  same  regi- 
ment, to  join  the  army  of  Washington  at  Cambridge, 
shortly  after  his  arrival  in  camp. 

Captain  Hull  had  every  opportunity  to  learn  the 

true  character  of  his  much  loved  associate,  nor  can  it 

be  supi)osed,  that  there  was  a  want  of  discrimination 

in  the  warm  expression  of  his  sentiments.     He  says 

in  his  MSS.  Memoirs:   "  There  was  no  young  man 

who   gave    fairer   i)romisc   of    an    enlightened    and 

devoted  service  to  his  country,  than  this  my  friend 

and  companion  in  arms.     His  naturally  fine  intellect 

had  been  carefully  cultivated,  and  his  heart  was  filled 

with  generous  emotions  ;  but  like  the  soaring  eagle, 

the    patriotic   ardour  of  his  soul   '  winged  the   dart 

which  caused  his  destruction.' 

"  After  his  interview  with  Colonel  Knowlton,  he 
repaired  to  my  (juartcrs,  and  informed  me  of  what 
had  passed.  II (>  remarked,  '  That  he  thought  he  owed 
to  his  country  the  accomplishment  of  an  object  so 
important,  and  so  much  desired  by  the  Commander 
of  her  armies,  and  he  knew  of  no  other  mode  of  ob- 
taining the  information,  than  by  assuming  a  disguise 


rjiihts. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


35 


Captain 
3  regiment 
Knowlton. 
3n  himself 
c  age,  and 
Fwo  jears 
d.  Tliey 
nker  Hill. 
i  Standard 
lame  regi- 
ambridgc, 

learn  the 
nor  can  it 
imination 

He  sajs 
)ung  man 
Mied  and 
my  friend 
J  intellect 
U'as  iilled 
ng  eagle, 
the   dart 

vlton,  he 

of  what 

he  owed 

)l)ject  so 

nmander 

le  of  ob- 

disguise 


and  passing  into  the  enemy's  camp.'     He  asked   my 
candid  opinion.    I  replied,  that  it  was  an  action  which 
mvolved  serious  consequences,  and  the  propriety  of 
it  was  doubtful ;    and    though  he  viewed  the  busi- 
ness of  a  spy  as  a  duty,  yet,  he  could  not  official- 
ly be  required  to  perform  it.     That  such  a  service 
was   not   claimed    of  the    meanest   soldier,    thou'^h 
many  might  bo  willing,  for  a  pecuniary  compensation, 
to  engage  in  it ;  and  as  for  himself,  the  emj)loyment 
was  not  in  keeping  with  his  character.     His  nature 
was  too  frank  and  open  for  deceit  and  disguise,  and 
he  was  nicapable  of  acting  a  part  equally  foreign 
to  his  feelings  and  habits.     Admitting  that  he  was 
successful,  who  would  wish  success  at  such  a  price  ? 
Did  his  country  demand  the  moral  degradation  of  her 
sons,    to   advance    her   interests?     Stratagems   are 
resorted  to  in  war ;   tln^  are  feints  and  evasions, 
performed  under  no  disguise  ;  are  familiar  to  com- 
manders ;  form  a  part  of  their  plans,  and,  considered 
in  a  military  ^iew,  lawful  and  advantageous.     The 
tact  with  which  they  are  executed,  exacts  admiration 
from   the  enemy.     But  who  respects  the  character 
of  a  s])y,  assuming  the  garb  of  friendship  but  to  be- 
tray :     The  very  death  assigned  him  is  expressive  of 
the  estimation  in  wiiich  he  is  held.     As  soldiers,  let 
us  do  our  duty  in  the  field  ;  contend  for  our  legitimate 
rights,  and  not  stain  our  honour  by  the  sacrifice  of 
mtegrity.     And  when  present  events,  with  all  their 
deep  and  exciting  interests,  shall  have  passed  away, 
may  the  blush  of  shame  never  arise,  by  tiie  remem- 
brance of  an  unworthy,  though  successful  act,  in  the 


36 


REVOLUTIONARY  Sf^RVICES  AND  CIVIL 


performance  of  which  we  were  deceived  by  tiie  be- 
lief that  it  was  sanctified  by  its  object.  I  (3nded  by 
saying,  that  should  ho  undertake  tlie  ent(>rprise,  his 
short,  brigiit  career,  would  close  with  an  ignominious 
death. 

"lie  replied,  '  1  am  fully  sensible  of  the  conse- 
quences of  discovery  and  caj)tnn!  in  such  a  situation. 
But  for  a  year  I  have  been  attached  to  the  army,  and 
have  not  rend(^red  any  matt>rial  service,  while  re- 
ceiving a  compensation,  for  which  I  make  no  return. 
Yet,'  he  continued,  '  I  am  not  mlluenced  by  the  ex- 
pectation of  promotion  or  jx^cuniary  reward  ;  I  wish 
to  be  useful,  and  every  kind  of  service,  necessary  to 
the  j)ublic  good,  becomes  honoiuable  by  being  ne- 
cessary. If  the  exigencies  of  my  country  demand 
a  peculiar  service,  its  claims  to  perform  that  service 
are  imperious.' 

"lie  spoke  with  warmth  and  decision.    I  replied, 
'  That  such  are  your  wishes,  cannot    be    doubted.' 
But  is  this  the  most  effectual  mode  of  carrying  them 
into  execution  ?     In   the  progress  of  the  war,''  tiiere 
will  be  ami)le  o])])ortunity  to  give  your  talents  and 
your  life,  should  it  be  so  ordered,  to  the;  sacred  cause 
to  which  we  are   ])ledged.     You  can   bestow  upon 
your  country  the  richest  benefits,  and  win   for  your- 
self the  highest  honoiu-s.     Your  (;xertions  for  her  in- 
terests will  be  daily  felt,  while,  by  one  fatal  act,  you 
crush  for  ever  the  j)ower  and  the  opportunity  Heaven 
offers,  for  her  glory  and  your  hap|)iness.' 

"  I  urged  him,  for  the  love  of  country,  i'or  the  love 
of  kindred,  to  abandon  an  enterprise  which  would 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


37 


J  tiio  ho- 
!nde(l  by 
Ji'ise,  his 
:)niini()us 

3  conse- 
Ituation. 
my,  and 
hile  re- 
>  return, 
tlie  ex- 

I  wish 
ssaiy  to 
ing  ne- 
3eniand 

service 

replied, 
onhted. 
g  them 
,  there 
ts  and 
I  cause 
^  upon 
r  your- 
Jier  in- 
ct,  you 
leaven 

le  love 
would 


only  end  in  the  sacrifice  of  the   dearest  interests  of 
hoth. 

"  \  le  i)aused— then  affectionately  taking  my  hand, 
liu  said,  '  I  will  reflect,  and  do  nothing  but  what 
duty  demands.'  lie  was  absent  from  the  army,  and 
I  feared  he  had  gone  to  the  Jiritish  lines,  to  execute 
liis  fatal  purpose.  In  a  i^\w  days  an  officer  came  to 
our  camp,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  informed  Hamil- 
ton, then  a  captain  of  artillery,  but  afterwards  the 
aid  of  General  Washington,  that  Ca[)tain  Male  had 
been  arrested  within  the  British  lines,  condemned  as 
a  spy,  and  executed  that  morning. 

"  1  learned  the  melancholy  particulars  from  this  of- 
ficer, who  was  present  at  his  execution,  and  seemed 
touched  by  the  circumstances  attending  it. 

"He  said  that  Captain  Hale  had  passed  through 
their  army,  both  of  Long  Island  and  York  Island. 
That  he  had  ])rocured  sketches  of  the  fortifications, 
and  made  mc^moranda  of  their  number  and  different 
positions.  When  appnihended,  he  was  taken  before 
Sir  William  Howe,  and  these  papers,  found  concealed 
about  his  person,  betrayed  his  intentions.  He  at  once 
declared  his  name,  his  rank  in  the  American  army, 
and  his  object  in  coming  within  the  British  lines. 

"  Sir  William  Howe,  without  the  form  of  a  trial, 
gave  ord(;rs  for  his  execution  the  following  morning. 
He  was  i)laced  in  the  custody  of  the  Provost  Marshal, 
who  was  a  Refugee,  and  hardened  to  human  suffering 
and  every  softening  sentiment  of  the  heart.  Captain 
Hale,  alone,  without  sym])athy  or  support,  save  that 
from  above,  on  the  near  approach  of  death  asked  for 


38 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


a  clergyman  to  attend  him.  It  was  refused.  He 
then  requested  a  Bibh^  ;  that  too  was  refused  hv  his- 
inhuman  jaih-r, 

"  '  On   the   morning  of  his  execution,'  continued 
the  officer,  '  my  station  was   near  the  fatal  spot,  and 
I   requested  the  Provost  Marshal   to  jK^mit  the  pris- 
on(>r  to  sit  in  my  marquee,  M'hil(>  he  was  making  the 
necessary  preparations.     Captain  Hale  entered  :  he 
was  calm,  and   bore   himself  with  gentle  dignity,  in 
the  consciousness  of  rectitude  and   high  intentions. 
He   asked  for  writing  materials,  which   I  furnished 
him  :  he  wrote  two  letters,  one  to  his  mother  and  one 
to  a  brother  officer.'     He  was  shortly  after  sunnnoned 
to    the    gallows.     But  a  few  persons  were  around 
him,  yet  his  characteristic  dying  Avords  were  remem- 
bered.     He  said,  '  I  only  regret,  that  I  have  but  one 
life  to  lose  fcr  my  country.'  " 

Thus  terminated  the  earthly  existence  of  a  man, 
whose  country  mourned  the  loss  of  one  of  her  fairest 
sons,  and  whose  friends  wept,  in  the  bitter  recollec- 
tion of  his  untimely  fate. 

The  Provost  Marshal,  in  the  diabolical  spirit  of 
cruelty,  destroyed  the  letters  of  his  prisoner,  and  as- 
signed as  a  reason,  "  that  the  rebels  should  not  know 
that  they  had  a  man  in   their  army  who  could  die 
with  so  much  firmness." 

The  sentence  was  just,  according  to  the  laws  of  war, 
but  the  manner  of  its  execution  must  ever  be  deplored. 
There  is  a  similarity  in  the  fate  of  Major  Andre 
and  that  of  Captain  Hale  ;  the  former  of  whom  ex- 
cited so  lively  an  interest  in  both  armies,  while  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


39 


sod.     ITe 
ied  by  hi? 

continued 
spot,  and 

the  pris- 
iking  the 
crcd  :  he 
ignity,  in 
itontions. 
furnished 

and  one 
nimoned 
)  around 

remem- 

but  one 

a  man, 
ir  fairest 
recollec- 

spirit  of 

and  as- 

:)t  know 

•uld  die 

1  of  war, 
3plored. 
•  Andre 
om  ex- 
lile  the 


hitter  has  been  rarely  alluded   to  by  the  historians  of 
the  Revolution. 

Major  Andre  was  the  Adjutant  General  of  the 
British  army.  He  possessed  a  cultivated  mind, 
genius  in  the  fine  arts,  and  was  the  charm  of  society 
wherever  he  was  known. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  in  Sept.  1780  was  com- 
manding in  New-York,  placed  the  highest  confidence 
in  \vs  abilities  and  patriotism.  For  eighteen  months, 
an  anonymous  correspondence  had  been  held  be- 
tween the  British  Commander  and  General  Arnold, 
when  finally  Arnold  made  himself  known,  and  offered 
to  deliver  to  the  enemy  of  his  country  West  Point 
and  the  neighbouring  fortresses  in  the  Highlands, 
then  under  his  immediate  command. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  proposed  to  Major  Andre  to 
ascend  the  Hudson  in  the  Vulture  sloop  of  war,  and 
have  an  interview  with  General  Arnold,  that  they 
might  settle  upon  a  plan,  which,  if  successful,  they 
hoped  would  strike  a  fatal  blow  to  the  liberties  of 
America,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  war. 

Andre,  it  was  believed,  possessed  the  talent  and 
the  tact  to  negotiate  this  delicate  business.  He  was 
promised  promotion  and  pecuniary  reward,  fn  a 
fatal  hour  he  consented  to  go  ;  to  meet  a  traitor ;  a 
man  low  in  every  thing  but  military  genius  :  and  by 
thus  descending,  brought  ruin  on  himself,  and  injured 
the  cause,  for  which  he  was  making  such  immense 
sacrifices.  They  met.  Their  plan  was  settled ; 
was  committed  to  paper,  together  with  the  drawings 
of  the  fortifications  ;  all  of  which  were  given  to  Ma- 
jor Andre. 


40  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Till)  Vulture  sloop  of  war  having  been  fired  upon 
by  tlio  Ainericans,  had  dropped  down  the  river,  I)ut 
soon  after  returned  to  her  station. 

Joshua  Smith,  tlie  only  person  that  could  be  em- 
ployed by  Arnold  to  take  Andre  back  to  the  vessel, 
became  alarmed,  it  is  supposed,  on  accc  -  '  the 
finng,  and  refused  to  go.     This   man  was   '     :ectlv 


li 


-norant  of  the  nature  of  the  transaction.  He  believ- 
ed he  was  acting  for  his  country's  interests,  and, 
as  appeared  on  his  trial,  was  completely  duped  bv 
Arnold.  -^       i         j 

The  only  alternative  for  Andre  was,  to  return  by 
and.     This  was  full  of  danger,  but  the  danger  must 
be  met. 

Major  Andre  received  the  pass  of  General  Arnold 
took  off  h,s  uniform,  assumed  the  name  of  John' 
Anderson,  and  crossing  the  Hudson  at  Stony  Point 
commenced  his  perilous  journey.  He  felt  his  situa- 
tion extremely  critical  when  within  the  American 
lines  and  stopped  at  their  outposts  :  but  the  pass  of 
Arnold  still  carried  him  on  with  safety. 

At  length  a  guide  was  no  longer  necessary,  and 
Smith  left  him  and  returned  home.  Andre  went  on 
until  he  arrived  within  half  a  mile  of  Tarrv  town.' 
Here  he  was  slopped  by  three  men.  Their  "names 
were  John  Paulding,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van 
>Vait  One  of  them  said,  "  There  comes  a  gentle- 
manlike looking  man,  who  apj)ears  to  be  well  dressed, 

*  Foramostintorcsfino.  arconnt  Ibrrcd  to  Sparks'  Life  of  Eonedict 
nf  ho  nnM„n.tancos  att,.n,Ii„o.  tl,o  An.olrl.  fro  n  which  ZoT^t 
capture  of  AnchMho  reader  i.  re-    above  particdarn  ^etak^ 


J 


fired  upon 
river,  I)ut 

lid  be  em- 
Hie  vessel, 
'  the 
^'  :ectly 
Ele  beiiev- 
ests,  and, 
duped   by 

return  by 
iger  must 

d  Arnold, 
of  John 
iiy  Point, 
liis  situa- 
Vnierican 
e  pass  of 

ary,  and 
vent  on, 
irvtown. 
r  names 
aac  Van 
gentle- 
dressed, 

r  15(>ne(!ict 
ne  of  the 
'II. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


41 


and  has  boots  on,  and  whom  you  had  better  step  out 
and  stop,  if  you  don't  know  him."* 

."  On  tiiat  I  gotuj)  and  jnescnted  my  fireloek  at 
the  breast  of  the  person,  and  told  iiim  to  stand  ;  and 
then  1  asked  him  which  way  he  was  going.     '  Gen- 
tlemen,' said  he,  '1  jiope  you  belong  to  our  party.' 
I  asked  him  what  party.     He  said,  '  The  lower  par- 
ty.'     Upon  that  I  told  him  I  did.      Then  he  said, 
'  I  am  a  British  officer,  out  of  the  country,  on  particu- 
lar business,  and  1  hope  you  will  not  detain  me  a 
minute  ;'— and  to  show  that  he  was  a  British  officer, 
he  pulled  out  his  watch.      Upon  which,  I  told  him  to 
dismount.      Jle  then    said,  '  Well,  I  must  do    any 
thing  to  get  along,'  and   seemed  to  make  a  kind  of 
laugh  of  it,  and  pulled   out  General  Arnold's  pass, 
which  was  to  John  Anderson,  to  pass  all  guards  to 
White  Plains,  and  below.    Upon  that,  he  dismount- 
ed.   Said  he,  '  Gentlemen,  you  had  best  let  me  go, 
or  you  will  bring  yourselves  into  trouble  ;  for  your 
stopping  me  will  detain  the  General's  business  ;'  and 
said,  he  was  going  to  Dobb's  ferry  to  meet  a  person 
there  and  to  get  intelligence   for  General   Am  .Id. 
Upon  that,  I  told  him,  that  I   hoped  he  would  not 
be  offended  ;  that   we  did   not  mean   to   take  any 
thing  from   him  ;  and  1   told  him,  there  were  bad 
people  who  were  going  along  the  road,  and  I  did 
not  know  but  perhaps  he  might  be  one. 

"  We  took  him  into  the  bushes,"  said  Williams, 

*  Tins  was  a  jmrt  of  tho  tcstinio-     er\s  Journal,  pajro  261,  for  Resolu- 
ny  oivcn  hy  ]),,s  captons  clevon  day.s     tion  of  Conorcss,  in  a  Note 
alter  Andre  was  taken.  HeeTliatcli- 


42 


REVOIJJTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


"and  ordered  him  to  pull  off  his  clothes,  which  he 
did  ;   but  on  searching  him  narrowly,  we  could  not 
find  any  sort  of  writings.     We  told  him  to  pull  off 
his  boots,  which  he  seemed  to  be  indifferent  about ; 
but  we  got  one  boot  off,  and  searched  in  that  boot 
and  could  find  nothing.     But  we  found  there  were 
some  papers  in  the  bottom  of  his  stocking,  next  to 
his  foot,  on  which,  we   made  him   i)ull  his  stocking 
off,  and    found    three    papers    wrapped    up.     Mr. 
Paulding  looked  at  the  contents,  and  said  he  was  a 
spy.      We  then   made  him  pull  off  his  other    boot, 
and  there  we  found  three  more  papers,  at  the  bot- 
tom of  his  foot,  within  his  stocking.     Upon  this,  we 
made  him  dress  himself,  and  I  asked  him,   what  he 
would  give  us  to  let  him  go.      He   said,  he  would 
give  us  any  sum  of  money.     I  asked  him  whether 
he  would  give  us  his  horse,  saddle  and  bridle,  watch, 
and  one  hundred  guineas.     He  said  yes,  and  told 
us,  he  would  direct  them  to  any  place,  even  if  it  was 
that    very    spot,  so  that  we    could    get    them.      I 
asked  him  if  he  would  not  give  us  more.     He  said 
he  would  give  us  any  quantity  of  dry  goods,  or  any 
sum  of  money,  and   bring  it  to  any  place  that  we 
might  |)itch  upon,   so  tiiat  we  might   get   it.     Mr. 
Paulding  answered,  'No,  if  you   should  give  us  ten 
thousand  guineas,  you  should  not  stir  one  step.' 

"  I  then  asked  the  person,  who  had  called  him- 
self John  Anderson,  if  he  would  not  get  away  if  it 
lay  in  his  power.  He  answered,  '  Yes,  I  would.'  I 
told  him,  1  did  not  intend  he  should.  While  tak- 
ing him  along,  we  asked  him   a  few  questions,  and 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


which  he 
could  not 
to  pull  off 
nt  about ; 
that  boot 
icre  were 
;,  next  to 

stocking 
up.  Mr. 
he  was  a 
iier    boot, 

the  bot- 
1  this,  we 

what  he 
he  would 

whether 
e,  watch, 
and  told 
if  it  was 
hem.      I 

He  said 
h  or  any 

that  we 
it.  Mr. 
3  US  ten 
pp.' 

led  hiin- 
rav  if  it 
luld.'  I 
lilc  tak- 
3ns,  and 


43 


we  stopped  under  a  shade.  He  begged  us  not  to 
ask  him  questions,  and  said,  when  he  came  to  any 
Commander,  he  would  reveal  all. 

"  In  a  few  hours,  we  delivered  him  up  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Jameson,  who  commanded  at  North 
Castle,  with  all  the  papers  that  had  been  taken  from 
his  boots."* 

The  papers  were  of  great  importance,  and  had 
the  plot  succeeded,  would  have  given  to  the  enemy 
an  advantage,  productive  of  the  most  serious  conse- 
quences.    Major  Andre,  aware  that  his  papers  had 
been  sent  to  General  Washington,  and  not  to  General 
Arnold,  as  he  had  hoped,  wrote  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  a  full  confession  of  his  i>ame,  rank  in  the 
British  army,  and   his  object  in   coming  within  the 
American  lines.      After  he  had  written  this  letter,  it 
was  remarked    by  Major  Tallmage,  who  now  had 
charge  of  the  prisoner,  that  he  seemed  more  cheerful, 
entered  into  conversation,  in   his  own  delightful  and 
peculiar  way,  and  greatly  interested  all  around  him, 
by  the  vivacity  and  beauty  of  a  well-stored  intellect. 
In  a  communication  to  Mr.  Sparks,  Major  Tall- 
mage writes  :  "  When  we  left  West  Point  for  Tappan, 
early  in  the  morning,  as  we  passed  down  the  Hudson 
river  to  King's  Ferry,  I  placed  Andre  by  my  side,  on 


the  after  seat  of  the  baree 


I  soon  began   to  make 


inquiries  about  the  expected  capture  of  our  fortress, 
then  in  full  view,  and  begged  him  to  inform  me, 
whether  he  was  to  have  taken  a  part  in  the  military 

*  Sec  Sparks'  Lilb  iind  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold,  page  226. 


44  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

attack,  if  Aniold's  plan  had  succeeded.    J[e  instantly 
replied  in  the  af/irmative,  and  pointed  me  to  a  table 
of  land  on  the  west  shore,  which  he  said    was   the 
spot  ^v■hel•e  he  should  have  landed,  at  the  head  of 
a    select  corps.     Jfe    then    traversed,   in  idea,  the 
course  up  the  mountains,  into  the  rear  of  Fort  Put- 
nam, which   overlooks  the  whole   jjarade    of  West 
Point.     This  he  did  with  much  greater  exactness 
than  I  could  have  done ;  and  as  Arnold  had  so  dis- 
posed of  the  garrison,  that  little  or  no   opposition 
could  he  made  by  our  troops,  Major  Andre  supposed 
he  should  reach  that  commanding  eminence  without 
difliculty. 

"  In  such  case,  that  important  key  of  our  coun- 
try would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  glory  of  so  splendid  an  achievement  would 
have  been  his.  The  animation  with  which  he  gave 
the  account,  I  recollect,  perfectly  delighted  me,  for 
he  seemed  as  if  he  were  entering  the  fort,  sword 
in  hand. 

"  To  complete  the  climax,  I  inquired  what 
would  have  been  his  reward,  if  he  had  succeeded. 
He  replied,  that  military  glory  was  all  he  sought  : 
and  that  the  thanks  of  his  General  and  the  ap'j)ro- 
bation  of  his  King  were  a  ricli  reward  for  such  an 
undertaking.  I  think  he  further  remarked,  that  if 
he  had  succeeded  (and  with  the  aid  of  the  opposing 
General  who  could  doubt  of  success  ?)  he  was  to 
have  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral. 

"  After  we  disembarked  at  King's  Ferry,  near  Ha- 


instantly 
to  a  table 

was   the 

head  of 
idea,  the 
^ort  Put- 
of  West 
exactness 
d  so  dis- 
pposition 
supposed 

without 

ur  coun- 
enemy, 

It  would 

he  gave 
me,  for 

t,  swoi'd 

d  what 
;ceeded. 
sought : 

appro- 
iuch  an 

tiiat  if 
pposing 
was  to 
3r-Gen- 

3ar  Ha- 


LIFE  OF  (iENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  45 

vcrstraw,  we  took  up  our  line  of  march,  with  a  fine 
body  of  horse,  for  Tappan.  Before  we  reached  the 
close.  Major  Andre  became  very  inquisitive  to  know 
my  opm.on,  as  to  the  result  of  his  capture.  In 
other  words,  he  wished  me  to  give  him  candidly  my 
opinion,  as  to  the  light  in  which  he  would  be  viewed 
by  General  Washington  and  a  Military  Tribunal -if 
one  should  be  ordered.  ' 

"  This  was  the  most  unpleasant  question  that  had 
been  propounded  to  me,  and  I  endeavoured  to  evade 
It,  unwilling  to  give  him  a  true  answer. 

"  VVhen  i  could  no  longer  evade  his  imj  ortunitv, 
I  remarked  to  him  as  follows  :-'  I  had  a  much  lovc^d 
chissmate  in  Yale  College,  by  the  name   of  Nathan 
Hale,  who  entered  the  army  in  the  year  1775      Im 
mediately  after  the  battle  of  Long  Island,   General 
AVashington    wanted    information     respectino-     the 
strength,   position,  and  probable  movements ''of  the 
enemy      Captain  Hale    tendered  his  services,  went 
over  to  Brooklyn,  and  was  taken  prisoner,  just  as  lie 
was  passing  the  outposts  of  the  enemy  on  his  return.' 
"Said  I  with  emphasis,  'Do  you  remember  the 
sequel  o(  this  story?'     .  Yes,'  said    Andre,  'he  was 
hanged  as  a  spy.     But  you  surely  do  not  consider  his 
case   and    mine  alike?'     I    replied,  'Yes,    precisely 
similar,  and  similar  will  be  your  fate.' 

"  He  endeavoured  to  answer  my  remarks,  but  it 
was  manifest  he  was  more  troubled  in  spirit  than  I 
had  ever  before  seen  him. 

"  The  day  after  his  arrival  at  Tappan,  a  Board  of 
Officers,  of  six  Major-Generals  and  eight  Brigadier- 


1 


46 


RHVOUJTIONARY  SEUVK.KS  ANJ)  CIVIL 


Ccnorals,  were  appointed  to  examine  his  case.  Gen- 
eral Greene  was  the  President.  The  names  of  the 
officers  constituting  the  JJoard  were  read  to  him. 

"  General  Greene  told  the  prisoner  that  he  mi^-ht 
be  at  liberty  to  answer  or  not  the  qutistions  j)ii  to 
him,  and  to  take  his  own  tinie  for  reeollectinii  and 
wcighin;[,^  what  he  said. 

"  lie  was  asked,  if  when  he  came  on  shore,  he 
considered  himself  under  a  Hag.  lie  answered,  it 
was  impossible  for  iiim  to  suppose  he  came  on  shore, 
under  the  sanction  of  a  Hag,  and  added,  that  if  he 
came  on  shore,  under  that  sanction,  he  certainly 
might  have  returned  under  it. 

"  During  his  examination,  he  was  dignified  and 
manly,  and  answered  with  frankness  and  truth  every 
thing  that  related  to  himself,  and  used  no  words  to 
explain  or  defend  any  part  of  his  conduct.    So  deli- 
cate   was  he  in   regard  to  other    persons,   that   he 
scrupulously  avoided  mentioning  names,  or  alluding 
to  any  particulars,  except  such  as  concerned  himself. 
"  After  the  most  careful  examination  of  his  case, 
to  which  he  offered  no  defence,  he  was,  by  the  laws 
of  war,  sent(Miced  to  die  as  a  spv. 

"  His  fate  created  great  interest  and  sympathy, 
not  only  in  the  Jiritish,  but  in  the  American  army. 
On  both  sides,  the  desire  was  to  save  him.  But 
trying  as  it  was  to  the  fe(;lings  of  General  Washing- 
ton, yet  justice  demanded  the  sacrifice. 

"  Efforts  were  made  to  save  him.  Captain  Ogden, 
an  American  ofticcr,  was  sent  to  the  British  lines, 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  with  a  packet  of  letters  from 


I.IFH  OF  (iKNKIlAL  WIIJJAM  FlfTJ,. 


47 


>sc.  Gcn- 
ifs  of  the 
)  liiin. 
Iiu  ini;:;ht 
)11S  J)ll  to 
;ting  and 

slioie,  he 
ivvercd,  it 
311  shore, 
hat  if  he 
ceitaiiiiy 

lificd  and 

itii  every 

words  to 

So  deli- 

tliat   he 

alkidiiig 

liimself. 

Ills  case, 

tiio  hivvs 

■m  pa  thy, 
n  army, 
n.     But 

/ashiiig- 


Ogdeii, 
h  lines, 
jrs  from 


GcMicral  Washington,     fj,.  was  directed   to  ohtain 
fiirtiicr  orders  from  (i.Mieral  La  Fayette.     The  Cie- 
nerai  tok!  iiiin  to  arrange  his  visit  in  such  a  way,  as 
to  make  it  so  late  at  night  that  he  would  he  invited 
to  reniain.     That  in  the  course  of  conversation,  it 
might  probably  be  asked,  by  the  officers,  if  there  was 
any  way  in  which  Andre  could  be  saved.     That  he 
should  reply,  yus,  that  there  was  a  way ;  which  was, 
if  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  deliver  up  Arnold  and 
take  Andre  in  exchange,  the  prisojier  would  l)e  set 
at  lil)erty.      Captain  Ogden   was  asked  if  he   had 
authority  for  such  a  declaration.       He  replied,    'I 
iiave  no  such  assurance  from  General  Washington, 
but  I  am  pre])ared  to  say,  that  if  such  a  pro])o.sition 
were    made,   I   believe  it  would   be  accepted,   and 
Major  Andre  set  at  libcnty.' 

"  The  connuanding  oflicer  innnediately  went  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton.  On  his  return,  he  told  Captain 
Ogden  that  such  a  thing  could  not  be  done  ;  tint  to 
give  up  a  man,  who  had  deserted  from  the  enemy  and 
openly  espoused  the  King's  cause,  was  such  a  viola- 
tion of  honour  and  every  military  principle,  that  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  would  not  listen  to  the  idea  for  a  mo- 
ment." 

Major  Andre  asked  of  General  Washington  the 
privilege  of  being  shot,  but  this  retjuest  could  not  be 
granted,  according  to  the  strict  laws  of  war.  Ge- 
neral Washington  made  no  reply  to  his  application. 

Dr.  Thatcher,  in  his  Military  Journal,*  says  :  "  At 

*  Journal,  page  273. 


48 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


the  moment,  therefore,  when  suddenly  he  came  in 
view  of  the  gallows,  he  involuntarily  started  hack- 
ward  and  made  a  pause.     '  Why  this  emotion,  sir  ?' 
said  an  officer  by  his  side.     Instantly  recovering  his 
composure,  he  said,  '  I  am  reconciled  to  my  death, 
but  I  detest  the  mode.'     While  waiting  and  stand- 
ing near  the  gallows,   I  observed   some  degree  of 
trepidation  ;  placing  his  foot  on  a  stone,  and  rolling 
it  over,  and  choking  in  his  throat,  as  if  attempting  to 
swallow.     So  soon,  however,  as  he  perceived  things 
were  in  readiness,  he  stepped  quickly  into  the  wag- 
on, and  at  this  moment  he  appeared  to  shrink ;  but 
instantly  elevating  his  head,  with  firmness  he  said, 
'It  will  be  but  a  momentary  pang;'  and  taking  from 
his   pocket   two   white    handkerchiefs,   the    Provost 
Marshal  with  one  loosely  pinioned  his  arms,  and  with 
the  other  the  victim,  after  taking  off  his  hat  and  stock, 
bandaged  his  own  eyes,  with  perfect  firmness,  which 
melted  the  hearts  and  moistened  the  cheeks,  not  only 
of  his  servant,  but  of  the  throng  of  spectators.     The 
rope  being  appended  to  the  galhnvs,  he  sli])ped  the 
noose  over  his  head,  and  adjusted  it  to  his  neck,  with- 
out the  assistance  of  the  awkward  executioner.    Colo- 
nel Scammel  now  informed  him  that  he  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  speak,  if  he  desired  it ;  he  raised  the  hand- 
kerchief from  his  eyes  and  said, '  1  pray  you  to  hear 
me  witness,  that  I  meet  my  fate  like  a  brave  man.' 
The  next  moment  life  was  extinguished." 

Major  Andre  is  described  as  being  possessed  of 
personal  attraction,  and  was  highly  accomplished.  A 
likeness  of  him  is  preserved,  taken  by  himself  with 


The  I 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


49 


a  pen,  on  the  morning  of  his  execution,  while  seated 
at  a  table  in  the  guard-room.* 

A  parallel  has  been  drawn  by  historians  between 
Andre  and  Hale;  and  it  may  be  admitted,  without  a 
bias  in  favour  of  our  countryman,  that  Hale  was  in- 
fluenced by  nobler  and  purer  motives  than  Andre : 
for  his  death  marked  the  Patriot  and  the  Christian.  * 
But  if  we  consider  how  different  were  their  early 
condition  in  life,  as  well  as   their  official  stations, 
we  would  find  abundant  cause  for  this  difference. 
Unhappily,  men  are  more  governed  in  their  conduct 
by  the  circumstances  in  which  they  are  placed,  than 
by  principle.     The  influence  which  surrounds  them 
mvoluntarily  becomes  an  element  in  action,  and  their 
motives  are  often  worldly  and  selfish  in  their  charac- 
ter. 

Andre  and   Hale  both  possessed  a  high  sense  of 
moral   rectitude,    elevated    tastes,  and   pure  habits. 
Had  their  positions  in  life  been  changed,  we  are  not 
sure  but  that  Andre  might  have   exhibited  the  qual- 
ities of  Hale,  and  Hale  those  of  Andre.     The  coun- 
try of  Hale  was  poor  and  feeble,  contending  for  its 
rights,  under  circumstances  of  great  disadvantage, 
and  deep  depression.     Its  defenders  were  disciplined 
by  suffering,  and  rather  felt  for  her  than  themselves. 
Andre  belonged  to  the  most  powerful  nation  of 
the  earth  :  a  nation  whose  armies  were  victorious  in 
every  quarter   of  the   globe.     To  contend  for   her, 
was  to  contend  for  the  enlargement  of  her  borders 


*  The  original  drawing  is  now  in  the  Trumbull  Gallery  of  Yale  Collc<rc. 


4 


50 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


and  the  increase  of  her  pride.  To  combat  for  suf- 
fering America,  was  to  combat  for  liberty,  for  home, 
for  virtue. 

Where  is  the  man  whose  feelings  and  opinions 
would  not  be  affected  by  such  a  discipline,  and  would 
not  in  the  hour  of  death  feel  more  for  his  country's 
interests  than  his  own  personal  reputation  ?  Andre 
said,  "  I  pray  you  to  bear  me  witness,  that  I  meet 
my  fate  like  a  brave  man."  The  words  of  Hale 
were,  "  I  only  lament,  that  I  have  but  one  life  to  lose 
for  my  country."  The  one,  in  the  event  of  success  ex- 
pected promotion  and  pecuniary  rewards  ;  the  other, 
looked  only  for  the  unspeakable  happiness  of  having 
done  what  he  deemed  his  duty. 

Andre  engaged    in    the    enterprise  without  the 
thought    or    view    of    danger.     Protected    by    the 
power  and  influence  of  Arnold,  and  his  retreat  from 
our  shores  secured  by  a  British  armed  vessel  in  the 
river,  he  had  nothing  to  apprehend ;  while  animated 
by  the  prospect  of  almost  certain  success  in  viewing 
the  advantage  presented  by  the  defection  of  Arnold. 
On  the  contrary,  Hale  went  to  the  enemy's  lines 
in  the  very  spirit  of  self-devotion,  resolved  to  achieve 
his  work,  or  meet  death,  which  he  knew  was  the 
certain  alternative. 

In  the  solemn  hours  preceding  the  approach  of 
eternity,  Andre  sought  relief  in  intellectual  enjoy- 
ments, in  the  works  of  genius,  and  left  to  the  world 
a  drawing  of  his  own  person,  taken  in  his  guard- 
room, from  which  he  was  soon  to  pass  to  the  scaf- 
fold.    He  asked  that  he  might  die   the  death  of  a 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


t  for  suf- 
fer home, 

opinions 
nd  would 
country's 
'  Andre 
t  I  meet 

of  Hale 
fe  to  lose 
ccess  ex- 
he  other, 
f  having 

liout  the 
by  the 
eat  from 
1  in  the 
ni  mated 
viewing 
Arnold. 
y's  lines 
achieve 
was  the 


51 


soldier,  and  not  by  the  hands  of  the  common  hang- 
man. 

Hale  thought  not  of  the  mode  of  his  death.  He 
felt  like  the  virtuous  Raleigh ;  when  inquired  of  by 
the  executioner  which  way  he  should  lay  his  head, 
replied,  "  No  matter,  so  that  the  heart  is  right." 

In  the  near  view  of  death.  Hale  sought  the  con- 
solations of  religion.  He  asked  for  a  Bible  and  a 
clergyman,  to  assist  him  in  his  preparation  for  the 
eternal  world.  Though  denied  them  both,  yet  we 
may  be  permitted  to  believe  that  the  wish  of  his 
heart  was  blessed,  and  that  the  Spirit  of  God  became 
his  Teacher. 

The  memory  of  Andre  is  enshrined  in  monu- 
ments of  art,  that  of  Hale  in  the  hearts  of  his  coun- 
trymen. 


•oach  of 
1  enjoy- 
e  world 
guard - 
;ie  scaf- 
th  of  a 


I 


62 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Battle  of  Chatterton  Hill,  at  the  White  Plains. 

1776. 

The  British  arrny  being  in  possession  of  New- 
York,  General  Washington  took  a  strong  position  on 
the  heights  about  Kingsbridge,  at  the  eastern  end 
of  the  island.  The  main  body  of  the  enemy  ad- 
vanced to  a  narrow  part  of  the  island,  near  his  posi- 
tion, their  right  extending  to  the  East  River,  and 
their  left  to  the  Hudson,  near  Bloomingdale.  Be- 
tween these  lines  partial  engagements  took  place, 
which  were  honourable  to  the  American  arms.  The 
gallant  manner  in  which  the  troops  of  Washington 
fought,  together  with  the  strength  of  his  position, 
were  undoubtedly  among  the  reasons  which  prevent- 
ed the  British  Commander  from  hazarding  a  general 
action.  Even  if  Washington  had  been  beaten  on 
this  ground,  he  had  two  lines  of  defence  across  the 
Island,  and  a  very  strong  position  at  Kingsbridge, 
which  would  have  enabled  him  to  have  retreated 
with  safety,  and  preserved  his  communication  with 
his  country. 

Under  these  circumstances.  General  Howe  made 
a  movement,  the  object  of  which  was  to  compel 
General   Washington   to   abandon   his   position    on 


York  I; 

nicatioi 

he  emb 

tomed  i 

or  Thro 

his  ariT 

Americi 

British 

Washin 

the  obst 

passage, 

Tiie 

of  this 

tance,  t( 

march  tl 

right  exi 

It  Wi 

concentr 
vicinity, 
its  defer 
division  ] 

So  ai 
on  York  '. 
ing  the  n 
rison  of 
Fort  Wa 
McGaw, 

Whih 
light  wir 
White  Pi; 
from  Frof 


uf  Nevv- 
sition  on 
tern  end 
em  J  ad" 
his  posi- 
ver,  and 
le.  Be- 
lt place, 
s.  The 
shington 
position, 
prevent- 
L  general 
!aten  on 
cross  the 
I'sbridge, 
retreated 
ion  with 

rve  made 

compel 

ition    on 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  53 

York  Island  and  at  Kingsbridge,  or  suffer  his  commu- 
mcation  to  be  entirely  obstructed.  For  this  purpose 
he  embarked  his  army  on  the  East  River,  in  flat-bot- 
tomed boats,  passed  Hellgate,  and  landed  on  Frog 
or  Throg's  Neck,  a  suitable  point  from  which  to  march 
his  army  across  the  country,  attain  the  rear  of  the 
Americans,  and  communicate  with  a  part  of  the 
British  fleet  n  the  Hudson,  which  had  passed  forts 
Washington  and  Lee,  notwithstanding  their  fire  and 
the  obstructions  placed  in  the  river  to  oppose  their 
passage. 

The  American  Commander  perceiving  the  object 
of  this  movement,  determined,  though  with  reluc- 
tance, to  abandon  his  position  on  York  Island,  and 
march  the  left  of  his  army  to  the  White  Plains  ;  the 
right  extending  in  the  first  instance  to  Kingsbridge. 

It  was  soon  apparent  that  General  Howe  was 
concentrating  his  whole  army  at  Frog's  JNeck  and  its 
vicinity,  excepting  a  small  body  left  in  New- York  for 
its  defence.  Washington  therefore  moved  his  rio-ht 
division  from  Kingsbridge  tc  the  White  Plains. 

So  anxious  was  he,  however,  to  retain  a  footing 
on  York  Island,  especially  for  the  purpose  of  obstruct- 
ing the  navigation  of  the  Hudson,  that  he  left  a  gar- 
rison of  between  two  and  three  thousand  men  at 
^ort  Washington,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
McGaw,  of  Pennsylvania. 

While  the  American  General  was  marchin^  the 
right  wing  of  his  army  from  Kingsbridge  to  the 
White  Plains,  General  Howe  commenced  his  march 
from  Frog's  Neck  towards  the  same  point.     On  the 


54 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


march,  the  left  wing  of  the  British  and  the  riglit  wing 
of  the  American  army  were  very  near  each  other. 

When  the  left  wing,  under  the  command  of 
Major-General  Charles  Lee,  arrived  at  the  White 
Plains,  General  McDougaPs  brigade  was  directed  to 
take  possession  of  Chatterton's  Hill,  about  a  mile  in 
advance  of  the  White  Plains,  on  the  right  of  the 
American  army.  The  river  Brunx  ran  in  the  low 
grounds,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  about  one  hun- 
dred yards  in  front  of  McDougal's  brigade. 

Colonel  Webb's  regiment,  in  which  was  Captain 
Hull's  company,  belonged  to  this  brigade,  which  con- 
sisted of  about  fifteen  hundred  men. 

"  Early  in  the  morning,"  says  General  Hull  in 
his  MSS.,  "  having  taken  our  position,  we  discovered 
at  a  distance  the  approach  of  the  British  army.  Its 
appearance  was  truly  magnificent.  A  bright  autum- 
nal sun  shed  its  full  lustre  on  their  polished  arms  ; 
and  the  rich  array  of  dress  and  military  equipage, 
gave  an  imposing  grandeur  to  the  scene,  as  they  ad- 
vanced, in  all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war,  to 
give  us  battle. 

"  When  the  columns  arrived  within  a  small  dis- 
tance of  our  line,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Brunx, 
they  halted  ;  their  field  artillery  was  advanced,  with 
which  they  commenced  a  heavy  fire.  We  had  but 
three  or  four  pieces  of  artillery. 

"  They  returned  the  fire,  until  the  whole  of  them 
were  dismounted.  The  enemy  then  made  a  nearer 
approach,  and  with  chain  and  grape  shot,  continued 
the  cannonade  for  more  than  an  hour. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


55 


"  General  Howe,  finding  that  he  could  not  dis- 
lodge us  from  the  hill  with  his  artillery,  formed  three 
columns  of  infantry,  which  passed  the  Brunx,  one 
against  our  centre,  and  the  other  two  against  each 
flank. 

"  At  this  moment  Colonel  Wehb  received  orders 
from   General  McDougal  to  move  and  take  a  posi- 
tion further  to  the  left,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
turning  his  left  flank.     This  was  promptly  done,  and 
with  much  order  and  regularity.     After  a  sharp  con- 
flict, the  object  was  completely  attained.    Our  whole 
line  sustained  the  attack  with  persevering  bravery, 
for  a  considerable  time,  but  at  length,  overpowered 
by  numbers,  the  right  and  the  centre  first  retreated 
in  some  disorder.     Colonel  Webb's  regiment  main- 
tained the  conflict  for  a  time,  after  the  other  part  of 
the  brigade  had  abandoned  the  field,  and  it  had  the 
lionour  to  receive  the  particular  thanks  of  Washing- 
ton for  its  bravery  and  orderly  retreat."* 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed,  wounded. 


*  Extract  from  a  letter  of  General 
Broolcf;,  to  tlie  rre.sident  of  tlie  Court 
Martial,  hold  at  Albany,  for  the  trial 
of  tJcneral  Hull,  dated  February  4th, 
1814,  touching:  the  battle  at  the 
White  IMains.  It  will  be  perceived, 
that  (ieneral  Hull  does  not  mention 
the  fact,  that  ho  was  the  officer  de- 
tached from  the  line  by  his  Com- 
r.uinder,  to  oppose  the  enemy  on 
the  left. 

General  Brooks  says,  "  In  the 
month  of  September,  1770,  at  White 


Plain?!,  General  Hull  aitod  under  my 
iwnnediato  orders,  and  was  detached 
from  the  line,  to  oppose  a  body  of 
Iii>i;ht  Inlimtry  and  Yagers,  advanc- 
ing  upon  the  left  Hank  of  the  Amer- 
ican army.  His  orders  were  exe- 
cuted with  promptitude,  gallantry, 
and  effect.  Though  more  than 
double  his  number,  the  enemy  was 
compelled  to  retreat,  and  the  left  of 
the  American  line  thus  enabled,  by 
a  flank  movement,  to  pass  the 
Brunx." 


56 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


and  prisoners,  was  about  two  hundred  and  fifty.    The 
British  loss  nearly  the  same. 

General  Howe  did  not  pursue  the  advantage  he 
had  gained.  A  general  action  was  expected  the  next 
morniug,  but  a  violent  storm  of  rain  was  probably 
the  cause  which  prevented  it.  When  the  storm 
ceased,  General  Howe  changed  his  mode  of  opera- 
tions, and  made  a  retrograde  movement  to  Kings- 
bridge,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  garrison  at 
Fort  Washington,  on  Long  Island. 

The  historians  of  the  Kevolution  give  an  account 
of  the  reduction  of  this  fortress,  and  the  retreat  of 
General  Washington  in  November  and  December, 
through  New  Jersey,  and  over  the  Delaware.  Cap- 
tain Hull  was  not  a  witness  of  these  events.  The 
MSS.  continues : 

"  Our  regiment  formed  a  part  of  the  division  un- 
der Charles  Lee,  and  was  stationed  in  the  Highlands, 
on  the  Hudson. 

"  General  Lee  was  ordered  to  march  throunh  the 
upper  parts  of  New  Jersey,  and  join,  as  speedily  as 
possible,  the  army  of  Washington.  During  the 
march,  at  a  halt  in  Morris  county,  he  went  one  night 
to  lodge  at  a  farm-house,  three  miles  distant  from  the 
camp.  The  British,  by  some  means,  obtained  infor- 
mation of  this  step,  c-.id  Colonel  Harcourt,  with  a  body 
of  cavalry,  made  a  forced  march  in  the  night,  and 
early  in  the  morning  surrounded  the  house.  The 
troops  fired  into  the  windows,  and  Gcmeral  Lee  was 
made  prisoner,  before  he  suspected  that  an  enemy 
was  near. 


4 


tj.   The 

itage  he 
the  next 
probably 
c  storm 
f  opera- 
•  Kings- 
rison  at 

account 
! treat  of 
cember, 
Cap- 
5.     The 

sion  un- 
^hlands, 


ugh  the 
edlly  as 
ng  the 
le  night 
loiii  the 
d  infor- 
i  a  body 
;ht,  and 
.  The 
.ee  was 
enemy 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

"  They  mounted  him  on  a  horse  in  great  haste, 
without  cloak  or  hat,  and  carried  him  in  triumph  to 
New- York.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  excite- 
ment produced  by  this  event. 

"General  Lee  was  second  to  Washington  in 
command.  He  had  held  a  high  rank  in  the  British 
army,  and  had  seen  much  military  service.  The 
country  deplored  his  loss.  Washington  felt  it  to  be  a 
severe  misfortune,  and  the  army  considered  that,  next 
to  Washington,  Lee  was  the  sinew  and  soul  of  their 
strength. 

"  General  Sullivan,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  the 
next  officer  of  rank  in  the  division.  He  marched  it 
with  great  rapidity  to  the  Delaware,  and  about  the 
20th  of  December  joined  the  main  army  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. Here  we  remained  inactive  but  a  few  days. 
General  Washington  deemed  it  necessary  to  make 
some  bold  effort  to  rouse  the  desponding  spirit  of  the 
country,  which  at  this  period  had  sunk  into  the  deep- 
est gloom." 

Although  the  enemy  had  abandoned  for  the  pre- 
sent, the  idea  of  proceeding  to  Philadelphia,  on 
account  of  the  severity  of  the  season,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  passing  the  Delaware,  yet  Rhode  Island  and 
New- York  were  in  their  possession  ;  a  great  part 
of  New  Jersey  was  conquered,  and  a  spirit  of  disaf- 
fection prevailed  in  Pennsylvania.  The  patriotic 
feelings  that  pervaded  every  part  of  the  country  at 
the  commencement  of  the  contest,  appeared  now  to 
be  nearly  extinguished. 


58 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    V. 

Battle  of  TnENTON.— Captain  IltTJ,  acts  as  Field  Officer  in  the  ab- 
sence OF  Major  Buooks. 

1776. 

General  Washington  having  been  reinforced  by 
the  division  under  General  Sullivan,  and  by  a  part  of 
the  northern  army  which  had  served  iind(;r  General 
Gates,  formed  the  bold  design  of  passing  the  Dela- 
ware, and  attacking  the  different  posts  of  the  enemy 
on  its  eastern  shore.  At  Trenton  there  were  sta- 
tioned three  regiments  of  Hessians,  consisting  of  fif- 
teen hundred  men,  besides  a  troop  of  light-liorse. 

Other  detachments  were  at  Burlington,  J3orden- 
town.  Mount  Holly,  and  Black  Horse.  General  Cad- 
wallader  was  ap])ointed  to  attack  these  posts,  and 
directed  to  cross  the  river  at  Bristol,  while  VVashino-- 
ton  would  cross  above  Trenton,  and  General  Ewino^ 
below,  and  unite  in  the  attack  on  the  Hessians  in 
that  place. 

Early  in  the  evening  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  De- 
cember, the  troops  were  put  in  motion,  and  com- 
menced crossing  the  river.  The  army  consisted  of 
two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  and  twenty  [neccs 
of  artillery. 

It  crossed  the  Delaware  about  ten  miles  above 


I 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


59 


rrcnton.     The  evening  set  in  with  a  violent  storm 
ofhaii  and  snow,  which  continued  during  the  night. 
Ihe  weather  was  intensely  cold,  and  the  ice  floated 
I       down  the  nver  in  such  quantities,  that  the  passage 
of  the  troops  was  not  comj.leted  until  three  o'clock  in 
the    morning.      They  were   then    formed  into  two 
,       columns.      The  right  marched  on  a  road  near  the 
I       liver,  under  General  Sullivan  ;  and  the  \eh  on  a  i   id 
I       a  httle  distant   from  it,  towards  the  east.     Both  of 
i       these  roads  entered  the   town  of  Trenton,  and  the 
distance  to  be  marched  was  about  the  same.     Gen- 
eral  Greene  led  on  the  other  column,  but  Washing- 
ton  commanded  in   person.     Colonel   Webb's  regi- 
ment  formed  a  part  of  it.     At  daylight  the  columns 
liaitod,  but  the  men  were  not  permitted  to  leave  their 
ranks.     During  the  halt,  Captain  Hull  was  sent  for 
by  his  Commander,  who  informed  him,  that  his  Lieu- 
:       tenant-Colonel  was  absent,  and  that  Major  Brooks 
overcome  with  fatigue,  had  returned  to  the  encamp' 
nient ;   that  he   had  no  field  officer  with  him,  and 
desired   Captain   Hull   to  give  the  command  of  his 
company  to  his  Lieutenant,  and  assist  him  as  a  field 
oficer   in   the   general   command  of  the  regiment. 
Ihis  order  was  promptly  obeyed. 

When  the  columns  were  ordered  to  resume  the 
march,  the  fatigue  of  the  troops  was  so  great  that 
nearly  one  half  of  the  men  were  asleep,  and  those 
awake  passed  by,  leaving  them  standing  on  their 
posts.  It  was  with  difficulty  they  could  be  roused 
and  the  order  of  march  resumed.  According  to  the 
plan,  both  columns  arrived  at  the  point  of  attack  with- 


I 


60 


RKVOLCTIONARY  SKRVICKa  AND  CIVIL 


in  a  few  minutes  of  each  other.     Notwithslandiiig 
the   severity  of  the  weather,   the    elements    ra<ring 
around    us,  the  moment  the  firing   commenced    hy 
the  outguards   of  our  cohimns,  and    the  out-guards 
of    the    (Miemj,    tiie    whole    corps    was    animated 
with    n(!w  spirit,   and    advanced    with    a    firmness 
and    imjjctuosity,    which    bore   a    striking    contrast 
to  tlic  drowsy  attitudes  they  exhibited  a  few  mo- 
ments before.     Tiie  firing  of  the  advanced  parties 
having  given  the  alarm  to  the  enemy,  the  command- 
ing officer,  Colonel  llhal,  immediately  prepared  for 
battle.      lie    formed    his  line  on   ground,   then  an 
orchard,  on  the  right  of  the  road  leading  to  Phila- 
delj)hia,  and  facing  to  the  northwest. 

The  column  led  on  by  General  Washington 
pressed  with  such  irresistible  force  on  the  right  and 
centre  of  the  enemy,  while  the  column  on  the  left 
acted  with  equal  spirit,  that  the  British  force,  after 
a  short  struggle,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  Some 
of  the  British  attem])ted  to  retreat  on  the  Princeton 
road,  but  were  prevented  by  a  detachment  from  our 
left  column.  In  a  short  time,  nearly  the  whole  body 
were  either  killed,  wounded,  or  taken  prisoners  ;  and 
all  their  artillery,  magazines,  and  military  stores,  were 
in  our  possession. 

A  small  part  of  the  enemy  retreated  to  Borden- 
town  and  Burlington,  which  they  could  not  have 
done  had  it  been  possible  for  the  detachment  under 
lowing  and  Cadwallader  to  have  crossed  the  Dela- 
ware, below  Trenton,  and  at  Burlington  above,  as 
was  the  intention.     Among  the  killed  was  the  com- 


IJI-i;  OF  (JKNKRAL  WIMJAM  HULL. 


Gl 


ia<r,nrr 


mandins  ofticer,  Colonel  Rhal,  a  truly  brave  man 
and  nearly  one  thousand  oflicers  and  soldiers  were' 
made  prisoners. 

General  Washington,  with  all  possible  speed,  com- 
menced his  march  back  to  the  same  i'errv  where  he 
had  crossed  the  Dc^lawarc,  taking  his  prisoners,  can- 
non, arms,  and  military  stores. 

It  occupied  a  part  of  the  second  night  to  recross 
the   river,  so  gn^at  were   the   difliculties,  increased 
hy  the   accunujiation  of  ice.      The  operation   was 
not  completed  until  three  o'clock  in   the  morning. 
''Slx   brass    iield-pieces   and  a   thousand   stand   of 
arms,  were  the  trophies  of  victory.     Colonel  Rhal, 
the  Hessian  commander  and  a  gallant  officer,  was 
mortally  wounded.     Six  other  oflicers  and  between 
twenty  and   thirty  men  were  killed.     The  American 
loss  was  two  privates  killed  and  two  others  frozen 
to  death.   Captain  William  Washington,  distinguished 
as  an  officer  of  cavalry  at  a  later  period  of  the  war, 
and  Lieutenant  Monroe,  afterwards  President  of  tliJ 
United  States,  were  wounded  in  a  brave  and  success- 
ful assault  upon  the  enemy's  artillery.     The  fact  that 
two  men  died  by  suffering  from  cold,  is  a  proof  of  the 
intense;  severity  of  the   weather.      It  snowed  and 
hailed  during  the  whole  march.     The  ice  had  formed 
so  fast  in   the  river,  below  Trenton,  that  it  was  im- 
practicable for  the   troops   under  Cadwallader  and 
iMving  to  pass  over  at  the  times  agreed  upon.     Cad- 
wallader succeeded  in  landing  a  battalion  of  infant- 
ry, but  the  ice  on  the  margin  of  the  stream  was  in 
such  a  condition,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  land 


I 


62 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


the  artillery,  and  they  all  returned.  If  Ewing  had 
crossed,  as  was  proposed,  and  taken  possession  of 
the  bridge  on  the  south  side  of  the  town,  the  party 
that  fled  would  have  been  intercepted  and  captured. 
And  there  was  the  fairest  prospect  that  Cadwallader 
would  have  been  equally  fortunate  against  the 
detachment  below,  or  have  driven  them  towards 
Trenton,  where  they  would  have  met  a  victorious 
army."* 

Captain  Hull  writes :  "  To  give  you  some  idea  of 
the  excessive  fatigue  of  the  troops  engaged  in  this 
enterprise,  I  relate  the  following  anecdote  respecting 
myself.  It  was  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  second  night,  when  my  company 
recrossed  the  Delaware.  I  marched  them  to  the 
house  of  a  farmer,  and  halted  to  obtain  refreshments 
and  rest.  After  my  men  were  accommodated,  I  went 
into  a  room  where  a  number  of  officers  were  sitting 
around  a  table,  with  a  large  dish  of  '  hasty  pudding' 
in  its  centre.  I  sat  down,  procured  a  spoon,  and  be- 
gan to  eat.  While  eating,  I  fell  from  my  chair  to  the 
floor,  overcome  with  sleep,  and  in  the  morning,  when 
I  awoke,  the  spoon  was  fast  clenched  in  my  hand." 

*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Wasliington,  Vol.  I.,  page  328. 


Critical  1 
TRoors 
Battli 


Noi 

our  arm 

country 

Tiie 

ward  ha 

rccruitiu 

attendee 

ficulty  tl 

vice,  anc 

cd.   The 

discoura^ 

General 

ters,  the 

in  posses 

had  form 

marched 

state  of  t 

try  requir 

Of  thi 

ing  his  ar 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


63 


^ing  had 
!Ssion  of 
he  party 
aptured. 
vvallader 
inst  the 
towards 
ictorious 

3  idea  of 
i  in  this 
specting 
clock  in 
ompany 
1  to  the 
shments 
,  I  went 
3  sitting 
)udding' 
and  he- 
ir to  the 
5,  when 
land." 

S28. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Cn.rrcAL  State  or  t„.  Co^TRv.-WAsnmcxoN's  KFmxs  to  pkevknt  the 
TKoors  rnoM  „ET.K«m.  to  theik  homes.-Pkomoxion  or  CapxaiXJI 
Battle  of  Princeton.  ^ull.— 

1777. 

Notwithstanding  the  success  which  attended 
our  arms  at  Trenton,  the  situation  of  the  army  and 
country  was  extremely  critical. 

Tlie  time  for  whicli  the  best  troops  from  the  north- 
ward had  engaged,  would  expire  in  a  few  days.     The 
recruiting  service  in  every  part  of  the  country  was 
attended  with  little  success.     It  was  with  great  dif- 
ficulty that  the  militia  could  be  called  into  active  ser- 
vice, and  a  spirit  of  despondency  every  where  prevail- 
ed.  There  was  no  period  of  the  war  more  gloomy  and 
discouraguig  than  the  close  of  the  year  1776.     Had 
General  Washington  now  retreated  into  winter  qua'r- 
ters,  the  whole  of  New  Jersey  would  have  remained 
in  possession  of  the  enemy;  and  as  soon  as  the  ice 
had  formed  on  the  Delaware,  the  British  would  have 
marched   to  Philadelphia  without  opposition.     The 
state  of  the  army  and  the  circumstances  of  the  coun- 
try required  bold  and  decisive  measures. 

Of  this  Washington  was  sensible.     After  recruit 
Tig  his  army  for  two   or  three  days,  he  recrossed  the 


64 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


river  to  Trenton.  The  British  garrison  below,  at 
Bordentown  and  Burlington,  after  our  victory  at 
Trenton,  had  retreated  to  Princeton  and  Brunswick, 
and  Generals  Ewing  and  Cadwallader  had  recrossed 
the  Delaware  with  the  militia  under  their  command, 
and  taken  possession  of  the  posts  vacated  by  the 
enemy. 

The  year  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  the  most 
effective  part  of  the  army,  in  a  few  days,  would  be 
entitled  to  a  discharge.  At  this  critical  moment 
Washington  received  information  that  a  part  of  the 
British  army,  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  was  advancing 
from  New-York  to  retrieve  the  misfortunes  which 
had  attended  their  arms  at  Trenton.  General  Wash- 
ington immediately  ordered  the  troops  from  the  High- 
lands into  New  Jersey,  with  all  the  militia  that  could 
be  collected,  to  press  upon  the  rear  and  right  of  Lord 
Cornwallis's  division,  to  retard  their  movements  as 
much  as  possible.  Ho  likewise  ordered  the  militia 
from  Burlington  and  Bordentown  to  join  him  at 
Trenton. 

Washington  made  a  solemn  appeal  to  that  part 
of  his  army  whose  term  of  service  was  now  expiring. 
He  spoke  of  the  fidelity  with  which  they  had  served, 
and  acknowledged  their  just  right  to  a  discharge.  He 
begged  then),  however,  to  consider  what  would  be  the 
situation  of  the  country,  if  they  availed  themselves  of 
that  right.  He  reminded  them  of  their  gallant  con- 
duct a  (ew  days  before,  on  the  very  ground  on  which 
they  were  then  standing ;  how  honourable  it  had  been 
to  them,  how  advantageous  to  their  country,  and  how 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


65 


below,  at 
-victory  at 
runswick, 
recrossed 
;ommand, 
d  by  the 

the  most 
would  be 
moment 
irt  of  the 
idvancing 
es  wliich 
al  Wash- 
he  High- 
bat  could 
t  of  Lord 
merits  as 
le  militia 
him  at 

that  part 
expiring, 
d  served, 
u'ge.  JHe 
Id  be  the 
iselves  of 
lant  con- 
in  which 
had  been 
and  how 


mortifying  to  the  enemy.  That  if  they  now  returned 
to  their  homes,  all  the  advantages  gained  by  us  would 
be  lost,  and  there  would  be  no  army  to  oppose  the 
progress  of  the  enemy,  wherever  he  was  inclined  to 
march ;  and  asked  them  to  consider  what  would  be 
his  situation  under  circumstances  like  these.  He 
then  urged  them  to  engage  for  six  weeks,  and  as  an 
inducement,  offered  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars. 

Captain  Hull  communicated  the  proposition  of 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  his  company,  and  used 
every  argument  in  his  power,  in  addition  to  what  his 
General  had  urged,  to  induce  them  to  comply.  He 
was  happy  to  return  every  man  of  them  for  the  next 
six  weeks.  A  large  proportion  of  the  army  complied 
with  the  wishes  of  their  Commander. 

The  state  of  the  country  had  now  become  so  dis- 
tressing, and  the  dangers  impending  so  alarming,  that 
Congress  confided  to  General  Washington  extraordi- 
nary powers,  in  relation  to  appointments  in  the  army, 
requisitions  on  the  State  for  militia,  and  resources  for 
their  support,  but  limiting  these  powers  to  the  period 
of  six  months. 

The  day  before  the  army  marched  from  Trenton 
to  Princeton,  Captain  Hull  was  informed  that  the 
Commander-in-chief  wished  to  see  him  at  head-quar- 
ters. He  was  introduced  to  General  Washington, 
who  observed  to  him  that  he  understood  that  he  was 
a  Captain  in  the  Connecticut  line  ;  that  there  was  no 
vacancy  in  that  line,  but  there  was  a  vacancy  in  the 
Massachusetts  line ;  that  if  Captain  Hull  was  willino- 

5 


66 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


to  be  transferred  to  another  regiment,  he  was  autho- 
rized and  disposed  to  give  him  promotion. 

Captain  Hull  expressed  his  grateful  feelings, 
and  replied,  «  I  am  a  soldier  for  my  country,  and  it 
is  immaterial  in  what  particular  line  of  the  army 
I  serve."  Shortly  after  he  received  a  commis- 
sion as  a  Major  in  the  eighth  Massachusetts  regi- 
ment. 

About  the  first  of  January,  Lord  Cornwallis  ad- 
vanced from  Princeton.  General  Washington  directed 
a  small  body  of  troops  to  observe  his  motions,  and 
by  skirmishing  with  his  advanced  parties,  to  impede 
his  progress. 

On  this  service  Captain  (now  Major)  Hull  was 
ordered.  The  Americans  met  the  guard  of  the 
British  about  three  miles  from  Trenton,  and  skir- 
mished with  light  parties  of  them,  retreating  at  the 
same  time  towards  the  town.  This  continued  during 
the  afternoon,  un;<l  the  main  body  of  the  enemy 
reached  Trenton,  a  little  before  sunset. 

Unimportant  as  this  skirmishing  may  appear  to 
one  who  knew  not  the  secret  design  of  Washington, 
yet  it  had  a  strong  bearing  on  the  future  succe^ss  of 
the  American  arms.  His  i)lan  was  well  matured, 
and  to  retard  the  approach  of  the  British  until  night 
was  necessary  to  its  execution.  It  was  this  detay 
which  led  to  his  escape  from  Lord  Cornwallis  at 
Trenton,  and  his  subsequent  victory  at  Princeton. 

On  the  approac'i  of  the  enemy  General  Wash- 
ington retired  over  the  Assanpink,  a  creek  which 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


67 


runs  through  the  southern  part  of  Trenton,  and  emp- 
ties into  the  Delaware.  Here  he  formed,  with  the 
creek  in  his  front,  his  left  extending  to  the  Delaware, 
and  his  right  as  far  on  the  creek  as  his  numbers 
would  admit. 

Lord  Cornwallis  was  on  the  other  side  of  the 
•reek,  his  right  extending  to  the  Delaware  and  his 
left  towards  Maidenhead. 

The  American  force,  including  militia,  did  not 
exceed  five  thousand  men.  The  British  were  double 
the  number.  They  conuiienced  a  cannonade,  which 
was  briskly  returned,  until  darkness  put  an  end  t.) 
the  contest.  Both  armies  were  without  tents,  and 
kindled  fires  fo-  the  night.  The  sentinels  were  sta- 
tioned on  the  borders  of  the  creek,  and  could  hear 
each  other's  heavy  tread,  as  they  njoved  up  and 
down  its  banks.  The  Delaware  was  so  full  of  ice 
that  a  retreat  seemed  impossible.  Lord  Cornwallis 
expected,  by  a  general  action  the  following  morning, 
to  destroy  this  remnant  of  the  American  army. 

Here,  amidst  a  choice  of  difficulties,  Washington, 
with  consummate  foresight,  adopted  an  expedient 
which  not  only  saved  his  army,  but  added  fresh  lau- 
rels to  it.  New  Jersey  was  relieved  from  the  pre- 
sence of  the  enemy,  and  Philadelj)hia  freed  from  the 
danger  with  which  it  was  threatened. 

In  the  middle  of  the  night  Washington  ordered 
his  fires  to  be  re-kindled  ;  «  fires  which  were  a  light 
to  the  Americans,  but  darkness  to  the  British  ;"  the 
outguards  to  remain  on  their  posts,  and  men  to  dig  so 
near  the  enemy's  line,  that  the  turning  up  of ''the 


68 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


earth  could  be  distinctly  heard  by  their  sentineh.    He 
then  silently  drew  ofT  his  army  to  the  right,  and  made 
a  circuitous  march  to  Princeton.     On  approaching 
the  town  between  daylight  and  sunrise,  we  met  two 
British  regiments,  which  had  commenced  their  march, 
to  join  Cornwallis  at  Trenton.     An  action  imme- 
diately comnnmced  with  these  regiments,  by  the  van- 
guard of  our  column,  in  which  the  enemy  at  first  had 
the  advantage  ;  but,  on  the  arrival  of  General  Wash- 
mgton,  with  a  superior  force,  they  were  dispersed, 
one  part  towards  Trenton,  the  other  towards  Bruns- 
wick.    A   third    regiment,  near  the    Colleges,    had 
forn.ed ;  it  was  immediately  stacked,  and  the  rem- 
nant of  it,  after  much  loss,  retreated  to  Brunswick. 
About  one  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and 
three  hundred  made  prisoners. 

Lord  Cornwallis  had  no  knowledge  of  this  move- 
ment, until  it  was  announced  to  him  by  the  firing  at 
Princeton.     It  was  doubtful  what  course  he  would 
pursue.     The  possession  of  Philadelphia,  the  capital 
of  America,  had  seemed  a  favorite  object.     Now  that 
the  road  was  open,  he  was  not  disposed  to  avail  himself 
of  the  occasion  to  gain  that  point,  but  immediately 
commenced  a  rapid  march,  to  attack  us  at  Princeton. 
As  soon  as  General  Washington  had  collected  the 
prisoners,  he  advanced  about  three  miles  on  the  road 
leading  to  Brunswick,  and  after  passing  Millstone 
Creek,  filed  off  to  the  left,  and  directed  his  march  to 
Morristown,  where  he  established  his  winter  quar- 
ters. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  supposing  that  Washington  had 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


69 


■» 


gone  in  the  direction  of  Brunswick,  and  anxious  for 
the  fate  of  the  garrison,  as  well  as  for  the  protection 
of  a  large  sum  of  money  deposited  there,  pushed  di- 
rectly to  that  place. 

During  these  operations,  in  the  midst  of  winter, 
our  army  was  destitute  of  the  necessary  articles  of 
clothing.  This  circumstance,  and  the  extreme  fa- 
tigue it  had  endured,  prevented  General  Washington 
from  proceeding  to  Brunswick,  where  in  all  probabi- 
lity he  would  have  gained  another  complete  victory.* 

It  was  the  fortune  of  Major  Hull  to  be  in  the  se- 
verest parts   of  the   memorable    battles   of  Trenton 
and  Princeton.     The  classical  and  eloquent  Italian 
historian  of  the  war,  Charles  Botta,  after  describing 
these  transactions,  adds  :  "  Achievements  so  aston- 
ishing, acquired  an  immense  glory  for  the   Captain 
General  of  the  United   States.     AH  nations  shaved 
in  the  surprise  of  the  Americans  ;  all  equally  admired 
and  applauded  the  prudence,  the  constancy,  and  the 
noble    intrepidity     of    General    Washington.      An 
unanimous  voice  pronounced  him  the  saviour  of  his 
country :  all  extolled  him  as  equal  to  the  most  cele- 
brated commanders  of  antiquity  ;  all  proclaimed  him 
the  Fabius  of  America.    His  name  was  in  the  mouth 
of  all ;  he  was  celebrated    by  the   pens  of  the  most 
distinguished  writers.     The  most  illustrious  person- 
ages of  Europe  lavished  upon  him  their  praises  and 
their  congratulations.     The  American  General  there- 
fore, wanted  neither  a  cause  to  defend,  nor  occasion 

*  See  Appendix  No.  I.-Coloncl      Simcoe,    respoctinjr  Wasl)iii(rton",s 
lliill-s  conversation  with  Governor      escape  from  Cornwal lis  at  Trenton. 


70 


REVOLUTIONARY  SHflVIGKS  AND  CIVIL 


for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  nor  genius  to  avail  him- 
self of  it,  nor  the  renown  due  to  his  triumphs,  nor  an 
entire  generation  of  men  perfectly  well  disposed  to 
render  him  homage."* 

In  a  former  chapter,  the  reader  was  informed  that 
the  regiment  of  Colonel  Webb  left  the  Highlands, 
under  the  command  of  General  Lee,  to  reinforce  the' 
army  of  Washington  in  Pennsylvania.  The  march 
commenced  about  the  beginning  of  December.  Ma- 
jor Hull  writes  ; 

"  In  recounting  the  hardships  and  fatigue  which 
my  company  encountered,  and  the  patience  and  for- 
titude with  which  they  endured  them,  you  will  have 
a  representation  of  the  situation  and  conduct  of  the 
whole  American  army  at  that  time.  I  relate  nothing 
but  what  I  was  in  the  best  possible  situation  to 
know,  and  what  I  personally  witnessed. 

"  When  we  left  the  Highlands,  my  company  con- 
sisted of  about  fifty,  rank  and  file.  On  examining 
the  state  of  the  clothing,  I  found  there  was  not  more 
than  one  poor  blanket  to  two  men  :  many  of  them 
had  neither  shoes  nor  stockings  ;  and  those  who  liad, 
found  them  nearly  worn  out.  All  the  clothing  Avas 
of  the  same  wretched  description. 

"  These  troops  had  been  almost  a  year  in  service, 
and  their  pay  which  was  due,  remained  un])aid.  Yet 
their  privations  and  trials  were  only  equalled  by  their 
patience.  They  knew  the  resources  of  their  country 
did  not  admit  of  their  being  more  comfortable ;  yet, 


111 


*•  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  11.,  i>ago  227. 


1 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


71 


in  a  noble  spirit  of  patriotism,  they  served  her  in 
her  greatest  need  without  compensation,  and  almost 
without  the  hope  of  more  prosperous  days. 

"  In  this  condition,  during  the  inclement  month 
of  December,  we  marched  through  New  Jersey,  slept 
on  the  cold  ground,  until  we  joined  the  army  of 
General  Washington  in  Pennsylvania.  Here  wc 
remained  a  few  days,  but  found  no  relief  from  our 
sufferings,  unless  it  was  relief  to  join  companions  in 
similar  distress. 

"In  the  attacks  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  we  were 
in  this  destitute  situation,  and  continued  to  sleep  on 
the  frozen  ground,  without  covering,  until  the  seventh 
of  January,  when  we  arrived  at  Morristown,  New 
Jersey,  where  General  Washington  established  his 
wmter  quarters.  The  patient  endurance  of  the  army 
at  this  period,  is  perhaps  unexampled  in  this  or  any 
other  country." 


72 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Retreat  of  General  St.  Clair  from  Ticonderoga. 

1777. 

When  the  arinj^^  was  established  in  winter  quar- 
ters in  New  Jersey,  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to  re- 
pair to  Boston  and  assist  in  recruiting  the  eighth 
Massachusetts  regiment.  Michael  Jackson,  Esquire, 
was  the  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  John  Brooks, 
Esquire,  afterwards  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  was 
the  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Colonel   Jackson    had    not   recovered    from    his 
wounds,  received   at  Montrcssor's  Island,  near  New- 
Fork,  in  the  second  year  of  the  war,  and  was  unable 
to  perform   duty.     Lieutenant-Colonel   Brooks  had 
been  active  in  recruiting  the  regiment,  and  several 
companies  had  been  sent  to  rendezvous  at  Springfield, 
on  Connecticut  River.     Major  Hull  was  ordered  to 
that  place,  to  take  the  command  of  them,  and  attend 
to    their   discipline.     Here    he    remained    until    the 
month  of  April,  when  about  three  hundred  men  had 
been  recruited,  and  he  was  directed  to  march  them 
to  Ticonderoga,  to  reinforce  the  army  at  that  station, 
under   the   command   of  Major-General    St.    Clair. 
Major  Hull  arri\ed  early  in  May  at  Ticonderoga. 
His  troops  were  posted  at  the  old  French  lines,  and 


LIFE  OF  OENERAL  WILLIA'T  HULL. 


"TO 


were  omplojed  in  strengthening  the  works,  until  the 
latter  part  of  June,  when  General  Burgoync  ap- 
proached with  his  army  from  Canada,  and  commenc- 
ed an  investment  of  tiie  place. 

Ticonderoga  is  a  neck  of  land,  situated  on  the 
west  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  water,  excepting  where  the  French  lines 
were  established.  Mount  Inde])endence  is  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  lake,  opposite  to  Ticonderoga. 
The  two  posts  were  connected  by  a  bridge.  Mount 
Independence  was  fortified,  and  a  part  of  St.  Clair's 
army  stationed  there  for  its  defence.  The  Americans 
had  no  naval  force  on  the  lake.  The  British  army 
came  up  in  boats,  and  several  armed  vessels.  It  had 
been  Joined  by  a  gniat  number  of  savages. 

General  Burgoyne  commenced  operations  by 
landing  his  forces  on  both  sides  of  the  lake,  about 
three  miles  above  Ticonderoga.  His  right  wing  took 
possession  of  Mount  Hope.  This  was  an  eminence  in 
front  of  the  French  lines,  and  extended  to  the  outlet 
of  Lake  George. 

His  taking  this  position,  entirely  cut  off  our  com- 
munication with  Loke  George,  and  completely  in- 
vested Ticonderoga  on  the  west  side. 

The  Germans,  under  the  command  of  General 
Reidesel,  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  about 
three  miles  from  Mount  Independen.  ;  they  com- 
menced cutting  a  road  and  advancing  to  a  position,  so 
as  to  form  an  investment  of  that  place. 

The  armed  vessels  took  a  station  across  the  lake, 
a  small  distance  from  Ticonderoga.     On  the  south 


74  UEVOLUTIONARY  HKRVICEH  AND  CIVIL 

of  the  fort  is  ahiH,  cnWvd  Su-ar-loaf  fJill,  which  over- 
looks hoth  TicomhToga  and  Mount  Independence, 
and  vvithia  point  blank  shot  of  both  of  these  phices. 

Between  this  hill  andTicondero-a,  is  a  narrow  bay, 
into  which  is  the  outlet,  running  from  Lake  George. 

General  St.  Clair  frecpiently  spoke  of  the  import- 
ance of  fortifying  this  hill  ;  but  remarked,  that  it 
would  be  improper  to  do  so,  until  the  garrison  was 
reinforced  ;  for  he  had  not  at  that  moment  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  to  defend  the  works  already  estab- 
ished,  and  that  by  extending  them  he  should  weaken 
his  post. 

General  Burgoyne,  perceiving  the  advantage  of 
this  position,  with  great  labour  surmounted  the;  diffi- 
culties of  its  almost  perpendicular  ascent,  and  com- 
menced i)reparing  a  battery  on  its  summit.  General 
St.  Clair  was  now  convinced  that  the  loss  of  his  army 
would  be  inevitable,  if  he  persevered  in  defendiiiir  the 
fort.  ^ 

On  the  sixth  of  July,  he  summoned  a  council  of 
war,  and  the  unanimous  opinion  was  to  retreat,  be- 
fore the  investment  was  completed,  which  would  have 
taken  placcj  the  following  day. 

That  evening  the  baggage  and  stores  were  put 
on  board  the  boats,  and  at  an  early  hour  in  the  ni-ht 
the  troops  silently  retired  from  Ticonderoga,  over  die 
bridge,  to  Mount  Independence.  The  intention  was 
to  move  quietly,  that  the  enemy  would  have  no  in- 
formation of  the  retreat  until  the  next  morning.  Un- 
fortunately, the  barracks  of  General  Fournay  took 
fire,  and  the  whole  of  Mount  Independence  was  illu- 


LIFK  OF  (JFNRRAL  WlfJJAM  HULL. 


n 


% 


minatod.     By  this  disaster,  the  enemy  were  apprised 
of  the  j)rojected  retreat,  hvthrv.  our  niareli  was  com- 
menced ;  and  they  immediately  prepared  for  pursuit. 
A  brigade  of  troojjs  under  the  command  of  Co- 
lonel Long,  proceeded  with  the   baggage   by  water, 
to  Skcensborough.  The  main  body  of  the  army,  under 
the  command  of  General  St.  Clair,  marched  through 
a  wilderness  to  Castletown,  in  Vermont,  about  thirty 
miles  from  Ticonderoga.     A  large  body  of  the  enemy, 
under  the  command  of  Generals  Frazcr  and  lleidosel, 
pursued,  and  the  morning  after  the  retreat  attacked 
the  rear-guard,  consisting  of  about  thirteen    hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Warner.     The  guard 
had  been  much  increased  by  a  large  number  of  troops 
falling  out  from  the  main  body  through  fatigue  and 
other  causes.     It  was  impossible  to  avoid  this  irregu- 
larity, as  the  march  was  through  a  thick  wilderness, 
in  a  path  but  just  wide  enough  for  two  men  to  walk 
abreast. 

Colonels  Warner  and  Francis  were  the  principal 
officers  who  commanded  in  this  trying  and  perilous 
situation.  They  made  great  exertions,  and  for  some 
time  successfully  resisted.  But  when  the  main  body 
of  the  enemy  was  brought  into  action,  our  gallant 
troops  were  compelled  to  retreat.  At  this  time  Co- 
lonel Francis  was  killed;  and  the  loss  of  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners,  was  probably  five  or  six 
hundred. 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  St.  Clair  to  have 
marched  to  Skcensborough  ;  but  at  the  same  time 
that  the  rear  of  his  army  was  defeated,  he  received 


76  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

information  thai  Colonel  Long  had  retreated  from 
that  place.  As  his  object  in  quitting  Ticonderoga 
was  to  save  his  army  for  futm-e  operations,  he  changed 
his  Ime  of  march,  and  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Rut- 
land and  Manchester  in  Vermont,  to  Fort  Edward  on 
the  Hudson,  and  there  joined  the  forces  commanded 
by  General  Schuyler. 

The  clamour  against  General  St.  Clair  was  exces- 
sive. Even  the  army  which  he  had  saved  from  destruc- 
tion joint  J  in  the  popular  cry  against  him.    It  was  as- 
serted that  he  had  sold  the  key  of  the  country ;  and 
many  of  his  own  troops  were  made  to  believe  that  they 
were  guarding  him  and  his  treasure  toa  place  of  safety. 
A  public  inquiry  was  made  into  his  conduct,  and  hn 
was  honourably  acquitted.     Had  he  remained  a  ihw 
days  longer  at  Ticonderoga,  there  is  not  a  doubt  but 
that  his  whole  force  would  have  been  captured,  and 
the  result  of  the  campaign  of  a  very  different  char- 
acter. 

Dr.  Thatcher,  who  was  with  the  army  of  General 
St.  Clair,  remarks  in  his  military  journal  : 

"  It  is  predicted  by  some  of  our  well-informed  and 
respectable  characters,  that  this  event,  apparently  so 
calamitous,  will  ultimately  prove  advantageous,  by 
drawing  the  British  army  into  the  heart  of  the  coun- 
try, and  thereby  place  them  more  immediately  in  our 
power." 

The  wisdom  that  deduces  good  from  evil  is  often 
rewarded  by  the  event.  It  was  made  apparent  in 
the  close  of  the  campaign,  and  the  prophecy  exactly 
fulfilled. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  77 

When  the  armj  of  St.  Clair  was  ordered  to  re- 
treat, boats  were  in  readiness  to  receive  the  cannon 
baggage  and  military  stores.  Major  Hull,  like  the 
rest  of  the  officers,  lost  every  thing  but  the  clothing 
he  had  on.  Some  valuable  books,  a  good  military 
library  for  that  period,  and  his  camp  furniture,  were 
captured  by  the  enemy  at  Skeensborough. 

Trying  as  was  their  situation,  and  humbling  to 
the  feehngs  of  the  army,  yet  from  the  first,  the  ex- 
pediency  of  the  retreat  was  apparent  to  Major  Hull 
and  he  d,d  every  thing  in  his  power  to  convince 
those  of  h,s  brother  officers  who  joined  in  the  preju- 
dice against  St   Clair,  of  the  necessity  of  the  step. 
Major  Hull  availed  himself  of  the  first  opportunity 
that  olfered,  to  communicate  his  views  to  the  public 
that  he  might  justiiy  his  commander. 

At  a  halt  of  tho  army,  not  far  from  Fort  Edward, 
he   addressed   a   levter*to   the    Honourable   Jud^e 
Mitchell,  of  Wethersfield,  Connecticut-the  stump  of 
a  treeservmg  him  for  a  table-stating  all  the  circum- 
stances   connected   with   an   event,    the   author   of 
which  was  so  severely  censured   by  his  countrymen 
About  the  fifteenth  of  July  General  St.  Clair  joined 
General  Schuyler's  army  at  Fort  Edward.     General 
Burgoyne  d.d  not  prosecute  the  advantage  he  had 
gamed    at   Ticonderoga.     He  lost   some  Veeks  at 
Skeensborough  and  Fort  Ann,  in   bringing  forward 
his  heavy  artillery  and  supplies. 


78 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


General  Schuyler  availed  himself  of  this  delay  to 
recruit  his  army,  but  retreated  when  General  Bur- 
goyne  advanced  towards  Fort  Edward,  not  being  suf- 
ficiently strong  to  defend  the  position  he  had  taken. 
He  crossed  to  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  above 
Saratoga.  Major  Hull  commanded  the  rear-guard 
in  this  retreat. 

When  the  troops  halted  in  the  evening  near  Sar- 
atoga, Major  Hull  was  directed  to  remain  two  miles 
in  the  rear,  during  the  night.  His  command  consist- 
ed of  about  three  hundred  continental  troops  ;  the 
remainder  were  militia.  He  formed  his  plan  early 
in  the  evening,  placing  the  continental  troops  on  the 
right,  extending  to  the  river ;  and  on  the  left,  as  fur 
from  the  river  as  the  numbers  would  admit. 

In  front  of  his  lines  he  stationed  small  patrols  of 
observation  ;  one  up  the  river,  one  on  his  left,  and  a 
third  between  these  two  parties ;  with  directions  to 
proceed  as  iav  as  they  could,  and  if  no  enemy  ap- 
peared, to  return  early  in  the  morning. 

Soon  after  daylight,  the  ])atrols  returned  without 
having  made  any  discoveries.  About  sunrise,  the 
advanced  guards  were  seen  retreating.  An  officer 
was  despatched  to  ascertain  the  cause.  He  was  in- 
formed that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  was  ad- 
vancing, and  very  near  to  our  troops.  Major  Hull 
immediately  formed  the  line,  and  shortly  after,  the 
enemy  appeared,  formed  in  his  front,  and  commenced 
a  fire.  The  fire  was  returned,  which  gave  a  tempo- 
rary check  to  the  assailants. 

In  a  few  moments  a  body  of  regular  troops  and 
savages  attacked  the  left  flank,  which,  being  com- 


wtf, 


1 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  70 

posed  of  militia,  gave  way  and  retreated  in  some 
disorder.  The  enemy  then  advanced,  discharged  a 
heavy  iwe  on  the  centre  and  right ;  being  unsupported 
by  the  left,  and  the  numbers  opposed  greatly  superior, 
Major  Hull  ordered  a  retreat.  As  soon  as  it  com- 
rnenccd,  the  enemy  pursued  with  great  rapidity,  pour- 
ing upon  them  an  incessant  fire,  while  the  savages, 
like  so  many  demons,  were  sounding  their  hideous 
yells  in  our  ears. 

After  retreating  three  quarters  of  a  mile,  some  ris- 
ing ground  was  perceived  on  the  right,  and  it  was 
determined  to  form  and  make  a  stand.  Major  Hull 
was  now  in  the  rear  of  his  troops.  He  rode  full  speed 
past  the  retreating  line,  towards  the  front,  and  point- 
ing to  the  hill,  informed  each  officer,  as  he  passed, 
that  It  was  his  intention  to  take  possession  of  that 
ground.  When  the  detachment  came  opposite  to  the 
hill,  the  officer  most  in  advance  was  directed  to  wheel 
his  men  to  the  right  and  march  up  the  hill. 

To  prevent  any  of  the  men  from  continuing  to 
retreat,  an  officer  was  posted  in  the  road,  with  a 
small  guard,  with  orders  to  stop  them  at  all  events 

In  a  short  time  the  line  was  formed,  and  the  ene- 
my advanced  with  great  violence  to  break  it.  They 
were  met  with  a  heavy  fire,  and  the  position  was  sus- 
tained until  a  reinforcement  arrived,  and  com.jelled 
them  to  retreat  with  considerable  loss. 

In  this  little  rencontre,  one  officer  was  killed,  two 
JJ^unded,  and  about  twenty  men  killed  and  wounded. 
Major  Hull  received  the  thanks  of  General  Schuyler 
tor  his  conduct  on  this  occasion. 


I 


80 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

General  Arnold  marches  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix.— Trial  of 
BoTLEu.— Retreat  of  Gen.  .St.  Legeu. 

The  day  following  tlic  events  related  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to  march  his 
detachment  to  Albany,  to  join  the  residue  of  the  re- 
giment, the  command  of  which  now  devolved  on  that 
gallant  officer,  Colonel  Brooks. 

Fort  Stanwix  was  at  this  time  besieged  by  a  large 
body  of  British  troops  and  savages.     Our  regiment 
was  ordered  to  join  the  detachment  of  General  Ar- 
nold, appointed  to  march  to  its  relief.     The  name  of 
this  fort  was  now  changed  to  ihat  of  Schuyler.     It 
w\is  situated  on   the  Mohawk  river,  about  one  hun- 
dred miles  from  Albany,  on  the  site  of  the  present 
town  of  Rome.     It  was  garrisoned  by  one  continental 
regiment,  a  company  of  artillery,  and  a  small  body  of 
infantry,  consisting  in  all  of  about  six  hundred  men, 
and  commanded  by  Colonel  Ganesvoort.     The  Amer- 
icans had  established  this  post  for  the  protection  of 
the  western  settlements  against  the  predatory  incur- 
sions of  the  British  soldiers,  loyalists,  and  sava^^es. 
General  Burgoyne,  considering  the  occupation  of  the 
country  on  the  Mohawk  river  would  be  of  great  im- 
portance in  his  plan  of  operations,  previously  to  his 
descent  upon  Ticonderoga  sent  a  detachment  against 


the  fori 

regular 

was  re( 

in  Jiis  e 

g  Sho 

tia  of  'J 

of  GeiK 

siege. 

St.  J 

approaci 

his  sava; 

they  we 

fort.     T 

^vere  att. 

an  en  em 

the  first  i 

ahawks  s 

ensued. 

fury  of  tl 

most  resp 

After 

sion   of  c 

consistinir 

separate  1 

on  the  Mc 

of  the  Stc 

f('\v  days, 

the  necess 

Gener? 

pressing  tli 

a    very   sn 


.-^, 

,4^ 


a  large 


I.rFR  OF  GRNKRAL  W,I,[JAM  irULL 

ol 

'lie  fori,  of  al,„„t  /if,„„„  |,„„,^,,j 

-gula,.,  I„,.|i,„,  „„,  ^^    ;        '      . 

'"l"soxp«l„io„  onrho  ll„,l.so„  "■"-'"""ni 

«l."nly  aftc-  St.  Lo^.r  iuv,,.,od  .ho  f,„t,  ,|,„  ,„i|i. 

I,!;^       '•''''"' '^"""' '"'■''"'  m-c  or  ™.i,,,,t,,e 

St.  Leg,.,-,  rocoiviMg  111,;  infornution  of  I  leikimor'. 
•  Pl.ro.cl,,  .Icaohed  a  portion  of  „i,s  ro.ula  s  a  d     , 
«  savages,  and  fo,,„od  a„  anihusoad^o,   ,1,;  1" 

i""-     11.0  I'lan  completely  succecdal      Tl„.  n,;i     ,' 
wofo  attacked  on  each  tlank,  ,,efo,,,  thev      e ^ 

:i:::::i:2Tr  '"•""""- "'^^-^- 

"0  '".St /no,  the  huhans  rushed  upon  thetn  with  torn 
;--n,dseal,an,^ 

"">  "(  tho  savages;  among th,m,  iver..  u,anv  of  .1  . 
n>os   respectable  citizens  of  N..vv..Vork         ^ 

Alter    .ne  defeat  of  GcMieral  Herkimer,  the  divi 
sion  ol  continental    troops    „,„j,,,  r        ',     '  ''"" 

consistingofahontlifteetlhnlt    nt::rc':.';'••'■ 
r^HifiT--'-^^ 

^  ""•'"  '''^'^"""'   "'  'I'o   fort ;  hut  the  brave 
6 


•m 


82 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Gansevoort  constantly  repelled  the  summons  to  sur- 
rei.<der. 

During  this  state  of  things,  General  St.  Leger 
despatched  a  subaltern  officer  by  the  name  of  Butler, 
to  treat  with  the  inhabitants  ;  expecting  that  after  so 
severe  a  demonstration  of  his  power  against  General 
Herkimer,  they  would  be  induced  to  take  protection 
under  his  standard.  The  party  sent  out  consisted  of 
some  influential  loyalists,  with  a  number  of  armed 
savages  ;  it  went  forth  under  a  flag  of  truce.  Butler 
proceeded  uown  the  southern  side  of  the  Mohawk, 
until  he  car.ie  opposite  General  Arnold's  encampment, 
lie  had  with  him  large  bundle;;  of  General  Burgoyne's 
and  St.  Lcger's  proclamations.  I'hey  v/^re  addressed 
to  the  inhabitants  only,  and  he  was  directed  to  have 
no  communication  with  any  civil  or  miHtary  officer. 

As  soon  as  Gene"al  Arnold  received  information 
of  the  progress  of  thi.  p  -ity ,  he  detached  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Brooks  with  r  -^  hundred  men,  with  orders 
to  make  prisoners  ol  tl.om.  As  Brooks  approached, 
Butler  paraded  his  men,  as  if  he  intended  to  give 
battle,  though  with  hir,  flag  of  truce  flying  before 
them.  Colonel  Brooks  ordered  him  to  lay  down  his 
arms.  Butler  refused.  Brooks  directed  his  men  to 
advance  with  the  bayonet,  when  the  party  imme- 
diately surrendered.  General  Arnold  appointed  a 
board  of  officers  to  repoit  to  him  in  what  character 
Butler  should  be  considered,  and  what  punishment 
should  be  inflicted.  The  Board  reported  that  his  bu- 
siness was  not  with  the  civil  officers  of  the  State,  nor 
with  the  officer  commanding  the  American  forces,  and 


l-IFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  gS 

therefore  the  flag  was  no  protection  to  him.     That 
ns  he  was  taken  i„  „ur  territory,  and  near  L  army 
h^  object  must  have  been,  under  the  co.er  of  aZ' 
0    truce  ,0  have  ascertained  and  informed   he  e„em! 
0    our  suuat^n  and  strength;  and  tha.  he  oughno 

oen:::;crs:nn:mt;re^:r,hrnrt 

It  may  be  questioned  whethe-  the  opinion  of  tl,„ 
court  was  correct.  There  wa<,  n  Mr  T 
his  situation  and  .ha.  of  A^d  ^  itvT  h"'""" 
within  .he  American  lines  f„\,'  [fo  r"  ^l 
performed  their  business  in  their  uniform:'  A^ 
put  oli   his  to  favour  his  psnn^-    «i  ^^""'^e 

-  without  it.  Butierir^'u:^::;;^::,:': 

that  he  was  act  nff  under  th^  r.^\  "eiieving 

.hat  of  the  King,  afdl"         o  ^'tral:,*'":'"'"!; 
-  disguise      Major  „u„  wa's  pre^nTa  ",    ".Hat 

r"^-K^;-^zrw:^::t3 

their  questions  until  they  showed  hv  vvh.t.  T 
thev  nntnA      u    r     1  ""vvlu   uy  wiiat  authority 

S^lntsirrstelrr^^" '"'■'' 

Po..n,,a.,vvhatwasderreUr,*:::;"''^^^ 
The  Court  admonished  the  prisoner  of  his  impru- 


■.,!^ 


84 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


dence,  and  apprised  liiip.  of  tlie  consctpionccs  of  his 
not  answering  to  their  (|Licstions.  He  then  remarked, 
that  lie  could  not  be  consichned  as  a  spy,  as  he  ap- 
peared without  disguise,  and  his  business  was  with 
the  iniiabitants  of  Hie  country,  whom  his  General  and 
himself  viewed  as  his  Majesty's  subjects. 

Among  the  loyalists  taken  with  Butler,  was  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Schuyler,  sometimes  by  histo- 
rians called  Cuyler,  Jlis  family  was  respectable,  and 
resided  in   the  neighbourhood   of  the  German  Flats. 

The  father  of  Schuyler  applied  to  General  Arnold 
for  the  pardon  of  his  son.  General  Arnold  asked  him, 
if  he  would  be  answerable  for  the  fidelity  of  his  son. 


if  he  intrusted  hmi  with  a   message  to  St. 


Leger. 


He  replied,  he  would.  Arnold  then  sent  for  the 
young  man,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  father  inform- 
ed him  of  the  sentence,  and  probable  fate  of  his  com- 
panion, Butler;  that  he  was  equally  implicated,  and 
his  fate  must  be  the  same.  He  then  asked  Schuyler 
whether  he  was  personally  acquainted  with  General 
St.  Leger,  and  whether  St.  Leger  had  confidence  in 
him.  To  both  questions  he  replied  in  the  affirmative. 
General  Arnold  said,  "  To  save  your  life,  are  you  wil- 
ling to  goto  the  fort  and  inform  St.  Leger  that  But- 
ler and  his  party  were  made  prisoners  ;  that  Butler 
had  been  tried  as  a  spy,  and  was  condemned  to  be 
executed ;  that,  expecting  the  same  fate,  you  had 
succeeded  in  making  your  escape,  at  the  peril  of  your 
life  ?* 


*  Sparks,  ill  his  life  of  Benedict     friendly  Indian,  wily  by  nature  and 
Arnold,  page   110,  relates,  '"that  a    skilled  in  artitice  from   habit,   pro- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


85 


"  General  St.  Leger  will  naturally  inquire  of  you, 
the  strength  of  the  force  brought  against  him,  and 
other  particulars  relating  to  our  plans  and  future 
movements. 

"  You  must  inform  him,  that  my  army  consists  of 
three  thousand  continental  troops,  with  ten  pieces  of 
artillery.     That  it  was  to  commence  its  march  the 
next  morning,  and  must  be  then  very  near  the  fort. 
Are  you  willing  to  go  with  this  message  ?"    Schuyler 
answered  that  he  was. 

General  Arnold  then  turning  to  the  father,  said, 
"  Are  you  prepared,  if  your  son  proves  false,  to  re- 
ceive his  punishment?"  IJe  promptly  replied,  "  Yes." 
The  father  was  then  secured,  and  the  son  pro- 
ceeded to  the  camp  of  St.  Leger.    On  his  arrival,  the 
General  received  him  most  cordially,  and  requested 
l>im  to  give   him  all  the   news.     Schuyler  informed 
lum  of  ihe  manner  in  which  they  had  been  captured  ; 
of  Sutler's  fate,  and  what  his  fate  would  have  been,' 
liad  he  not  made  his  escape ;  and  that  General  Ar- 
nold was  marching  on  with  three  thousand  continen- 
tal troops,  supported  by  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  and  he 
would   be  before  the  fort  in  a  few  hours.     General 
St.  Leger,  on  receiving  this  information,  immediately 
ordered  a  retreat,  leaving  his  camp  all  standing,  his 
provisions,  intrenching  tools,  and  other  valuable  equi- 
page, behind. 

Our  army  arrived  the  following  day,  and  found 
every  thing  as  has  been  described. 

posed   that  ballots  .Lould  bo   shot    to  his  story;  which  was  acnordinciy 
thro,ig:h    Sch,iylcr-s    cat,     which    done/'  " 

would  give  tlic  trrcater  phiusibihty 


86 


RKVOLUTIONARY  SRRVICKS  AND  CIVIL 


Schuyler  remained,  delivered  himself  up  to  Gc^ 
iieral  Arnold,  and  relate  d  the  circumstances  of  his  in- 
terview with  the  British  commander. 

General  St.  Leger  retreated  down  Wood  Creek 
to  Oswego,  thence  to  Montreal,  and  i)roceeded  up 
Lake  Champlain  to  join  General  Burgoyne.  But  it 
was  too  late.  General  Burgojne  with  his  whole 
army,  were  at  that  moment  prisoners  to  the  Ame- 
ricans. General  Arnold  marched  back,  and  joined 
the  main  army  on  the  Hudson. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


87 


CHAPTER    IX. 

General  Schuti.er  supeuseded  in  command  of  i.,,    .N„RTirF.nN  Army  bt 

General  Gates. 

General  Schuyler,  who  had  commanded  the 
Northern  Army  up  to  this  period,  was  now  to  bo  su- 
perseded by  General  Gates,  an  arrangement  wound- 
ing to  the  feelings  of  the  former,  who  had  been  inde- 
fatigable in  preparing  the  way  for  the  brilliant  suc- 
cesses which  he  was  confident  were  soon  to  gladden 
the  drooping  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  But  faithful 
to  his  country's  interests,  this  good  citizen,  and  gal- 
lant soldier,  for  nearly  three  weeks  previous  to  the 
arrival  of  General  Gates  in  camp,  was  unremittingly 
active  to  repair  the  evils,  and  meet  the  exigencies  of 
his  difficult  situation. 

Already,  as  we  have  seen,  his  efforts  had  not  been 
fruitless,  and  victory  now  inclined  in  his  favour. 

He  feelingly  complained  to  General  Washington, 
that  the  course  of  his  fortune  was  interrupted,  and 
that  the  reward  of  his  toils  was  now  to  be  given  to 
another,  who  would  enjoy  that  victory  for  which  he 
had  prepared  the  way. 

Bui  it  was  the  desire  of  Congress  to  place  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  dismayed  by  its  reverses,  a  general 
celebrated  for  his  achievements  :  moreover,  the  troops 
of  the   Northern   Army  were  principally   from  the 


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88  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Eastern  States,  in  which  part  of  the  country  General 
trales  held  an  unrivalled  popularity.  Both  win-s  of 
iiurgojne's  army  had  now  been  cut  off.  The  det^ich- 
ment  at  Bennington  had  met  with  a  total  defeat,  and 
the  retreat  of  St.  Leger  was  equally  fatal  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  British  General. 

The  discerning  mind  of  Washington  had  antici- 
pated these  events,  so  favourable   to  the  American 
cause.     He  thus  writes  in  reply  to  General  Schuy- 
ler, who  had  informed  him  of  the  plan  of  General 
Burgoyne's  campaign,  which  was  to  act  in  detach- 
ments, "  Though  our  affiiirs  for  some  davs  past  have 
worn  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  yet  look  forward 
to  a  fortunate  and  happy  change.     I  trust  General 
Burgoyne's  army  will  meet  sooner  or  later  an  effec- 
tual check  ;  and,  as  I  suggested  before,  that  the  suc- 
cess he  has  had  will  precipitate  his  ruin.     From  your 
accounts  he  appears  to  be  pursuing  that  line  of  con- 
duct which,  of  all  others,  is  most  favourable  to  us— I 
mean  acting  in  detachments.    This  conduct  will  cer- 
tainly give  room  for  enterprise  on  our  part,  and  ex- 
pose his  parties  to  great  ha/aid.     Could  we  be  so 
happy  as  to  cut  one  of  them  off,  supposing  it  should 
not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  men,  it  would 
mspn-it  the  people,  and  do  away  much  of  their  pre- 
sent anxiety.    In  such  an  event,  they  would  lose  si-ht 
of  past  m.sfort.mes,  and  urged  at  the  same  time  by  a 
regard  for  their  own  security,  they  would  fly  to  arms, 
and  afford  every  aid  in  their  power."*     "  Meanwhile 


I  i 


::| 


*  Wushington's  Writings,  Vol.  fV.,  page  503. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


89 


General  Burgojne  continued  in  his  camp  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Hudson,  where  he  used  the  most  unre- 
mitting industry  and  perseverance,  in  bringing  stores 
and  provisions  from  Fort  George.    Having  at  length, 
by  strenuous  efforts,  obtained  about  thirty  days'  pro- 
visions,  he  resolved  on  passing  the  river  with  his 
army,  in  order  to  engage  the  enemy,  and  force  a  pas- 
sage to  Albany.    As  a  swell  of  the  water,  occasioned 
by  great  rains,  had  carried  auay  his  bridge  of  rafts, 
he  threw  another  of  boats  over  the  river,  at  the  same 
place.     Towards  the  middle  of  September,  he  cross- 
ed with  his  army  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson 
and  encamped  on  the  heights  and  in  the  plains  of 
Saratoga ;  Gates  being  then  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Stillwater,  about  three  miles  below.    The  two  armies 
f^iced  each  other,  and  a  battle  was  expected  soon  to 
follow.     This  measure  of  passing  the  Hudson,  was 
by  many  greatly  censured.     It   was  considered  the 
principal  cause  of  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  cam- 
paign.    Some  were  of  opinion,  that,  after  the  affairs 
of  Bennington  and  Stanwix,  Burgoyne  would  have 
acted  more  wisely,  considering  the  daily  increase  of 
the  American  army,  if  he  had  renounced  the  ])roject 
of  occupying  Albany,  and  made  the  best  of  his  way 
back  to   the  lakes.     It  appears,  however,  to  us,  but 
just  to  remark  for  his  excuse,  that  at  this  tin  e  he  had 
not  received  intelligence,  cither  of  the  strength  of  the 
army  left  at  New-York,  or  of  the  movement  which 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  to  make  or  had  made,  up  the 
North  river  towards  Albany.     He  calculated  upon  a 
powerful  co-operation  on  the  part  of  that  General. 


90 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Such  was  the  plan  of  the  Ministers,  and  such  the 
tenor  of  his  own  peremptory  instructions.  And  to 
what  reproaches  would  he  not  have  exposed  himself, 
If,  bjretmng  towards  Ticonderoga,  he  had  abandoned 
Uinton  to  himself,  and  thus  voluntarily  relinquished 
all  the  advantages  that  were  expected  from  the  junc- 
tion cf  the  two  armies? 

"But  though  we  think  Burgojne  committed  no 
error,  m  resolving  to  prosecute  his  expedition,  it 
nevertheless  appears  that  he  ought  not  to  have  passed 
the  Hudson.  By  continuing  upon  the  left  bank, 
he  could  retire  at  will  towards  Ticonderoga,  or  push 
forwards  towards  Albany.  It  was  evidently  more 
easy  to  execute  this  movement,  while  having  between 
himself  and  the  now  formidable  army  of  Gates,  so 
broad  a  river  as  the  Hudson."* 

The  success  which  had  attended  the  American 
arms  at  Fort  Stanwix  and  Bennington,  reanimated 
the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  reinforcements  of  militia 
were  daily  joining  the  army.     General  Schuyler  was 
beloved,  and  his  military  character  was  highly  appre- 
ciated.    Yet  the  appointment  of  General  Gates  to 
the  command  gave     real  satisfaction.     He  took    a 
position    on   Bemis's    Heights,   about    eight    miles 
below   Saratoga.     Here  we   commenced  a   line  of 
fortifications,  the   right  extending  to   the    Hudson, 
and  the  left  m  a  westerly  direction  on  high  grounds, 
about  a  mile  from  the  river.     Our  time  was  divided 
between  hard  labour  and  attending  to  the  discipline 
01  the  troops. 

*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  page  305,  6,  7. 


the 
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to 

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LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


91 


It  was  at  this  period  that  General  Burgoyne  pre- 
pared a  bridge  of  boats,  on  which  he  crossed  to  the 
west  side  of  the  Hudson.     He  fortified  the  heights 
of  Saratoga,  advanced  and  took  a  position  about  two 
miles  in  front  of  our  line  of  fortifications.     Here  he 
established  works  for  the  security  of  his  encampment. 
His  left  extended  to  the  river,  and  his  right  about 
the  same  distance  to  the  west,  as  our  line  extended. 
He    had  about    thirty  days'  provisions,  and  having 
abandoned    his    communication  with    Canada,    he 
depended  on  the  success  of  a  battle  for  his  future 
progress,  in  forming  a  junction  with  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton, who  was  advancing  up  the  North  river  with  the 
strength  of  the  British  army. 


id 
le 


92 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


r 


CHAPTER   X. 

BuROOrNE-S  CAMr.rON._BATTX.K   or   THE   N,«EXEENT„   OF   SePTEMBEK. 

1777. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  about  twelve 
ocloekin  the   morning,  General  Burgojne  selected 
the  best  part  of  his  army,  which  he  commanded  in 
person,  and  advanced   towards  the  left  wing  of  the 
American  lines.     At  three  quarters  of  a  n.ile  from 
our  position  his  advance  guards  were  met  by  a  regi- 
ment of  riflemen,  led  on  hy  Colonel  Morgan,  and'a 
detachment  of  rangers  under  the  command  of  Major 
Dearborn.    These  parties  of  Burgoyne  were  repulsed 
by  Morgan,   who   gave    three   cheers,  which   were 
heard  ,n  the  camp,  and  greatly  animated  our  troops, 
treneral  Burgoyne  then  brought  his  effective  force 
Hito  action,  when  Morgan  in  his  turn  was  compelled 
to  retreat.     But  he  was  soon  reinforced  by  a  number 
of  regiments  from  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  com- 
manded   by  General  Arnold,  and  about  one  o'clock 
the  action  was  renewed  with  great  obstinacy.     On 

froat  o(  the  left  line  of  the  camp,  about  half  a  mile 
rom  the  ground  where  Morgan  commenced   the  ac- 
tion,    riis  position  being  on  elevated  ground,  it  was 
considered  important,  and  two  regiments  were  imme- 


TH 

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X 


Xi 


AW//  n^/y,^  of 


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■-'M'-''^:^ 


THE  SURRENDER  OF   GEN    BUR60YNE  IN   1777. 


■>->ViSL 


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■-"         £-J   L—J     L^     C?^-!    r-.,.^     r-^ 


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.,J«i^fc^:4.......  ...  ..  ,.:.,.^ 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


93 


dialoly  sent  to  reinforce  him,  when  the  first  firin'^ 
was  hoard.  * 

As  soon  as  the  action  had  recommenced,  General 
Arnold  rode  to  the  ground  which  was  occii])ied  by 
the  guard  of  Major  Ifull.     He  called   the  officers 
around  him,  and  inquired  what  number  of  men  was 
at  that  post,     lie  was  informed  that  it  consisted  of 
the  guard    of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  two 
regiments.      General   Arnold  then   said,   that  three 
hundred  volunteers,  to  be  commanded  by  a  field  offi- 
cer, must   immediately   reinforce    the   troops    which 
were  engaged.     He  repeated,  that  he  wished  tliem 
all  to  be  volunteers.     As  none  of  the  field  officers 
offered  their  services,  Major  Hull  observed  to  him, 
that  he  commanded  the  guard  on  that  day,  by  an 
order  from  the  Adjutant-General,  but  if  he  could  be 
excused  from  that  duty,  he  would  be  happy  to  com- 
mand the  detachment.     General  Arnold  replied,  that 
he  would  excuse  him,  and  directed  the  colonels  of 
the  two  regiments  to  call  for  three  hundred  volunteers 
and  a  suitable  number  of  captains  and  subalterns  to 
command  them.     In  a  few  moments,  the  number  re- 
quired was  paraded  and  formed  into  four  comj)anics, 
with  the  officers  assigned  to    them.     We  at   once 
commenced  our  march  to  the  centre  of  the  engage- 
ment.   Major  Hull  was  directed  to  receive  his  orders 
from   General  Poor   of  New  Hampshire,  who  com 
manded  troops  then  closely  engaged  with  the  enemy. 
He  marched  the  detachment  in   columns  of   ei<Tlit 
platoons.     When   it   arrived   near   the   line  of  fire, 
General  Poor  perceiving  the  reinforcement,  sent  his 


94 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND 


CIVIL 


Brigade-Major,  who  informod  M; 


;ll 


iijor  Hull  that  the 

"I'liof'cJ  ill  the  centre  and  to  the  left 
bu  that  a  W,  of  „,ili,ia  „,re  hard  pressed  ,  le 
.gl.t,  and  the  General  wished  the  de.iehinen,  „„de 
h  s  eommand  to  march  to  their  support.  On  arrivlnj 
he  ground,  Major  Hull  found  the  n.ilitia  retir  g! 
and  the  enemy  prcparu.g  a  body  of  troops  to  attack 
the  right  of  General  Poor's  bri-rade 

On  the  right  of  the  brigade°was  an  open  field  of 
ahout  eight  or  nine  acres  of  ground,  and  nea7y  in 
the  centre  of  it  stood  a  log-honse.  There  wire  " 
niim  er  of  large  dry  trees  scattered  over  ,h  fidd  in 
which  wheat  had  been  cultivated.  On  the  south  side 
was  nsiag  ground,  on  which  was  a  thin  growth  of 
wood.     1  he  east  and  north  sides  of  the  field  were 

ThT:    G        "p  T'''  ""'  '"«  '^-''  -"ere  the 
nght  of  General  Poor's  brigade  was  engaged,  was 

more  open.  It  was  from  this  position  thaf  the  militia 
had  retreated  After  viewing  the  ground  for  a  few 
moments  and  perceiving  a  line  of  the  enemy  a  sho^ 
distance  beyond  the  north  side  of  the  field  wifhi!  .h 
wood.  Major  Hull  marched  hisdetachment'a:  ^ 
on  the  rising  ground,  a,  the  south  side  of  the  fieTd 

tt  riS't  7g'  ; V'^""*""'  ''"  ^'^  '^f«  '-    ds 
tut  right  of  General  Poor's  brigade 

Behind  the  log-house,  and  near  the  wood,  were 
wo  pieces  of  field  artillery,  which  were  no     per 
ceived  until  the  line  had  been  formed  for   haul 

IZZZjr  '"""'■''''"'  '"-«"  "P-  -.  while 
we  infantry  of  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  advance 

The  distance  between  the  two  line!  was' a  JZy 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


95 


Major  Hull  directed  his  officers  not  to  fire  until 
he  gave  the  word  of  command.     When  the  order  was 
given,  every  man  was  directed  to  fire  as  low  as  the 
enemy's  knees,  it  being  descending  ground  on  which 
they  stood.     As  their  artillery  had  little  efibct,  their 
mfantry  advanced,  extending  from  the  right  to  the 
left  of  the  field,  and  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire,  which 
killed  and  wounded  some  of  our  men.     When  they 
reached  the  centre  of  the  field,  Major  Hull  ordered 
his  troops  to  fire.     Many  of  the  enemy  fell,  and  their 
line  became  partially  disordered.     They  did  not  re- 
treat, but  slowly  advanced,  still  continuing  an  inces- 
sant  fire.     We  returned  it  as  rapidly  as  our  men  could 
load,  and  with  such  effect  as  checked  their  advance 
and  created  considerable  disorder  in  their  ranks.  The 
distance  at  this  time  between  the  two  lines  was  not 
more  than  ten  rods. 

The  detachment  of  Major  Hull  had  not  moved 
from  the  ground  it  first  occupied.     He  now  ordered 
It  to  make  a  rapid  advance  and  charge  with  the  bay- 
onet.   The  enemy  immediately  retreated  in  confusion 
to  the  woods.     Wo  pursued,  and  the  field  was  lite- 
rally covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded.    As  the 
left  of  Major  Hull's  detachment  approached  the  log- 
house,  he  directed  the  men  to  advance  and  secure  the 
pieces  of  artillery.     When  near,  tliev  were  fired  on 
from  the  house.     The  officer  in  command  marched 
up  to  the  door,  forced  it  open,   and   brought  out  a 
sergeant-major  and  nineteen  privates.     During  the 
operation  of  storming  the  house  and  receiving  the 
prisoners,  the  pieces  of  artillery  were  removed''  into 


96 


RKVOMITIONAIiY  SHIlvlCErt  AND  OlVir. 


h    vvoodMo  wl,,,.|,  ,l,,M.,n,,y  l,,,,|  r..,,ea,c..l.    IM„. 

I  'I   l.e  de.„cl„„nu  /HI  |,aok  „.  ,|,„  ,,,,„„ „  „,  .^, 

'"■•"""■«  l"nn.d.     Major  Hull  here  coll,>c.,.d    |„ 
voun,l,,.d,  ,vl,id,,  ,„,c,l,er  „.i,l,  ,|,e  ki|,,„l,  ,         ,    j 

w  Cl,  .,!„„,  „ve„.y  ,,riM,„,.rs,   i,„„  e.,,,,,.     Ca,„.i„ 

wa.  k.llod.     L„.utcnant  Mm  (Jla,,,,,  ,v),o  ;,,„,j     ' 

.,rM;i     ,7m"  '"""''"''■''  "S'"  fl-'k  or  our 

»'ou,„l,  ,  h,-h  wa.s  colored  with  wood,  they  lou»ht 
'he  re,„an„ler  of    ,|,o  after„<,o„.      U  was  •.     nn 
c™n,e,,  h„.  ver,  e„„a,  i„  „„:„.  „,-  3„e.,  "s 

";;:  '""■  '™"l'^,f' •"  S™""d,  a„d  son,;,;,,,.  ,    ,e 

'-  ...n.™,.     The  baule  co,„i,„u.d  „„,i|  „ear  ,he 

,  "f  "  ,  ""•'  "'^'""S-     Major  Hull  now  observed  •, 

od,  o,  ,ro„,,s  „„  ,heh.  „,arel,.     I  le  sen.  ,o        i; 

Oen..ral  IWr,  or  any  oflieer  superior  to  hhnse     i 

:or:::''7:rv^''^r'''''^ '•'■.'.>. -.re!!;: 

'  '~"'"'  '""l'=t"'^hment  was  rationed,  and 

;  ^»""""';;">'  --arl,  e,vl,ansted.     Colon^^l  CI," 

lor  ,s  lie  replied,  that  he  was  n.archins  into  earn,, 
-d  .hreeted  the  troops  nnder  Major  llulho  oh  Z' 
Our  ™e„  dre,v  off  fron.  the  field  of  |,at.le,-'::d  Te' 


LIFE  OF  GKNKRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


97 


oijomj  made  no  ,,ur.s„it.  Of  the  three  huudnnl  men 
who  co.mnenee,!  the  engag...nent,  one-half  were 
either  kiMed  or  wounded. 

In  this  act  ion  Major  1 1  ull  held  a  s,.parate  eomniand. 
11.0  e.ohth  Massaeln.setts  rej-in.ent,  of  which  ho  was 
the  Major  was  h-d  on  in  another  .jnarter  by  Colonel 
iirooks.  It  was  distinguished  for  its  bravery,  and  the 
gallant  eonduetoC  its  leader,  and  was  the  last  to  leave 
the  lield. 

This  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  September  com- 
mcnced  between  twelve  and  one  o'eloek,  and  eontin- 
u..'d  w.th  not  more  than  half  an  hour's  intern.ission, 
u..td  nearly  dark.  There  was  a  remarkable  equality 
in  th.  opposing  forces,  and  it  has  justly  been  consid- 
orod  by  lustonans,  as  the  most  obstinate  that  took 
place  duruig  the  war. 

From  the  co.nmencement  of  the  campaign,  there 
had  been  much  skirmishing  and  sharp  fightino  •  but 
this  was  the  first  contest  that  was  held  with  the  main 
body  o(  B.ugoyne's  army,  and  his  troops  fought  with 
almost  unexampled  bravery. 

General  Burgoyne  claimed   the  victory,  because 
Jis  arn>y  retainc.d  and  slept  on  the  field  of  battle. 
We  clanned  tt,  because  he  had  entirely  failed  in  his 
object,  >vhleh  was  to  force  our  camp,  and  compel  us 
to  abandon  our  position ;  and  because  we  had  met 
h.m,  entirely  checked  his  progress,  defeated  his  ob- 
ject  and  retired  to  our  camp  without  being  pursued. 
Iho  able  historian,  Judge  Marshall,  thus  writes; 
V^  ith  reason,  therefore,  this  action  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  considered  as  the 

7 


98  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

precursor  of  the  total  ruin  of  the  invading  army. 
Eveij  where  the  utmost  exultation  was  (l.splaved  ; 
and  every  where  the  militia  were  stimulated  to  fly  to 
arms,  and  complete  the  work  which  was  begun."* 


*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  III.,  page  288. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


99 


ny. 
to 


CHAPTER   XI. 

Rattle  of  .ui:  S.v^ra   or  O.TOBEn.-SuRH.NnER  or  the  Bk.tish  Arm^ 

BMJER    UURUOVNK. 

1777. 

After  the  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  September 
no  ojierations  of  importance  took  place,  until  the  se- 
venth of  October.     General  Burgoyne  was  in  daily 
expectation  of  being  informed  tliat  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton was  ascending  the  Hudson  for  the  purpose  of  co- 
operating with  his  ar-ny.     As  the  forces  of  General 
Gates  were  continually  augmenting  by  an  accession 
ot  miljtia,  he  considered  this  delay  favourable ;  bein^ 
well  assured,  that  no  innnediate  relief  was  at  hand  to 
extricate  Burgoyne  from  his  present  critical  situation, 
liie  niterval  was  occui)ied  by  increasing  the  strength 
ot  our  works,  and  disci])lining  the  troops. 

The  prospects  of  that  formidable  army  which  had 
advanced  into  oar  country  with  so  much  splendour 
and  parade,  now  appeared  gloomy  and  almost  despe- 
rate. ^ 

The  provisions  for  its  support  were   nearly  ex- 
hausted, and  the  communication  to  the  lakes  was  so 
interrupted,  that  no  further  supply  could  be  obtained 
^oh»  Canada.     Disappointed  in  not  receiving  that 
•o-operation  on  which  he  had  based  his  calculations 


100  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

there  seemed  nothing  left  to  General  Burgoyne  to 
extricate  himself  from  the  difficulties  by  which  he 
was  surrounded,  than  a  resolute  appeal  to  the  intre- 
pidity and  strength  of  his  troops. 

The  very  subsistence  of  his  army  now  depended 
on  forcing  General  Gates  from  his  position,  and  thus 
opening  his  way  into  the  country,  to  obtain  the  ne- 
cessary supplies.     He  took  this  desperate  step  on  the 
seventh  of  October.     In  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  he 
selected  fifteen  hundred  of  his  most  effective  troops, 
with  the  addition  of  his  grenadiers,  light  infantry, 
provincials,  and  savages.    With  this  force  he  took  the' 
field,  having  with  him  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  consist- 
ing of  twelve-pounders,  six-pounders,  and  howitzers. 
He  formed  on  the  right  of  his  encampment,  and  was 
assisted  in  command  by  Generals  Frazer,  Reidesel, 
and  Philips.     His  object  was,  to  possess  himself  of 
rising  ground  on  the  left  of  General  Gates's  position, 
and  from  that  eminence,  with  his  artillery  to  enfilade 
his  line  of  defences  and  under  cover  of  as  near  a 
cannonade  as  could  be  made,   to  storm  with  his  co- 
lumns of  infantry  the  whole  left  of  the  American  en- 
campment.    To  favour  this  operation,  he  detached  a 
small  body  of  regulars,  loyalists  and  savages,  to  make 
a  detour  around  our  left,  and  take  a  position  in  the 
rear  of  our  encampment,  and  attack  the  left  as  soon 
as  lie  commenced  his  operations  on  the  flank. 

On  this  day.  Major  Hull  again  commanded  the 
advanced  guard  in  front  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Ame- 
rican army.  His  guard  consisted  of  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.     He  was  in  a  situation  to  ob- 


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^i 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


101 


serve  the  eiiemj's  movement,  and  sent  frequent 
mtelhgence  to  General  Gates,  that  every  disposition 
of  tne  enemy's  forces  indicated  a  serious  attack  that 
afternoon  on  our  left. 

About  twelve  o'clock,   General  Burgoyne  com- 
menced his  march  from  his  encampment.     A  part  of 
Arnold's  wing  and  Morgan's  corps  of  riflemen  were 
ordered  to  meet  and  attack  him.     The  other  part  of 
Arnold's  wing,  with  a  part  of  the  right,  commanded 
by  General  Lmcoln,  were  ordered  to  advance  towards 
the  enemy's  lines  and  endeavour  to  cut  off  the  com- 
munication between  Burgoyne  and  the  remainder  of 
his  army,  which  had  been  left  for  the  security  of  his 
encampment,  and  likewise  to  repel  any  bodies  of  the 
enemy  advancing  from  that  quarter. 

As  General  Burgoyne  approached,  he  passed  the 
guard  commanded  by  Major  Hull,  at  the  distance  of 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  The  three  regiments  of 
Arnold's  division  had  advanced  within  a  small  distance 
on  the  left  of  Major  Hull's  position.  He  received 
orders  from  General  Arnold  to  form  on  the  ri-ht  of 
these  regiments.  ° 

When  General  Burgoyne  had  nearly  reached  the 
ground  he  intended  to  occupy,  he  was  furiously  at- 
tacked by  Morgan's  regiment  of  rillemen,  and  Ar- 
nold's three  regiments,  including  t!ie  guard  com- 
manded by  Major  Hull.  It  was  not  long  after  the 
action  commenced,  before  the  British  line  began  to 
give  way.  At  this  n.oment.  General  Frazer  came  up 
with  a  second  line,  >  :  Idi  had  been  held  in  reserve. 
He  was  immediately  attacked  by  Arnold's  three  reffi- 


102 


RPJVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


ments,  Morgan's  riflemen,  and  the  guard  of  Major 
Hull.  The  impetuosity  of  the  assault,  and  the  va- 
lour and  intrepidity  with  which  it  was  met,  soon 
thinned  the  ranks,  and  many  fell  on  Ixith  sides. 
Burgoyne  was  compelled  to  retreat  to  his  encamp- 
ment ;  he  was  fiercely  pursued,  and  says  i..  his  ac- 
count of  the  action,  "  we  retreated,  hot  pressed,  but 
in  good  order." 

As  soon  as  thj  retreat  commenced,  Major  Hull 
was  ordered  to  take  his  station  where  his  guard  had 
been  first  posted,  and  assist  in  removing  the  prisoners, 
the  wounded,  and  the  artillery  and  arms  which  had 
been  left  on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  British  General  being  now  driven  from  his 
position,  was  hotly  pursued  by  Arnold  and  Morgan. 
The  termination  of  the  battle,  as  described  by  Charles 
Botta,  is  taken  from  the  translation  of  Georce  Otis, 
Esquire. 

"  Upon  this  occasion  Brigadier-General  Frazer 
was  mortally  wounded ;  an  officcn-  whose  loss  was 
severely  felt  by  the  P^nglish,  and  whose  valour  and 
abilities  justified  their  regrets.*     Their  situation  now 


I 


*  Professor  Sillimin,  in  u  joiirnal 
of  his  travels  over  tiio  battle-gromul, 
says, — "  Frazer  was  flio  son!  of  this 
battle  of  the  se\-cnth  of  October,  and 
was  just  changinor  the  disposition  of 
the  troops,  to  n;pel  a  strong  im|)res- 
sion  which  the  Americans  had  made 
and  \.erc  still  making  on  the  British 
right,  when  Morgan  called  together 
three  of  his   Iwst  marksmen,   and 


pointing  to  Frazer,  said,  'Do  you 
see  tliat  gallant  officer?  That  is 
(ieneral  Frazer.  [  respect  and  hon- 
our him :  hut  it  is  necessary  that  ho 
should  die.'  This  was  enough. 
Frazer  immediately  receixed  his 
mortal  wound,  and  was  earned  off 
the  field.''  High  praise  is  cortinnly 
due  to  this  noble  oiHcer,  but  it  may 
be  a  question,  whether  it  should  be 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


103 


became   extremely   critical:    even   their  camp  was 
threatened ;  the  enemy  emboldened  by  victory  was 
advancing  to  storm  it,  and  if  he  arrived  before  the 
retreating  detachment,  there  could   be  little  hope  of 
defending  it.     Philips  and  Reidesel  were  ordered  to 
rally  with   all  expedition  those  troops  which  were 
nearest  or  most  disengaged,  to  cover  the  retreat  of 
the  others,  while  Burgoync  himself,  fiercely  pursued 
by  Arnold,  retired   with    precipitation    towards    the 
camp.     The  detachment  at  length,  though  with  ex- 
treme difficulty,  regained   the  intrenchments,  having 
left  however  upon  the  field  of  battle  a  great  number 
of  killed  and  wounded,  particularly  of  the  artillery 
corps,  who  had,  with  equal  glory  to  themselves,  and 
prejudice  to  the  enemy,  displayed  the  utmost  ability 
in  their  profession,  along  with  the  most  undaunted 
resolution.     Six  pieces  of  cannon  also  remained  in 
the  possession  of  the  Americans. 

"  But  the  business  of  the  day  was  not  yet  ter- 
minated. The  English  had  scarcely  entered  their 
camp,  when  the  Americans,  pursuing  their  success,  as- 
saulted it  in  different  parts  with  uncommon  fierceness; 
rushing  to  the  lines  through  a  severe  fire  of  grape- 
shot  and  small  arms,  with  the  utmost  fury.  Arnold 
especially,  who  on  this  day  appeared  intoxicated  with 
the  thirst  of  battle  and  carnage,  led  on  the  attack 
against  a  part  of  the  intrenchments  occupied  by  the 
light  infantry,  under  Lord  Balcares.     But  the   Eng- 

bestowed  so  entirely  at  the  expense  every  thing  tiiat  was  possible,  untlcr 
of  Burgoyne,  whose  military  ability  circumstunccs  of  such  disadvantage, 
and   undaunted   resolution   effected 


104  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Hsh  received  him  with  great  vigour  and  spirit.     The 
action  was  obstinate  and  sanguinary.     At  length,  as 
It  grew  towards  evening,  Arnold  having  forced  all 
obstacles,  entered  the  works  with  some  of  the  most 
fearless  of  his  followers.     But  in  this  critical  moment 
oi  glory  and  danger,  he  was  grievously  wounded  in 
the  same  leg  which  had  been  already  shattered  at  the 
assault   of  Quebec.     To    his   great   regret,  he    was 
constramed  to  retire.     His  party  still  continued  the 
attack,  and  the  English  sustained  it  with   obstinacy 
till  night  separated  the  combatants. 

"  The  royalists  were  not  so  fortunate  in  another 
quarter.     A  republican  detachment,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel   Brooks,  having  succeeded  by  a 
circuitous  movement  in  turning  the  right  wing  of  the 
English,  fell,  sword  in  hand,  upon   the  right  flank  of 
their  intrenchments  and  made  the  most  desperate  ef- 
lorts  to   carry  them.     This   post  was  defended    by 
Lieutenant-Colonel    Breyman,  at    the   head    of  the 
German   reserve.     The   resistance  at   first   was  ex- 
ceedingly vigorous ;    but  Breyman    being    mortally 
wounded,  his  countrymen  were  damped,  and  at  lenoth 
routed,  with  great   slaughter.     Their  tents,  artillery 
and  baggage,  fell  into  the   possession  of  the  assail- 
ants.   The  Americans  established  themselves  in  the 
intrenchments.     General  Burgoyne,  hearing  of  this 
disaster,  ordered  them  to   be  dislodged  immediately. 
But  either  in  consequence  of  the  approach  of  ni-ht 
or  from  the  discouragement  of  his  troops,  he  wasliot 
obeyed,  and  the  victors  continued  to  occupy  the  po- 
sitions they  had  gained  with  so  much  glory.     They 


5S 


1 

3 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  jq^ 

had  now  acquired  an  opening  on  the  right  and  rear 
of  the  British  army.     The  other  American  divisions 
passed  the  night  under  arms,  at  the  distance  of  half 
a  mile  from  the  British  camp.     The  loss  in  d^ad  and 
wounded  was  great  on   both  sides,  but  especially  on 
the  part  of  the  English,  of  whom  no  few  were  also 
made  prisoners.    Majors  Williams  of  the  artillery  and 
Ackland  of  the  grenadiers,  were  among  the  latter. 
Many  pieces  of  artillery,  all  the  baggage  of  the  Ger- 
mans, and  many  warlike  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  republicans,  who  needed  them  greatly.      Thev 
were^  impatient  for  the  return  of  day  to  renew  the 

"  But  deplorable  and  perilous  beyond  expression 
was  the  situation  of  the  British  troops  ;  they  bore  it 
howevei^  with  admirable  temper  and  firmness.     I 
was  evidently  impossible  to  continue  in  their  present 
position  without  submitting  to  a  certainty  of  destruc- 
tion  on  the  ensuing  day.    The  Americans,  invigorated 
and  encouraged,  would  certainly  have  profited  by  the 
access  they  had  already  opened  to  themselves  on  the 
nght,  and  of  other  untenable  points,  to  carry  every 
part  of  the  camp  and  completely  surround  the  Brit- 
ish army.     Burgoyne  therefore  determined  to  operate 
a  total  change  of  ground.     He  executed  this  move- 
ment with    admirable    order,   and  without  any  loss. 
During  the  night  lie  silently  drew  off  his  troops,  ar- 
tillery and  camp  furniture,  and  occupied  the  heic^hts 
higher  up  the  river."*  * 


Otls's  Botta,  Vol.  11.,  pages  315,  16,  17. 


106  REVOLUTrONARY  SHRVICKS  AND  CIVIL 

Although  Major  Hull  had  a  separate  conunand  on 
this  momentous  day,  and  acted  not  an  unimjjortant 
part  m  the  hattle,  jet  he  remarks  :  "  I  always  re- 
gretted, that  as  ]  was  the  Major  and  then  second  in 
command  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  ]Jrooks  in  the  eighth 
Massaehuscuts  regiment,  that,  by  the  routine  of  duty, 
I  was  absent  from  it  at  the  time  when  it  stormed  and 
entered  the  intrenchments  of  the  British  on  the  right. 
"Tiiis  was  a  brilliant  close  to  tlu;  achievements  of 
the  seventh  of  October.     Some  historians  of  the  Rev- 
olution have  stated  that  the  regiment  was  led  on  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks,  and   mys(;lf  as  Major, 
having  thus  given  me  credit  to  which  I   am   not  "en- 
titled.     The  fact  not  being  founded  in  truth.  I  feel  a 
pleasure  in  contradicting  it.     My  situation  has  been 
precisely  stated." 

The   fate  of  General  Burgoyne's  army  seemed 
now  decided.     We  had  gained  a  complete  victory 
over  the  most  effective   portion  of  his  troops,   com- 
manded  by  himself  in  person,  and  assisted  by  his 
best  Generals.     VVe  had  advanced  to  his  lines,  and 
by  the  force  of  the  bayonet,  obtained  possession  of 
the  most  commanding  i)art  of  them.     All  the  artillery 
Which  he  had  carried  into  the  field,  and  those  in  the 
works,  had  fallen  into  our  hands.     We  had   taken 
between  two  and  three  hundred  prisoners,  and  killed 
and  wounded  mon;  than  that  number,  and  all  with 
comparatively  a  small  loss  on  our  i)art.    General  Gates 
declined  giving    battle  the  next  day,  sensible  that 
nothing  should  be  risked  under  his  present  superior 
advantages.     He  felt  assured  that  there  were  other 


I.TFR  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  jq^ 

and  loss  expensive  means  of  reducinf^  his  foe,  than 
hy  hlocd  and  carnage.     The;  impossihility  of  his  es- 
cape from  a  vijrilant  and  ever-increasing  arn.y  •  tlie 
want  of  provisions;    th<,  want  of  the   munitions  of 
war,  of  wh.ch  defeat  had  greatly  d,>prived  him ;  and 
above  all,  the  want  of  that  eo-operation,  upon  which 
he  had  reasonably  relied,  closed  every  avenue  of  hope 
to  the  I  r,t.sh,  while  it  opened  the  brightest  prospects 
for  the  hnal  success  of  the  American  arms. 

"(general  Burgoyne,"  says  Major  Jfull,  "com- 
menced h.s  retreat  to  Saratoga  on  the  evening  of  the 
cghth  of  October.     The  following  day  it  raine<l  inces- 
santly;  we  continued  in  our  tents  until  morning,  when 
orders  came  to  begin  the  pursuit.    General  G^tes  had 
in  the  mean  time  taken  measures  to  advance  parties 
in  front  of  the  enemy  on    both  sides  of  the  river  to 
obstruct  his  retreat  to  Lake  George.     At  Saratoga, 
the  British  halted,  and  took  possession  of  the  fortifi- 
cations, which  they  had  erected  on  their  march  down- 
wards. 

"  The  brigade  to  which  our  regiment  was  attached, 
was  commanded   by  General  Learned,  and  consisted 
of  three  regiments.     It  was  directed  to  pass  a  creek, 
on  which  General  Schuyler's  mills  were  established, 
and  which  was  much  swollen  by  the  rain,  to  take  a 
position  on  the  west  side  of  Saratoga.     While  in  this 
situation  and  near  the  fortifications,  a  deserter  came 
trom  Burgoyne's  camp  and  informed  General  Learned 
that  the  whole  British  army  had  retreated  to  Fort  Ed- 
ward, and  that  only  a  small  guard  was  left  in  the  fort. 

Ihe  brigade  was  immediately  ordered  to  attack 


•itance, 


108  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

• 

the  fort ;  it  advanced  to  within  a  very  small  i 
when  General  Wilkinson,  who  was  Adjutant-General 
of  the  army,  rode  up  and  ordered  an  immediate  re- 
treat.     At  this  time  not  a  gun  had  been  fired  on  us 
hy  th(;  enemy,  and  in  a  few  minutes  more  we  should 
have  been  up  to  their  breastworks.     They  rose  from 
behmd   them,    and    commenced    a    tremendous    fire 
upon  us  of  grapeshot  and  musketry.      We  lost  a  few 
men,  but  soon  took  a  position  out  of  the  reach  of  their 
guns.     The  pretended  deserter  disappeared.     It  was 
believed  that  he  was  employed  by  General  Burgoyne 
to  give  this  false  information.     Fortunately,  General 
Gates  had  been  apprised,  before  it  was  too  late,  that 
the  whole  British  army  was  at  Saratoga,  and  sent  the 
counter   orders,  which  saved  us  from  impending  de- 
struction.   We  remained  watching  the  enemy,  and 
lying  constantly  on  our  arms." 

At  this  juncture  the  historian  Botta  thus  writes  : 
"It  exceeds  the  power  of  words  to  describe  the 
pitiable  condition  to  which  the  British  army  was  now 
reduced.     The  troops,  worn  down  by  a  series  of  hard 
toil,  incessant  effort,  and  stubborn  action;  abandoned 
by  the  Indians  and  Canadians  ;  the  whole  army  re- 
duced by  repeated  and  heavy  losses  of  many  of  their 
best  men  and   most  distinguished  officers,  from  ten 
thousand  combatants  to  less  than  five  i      •:  uir]  efiec- 
tive  fighting  men,  of  whom   little  w>        .,  ..    three 
thousand  were  English  ;  under  these  circumstances, 
and  in  this  state  of  weakness,  without  a  possibility 
of  retreat,  they  were  invested  by  an  army  of  four 
times  their  own  number,  whose  position  extended 


tm  W  CIRNRBAt.  WILLIAM  HULL.  jpg 

llirce  parts  in  four  of  a  circle  r„„„,|  ,|,„„ .    ,,u„ 

oWiS.^d  to  l,e  constantly  on  tlicir  arms,  wl.ilst  a  con 

giujHMiot  roll  vvjtnin  everv  nnrf  nf  iU  •     i- 
-ops  of  Bnrg„,„c  retained  tE  o"  ,i       ;.  l'^'.^; 
and  winic  sinking  under  a  hard  necessity,  H,  ys     S 
themselves  worthy  „f  a  better  fate.     N.r  ZZl 
be  reproached  with  any  action  or  word  We       ,3 
a  want  ol  temper  or  of  for,i,„de.     A  ,    \1 

succonr  appearing,  and  no  rational  grotmd  of  ho  ,'    !■ 
any  kind  remaining,  an  exact  aecf         •       'I,"' 
sions  was  taken,  on   the  mornin.  of  the  ,1 1 '     , 
when  it  was  found  that  the  whol^  stoJk  w        T,;;  i' 

0  more  than   three  days' hare  snhsisicnce  f 
army.     In  such  a  state,  it  was  alike  imnossihie  to 
advance  or  to  remain  as  they  were  •  -m,  T 
they  delayed  to  take  a  dofn  Jyc       'h!  i,!    h      "»" 
desperate  became  their  situation.  "'  ""  """" 

"iJnrgoyne,  therefore,  called  a  council  of  war  it 
whteh  no,  only  the  generals  and  Md  officers  Tut'.; 

Whistled  around  them   and    "'"^' "^  '''"'"' 

.he  ten.  where  the^relurrL^^^^^^^^^ 
determmed  unanimously  to  open  a  trea  y,  ;nd"c 
'nto  a  conventton  with  the  American  GenenI      Th 
was  accordingly  done,  and  by  the  articler    conl!^ 
"O",  .he  captured  army  was  allowed  to  march  out 


no 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


with  the  honours  of  war,  and         i        arms  without 
the  camn."* 

General  Gates  with  the  utmost  delicacy  withdrew 
his  troops,  while  his  gallant  foe  was  performing  this 
humiliating  duty.  Major  Hull  writes :  "  i  was  pre- 
sent when  thoy  marclicd  into  our  camp  ;  pnd  words 
cannot  describe  the  deep  interest  felt  by  every 
American  heart ;  nor  was  there  wanting  sympathy 
for  those,  who  had  so  bravely  opposed  us  in  the  con- 
test. A  general  rejoicing  of  our  country  was  now 
to  take  place,  and  scatter  the  gloom  which  but  a  few 
months  back  iiad  deeply  settled  upon  it.  Dangers 
seemed  past,  and  a  bright  future  opened  to  our  view. 
We  were  cheered  by  the  hope  that  an  overruling 
Providence  was  guiding  our  destinies,  and  leading  us 
to  a  glorious  termination  of  our  long  endured  trials." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  did  not  arrive  in  the  Highlands 
on  the  North  river,  until  the  fifth  of  October,  when 
he  debarked  his  troops  at  Stony  Point,  marched 
through  the  gorges  of  the  mountains,  and  stormed 
Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery,  which  were  com- 
manded by  Governor  Clinton  of  the  State  of  New- 
York,  and  General  James  Clinton,  his  brother.  After 
the  reduction  of  these  forts,  all  the  positions  in  the 
Highlands  were  abandoned  by  General  Putnam,  who 
commanded  on  that  station,  and  the  British  fleet  and 
army  proceeded  up  the  river  as  far  as  Esopus,  and 
burned  that  flourishing  village.  This  took  place 
about  the  time  that  General  B'Tgoyne  surrendered. 


*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  pages  324,  6. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  j  j  j 

Had  Sir  Henry  Clinton  early  in  October,  after 
taking  possession  of  the  Highlands,  advanced  to  the 
relief  of  Burgoyne,  the  fortunes  of  his  army  might 
have  been  very  different.     The  probability  is  that  fhe 
wo  armies  wouJd  have  formed  a  junction,  and  made 
a  strong  establishment  in  the  Highlands.  This  would 
very  much  have  interrupted  the  communication  be- 
wee^n  the  Eastern  and  the  Southern  States,  and  have 
afforded  great  facilities  to  the  operations  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Howe  in  Pennsylvania. 

How  long  they  could  have  continued  in  possession 
of  this  important  communication,  would  have  depend- 
ed on  the  spirit,  the  energy,  and  the  patriotism  of  the 
New  England  States. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  not  having  sufficient  force  to 

retain  his  conquests  in  the  Highlands,  returned  to 

New-York;  and  his  retreat  everywhere  exhibited 

he  most  wanton  marks  of  plunder,  burning,  and  deso- 


112 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XII 


VaLLEY-FoROE. — SUFFKHINOS   OF   THE   AMERICAN   ArMY. 


1777-8. 

After  llio  close  of  tlie  successful  campaign  at  tlid 
northward,  the  eighth  Massachusetts  regiment  was 
ordennl,  with  other  troops  of  General  Gates's  army,  to 
march  to  Pennsylvania  and  reinforce  the  army  under 
General  Washington,  at  W  hitemarsh.  "  When  the 
order  was  communicated  to  our  regiment,"  says 
Major  Hull,  "a  feeling  of  disappointment  was  appa- 
rent. It  was  now  November,  the  usual  season  for 
the  troops  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  wint(u-(piarters. 
They  felt  that  they  had  done  enough  for  one  cam- 
paign. The  regiment  had  early  in  the  spring  marched 
from  Boston  to  Ticonderoga  ;  had  retreated  through 
a  \A'ilderness  from  that  place  to  the  Hudson  ;  had 
marched  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix,  on  the  Mo- 
hawk ;  had  returned,  and  been  engaged  in  all  the 
battles  that  were  fought  with  Genera!  Burgoyne's 
army. 

"  After  this  severe  service,  by  which  the  most 
important  advantages  had  been  rendered  to  their 
country,  they  expected  to  rest  from  their  toils.  Many 
hoj)ed  to  be  indulged  in  a  visit  to  their  friends,  and 
realize  the  pleasing  anticipations  of  relating  to  them 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  jjg 

chocked  these  na.ura    feL  ^    'v  T"       '"'' 

"It  was  shortly  after  the  battles  of  Brandy,vi„e 

looK  pi<,ce.  One  had  encountered  defeat  In 
.«  operattons ;  the  other  had  triumphed  in  vt t" 
Vet  ,f  sktll,  bravery,  and  resohttion  eonid  command 
success  the  troops  of  Washington  had  richydeser  d 
I .  But  no  presumption  was  exhibited  on  ,h,!' 
s.dc,  nor  envy  on  the  other.     The  k  „de  r 

n-utually  prevailed  throughout  the  In  .  '"'  '"""''' 

miles  in  front  of  the  AnrcricanhLs  '  "™ 

rai  action  was  now  to  takp  nli^»        j  i  •  b*-"^ 

<H--ouM  result  in  :t;;r',,ri::rt:r 

8 


111. 


KIIVOM'TFONARY  ^riKVICKS  AND  CIVU. 


Mo  siii:,g(\sf(ul  (n(>ry  considoiatioii  tli;it  could  (ixcitc 
the  ;iml)i(i()ii  and  aniinato  \\\v.  sj)irit  of  liis  army,  lie 
iirst  addressed  himscH'io  those  hcHiad  conunaiuhMl  in 
j)erson  (lmin<»thc  canii)aiiii),  and  inlbrmed  them,  that 
an  oj)|)oitnnity  was  now  presented,  and  he  was  as- 
snred  that  notliinji  else  l)nt  siieli  an  opjjortunity  was 
wantinij,,  to  (h'monstrate  that  tliey  were  equal  in  ])a- 
triotism  and  valonr  to  the  c()n<|uerors  IVom  the  north, 
who  wcne  now  to  lii;lit  by  their  sides.  To  the  noith- 
vn\  troops  he  said,  that  they  would  now  have  it  in  their 
powtn-  to  add  fr(>sh  lamels  to  those  they  had  i^athercjd 
with  so  mueh  honour  to  themselves  and  i^iory  to  the 
nation.  Me  then  called  on  all,  as  they  regarded  the 
iVeedom  and  independcmce  of  their  country,  the  fame 
of  its  arms,  and  its  futiu'e  lia])j)iness  and  ])rosperity, 
to  d(H'i(le  on  the  manly  resolution  of  meetini;;  death 
or  victory  in  the  impendinj^  eonllict.  Tlie  earnest- 
ness, the  energy,  and  the  ardour  with  which  he 
spoke  ;  the  self-devotion  which  his  whole  manner 
expressed,  had  an  effect  which  it  is  imjiossihle  to  de- 
scribe. Every  man  beli(!ved  liimself  a  hero,  and  \w\-- 
haps  the  opportunity  was  only  wanting,  to  j)rove  that 
his  thoughts  were  not  far  from  the  truth. 

Tlio  iirst  day,  the  enemy  aj)peared  to  be  recon- 
noitering  our  right,  and  making  demonstration,  as  if 
to  commence  an  attack  on  that  quarter.  They 
then  changed  their  position,  and  moved  their  princi- 
pal force  to  our  left,  where  the  northern  troops  were 
stationed,  and  advanced  within  less  than  a  mile  of  it. 
Not  a  doubt  now  remained,  but  that  the  attack  would 
be  made  in  that  quarter  the  following  morning.    Mor- 


V\ 


ral 


f'IFR  OF  r.K^mAL  WILLIAM  IlL'LL 

1 15 

gall's  corps  of  riflum,;,!,  ivitl,  som,.  !>,.,       i      • 
litia,  ,v,To  ,,„,„ „i  I,         ,    ""•  /  '^'"'s>lv.-.nia  iiii- 

'-tweci.  ,,li„  I    :     I  .      1  f  '"""•■^  !"■"  «'i'-''. 

;-'■--.  si.,„  or  uio.:: ':/;;;:;- ^ 
'-SOS,  „oi.  „.„„,,,,, ,-;  -•   2'  r"  r 

-^■ws  wore  furnish,.,!  ,„  r  II  .,  "    ''"'''cks. 


Jg  liuis  were  erccicd  to  slielt 


cr  the  troops. 


116 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


"Not  a  murmur  or  complaint  was  heard;  all 
cheerfully  engaged  in  the  labour,  and  soon  the  army 
was  comfortably  tistablished.  Tiie  huts  were  gene- 
rally fourteen  by  sixteen  feet.  Twelve  privates  were 
allowed  a  hut,  and  the  number  of  officers  accordine 

a 

to  their  rank.  A  General  was  entitled  to  a  hut  by 
himself.  The  encampment  was  regularly  laid  out ; 
the  streets  ran  in  parallel  lines ;  neatness  and  order 
prevailed  ;  and  in  viewing  it  from  the  hills,  it  had  the 
appearance  of  a  little  city. 

"  To  render  the  condition  of  the  soldiers  more 
like  home,  General  Washington  directed  that  regi- 
ments from  the  same  State  should  occupy  a  certain 
street  or  division  of  the  camp.  The  whole  of  the 
location  was  surrounded  by  intrenchments,  and  a 
bridge  was  thrown  over  the  Schuylkill,  to  preserve 
the  communication  with  the  country,  and  to  afford 
facilities  to  supplies  for  the  army. 

"  Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks  united  with  me  in 
preparing  our  new  home. 

"  The  hut  we  occupied  consisted  of  one  room. 
This  was  dining-room,  parlour,  kitchen,  and  hall. 
On  one  side,  shelves  were  put  up  for  our  books,  hav- 
ing been  so  fortunate  as  to  purchase  a  part  of  a  cir- 
culating library  that  had  been  brought  from  Phila- 
delphia. On  another  stood  a  row  of  Derby  cheeses, 
sent  from  Connecticut  by  my  mother ;  a  luxury  of 
which  the  camp  could  rarely  boast,  and  with  which 
visiters  to  the  hut  were  often  regaled  To  give  an 
air  of  greater  comfort,  we  mixed  some  clay  and  wa- 
ter, and  with  this  preparation  painted  the  domicil, 
which  our  neighbours  now  declared  to  be  quite  an 


'S 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ,  j  7 

elegant  mansion."     Mrs    Wnci/     . 

.ion"^!"!;'':  :;''';r™""g  'o  --"Tor.!  ,„  .heir  si.ua- 

Seh«,lkni  f,  ,.!^^^  '7   "»"-  '-"  -o-ed  the 

as  far  as  Da  hv  ,    °   ,      ^  °^  "°°P''  "»<'  "''''■inced 
OveeltL  4    ^'  ""•■'  'l"'-""«3' of  forage,  be- 

oveen  the  American  camp  and  that  place. 

.he  BrUiil'T'f™  °^""  '""Se  was  so  important  to 

^ncing  towards  dX:^^::  ^;:::;:!::  ::-:t 

forage  and  draw  subsistence  from  that     art  T., 
country,  I  „r<,„ed  the  troops   t,?!.      '""/""' 

-;inr:!:s:;iredTafr 

ihU.  t^  o*-  "viuLtu,  tnat  the  men  were  im 

able  to  stir  on  account  of  provisions  nnd  fh  J    / 
gerous  mutiny  be^an  the  ni.h  T r  "^  '^'"■ 

though  with  dh-ficulu  -  ^     !    "'''  ''^"^  ^^'^'^'^' 

niihcultj  suppressed  hy  the  spirited  exer- 


118 


R  EVOLUTION' ARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


tions  of  some  officers,  was  still  much  to  bo 


ij)j)relu!nd- 


ed,  for  the  want  of  this  article.     This  broii-ht  forth 
the  only  Commissary  in  the  purchasinii  line  in  this 
camp;  and  with   him,  this  melancholy  and  alarminjr 
truth,  that  he  had  not  a  single  hoof  of  any  kind  to 
slaughter— and  not  more  than  twenty-five  barrels  of 
flour !     From  hence,  form  an  opinion  of  our  situation, 
when  I  add,  that  he  could  not  tell  when  to  expect 
any.     All  I  could  do  under  thescj  circumstances  was, 
to  send  out  a  few  light  parties,  to  watch  and  harass 
the  enemy,  whilst   other  parties  were  instantly  de- 
tached in  different  ways  to  collect,   if  possible,  as 
much  provision  as  would  satisfy  the  pr(>sent  pressing 
wants  of  the  soldiery.     But  will  this  answer?     No, 
sir  ;   three  or  four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove 
our  destruction." 

Extracts  from  two  letters,  received  by  General 
Washingion  on  the  twenty-second  of  Dec(>mber,  will 
be  enough  to  show  the  grounds  upon  which  these 
statements  are  made. 

"  I  received  an  order,"  writes  General  Hunting- 
ton, "to  hold  my  brigade  in  readiness  to  march. 
Fighting  will  be  far  preferable  to  starving.  My  bri- 
gade is  out  of  provisions,  nor  can  the  Commissary 
obtain  any  meat.  I  am  exceedingly  unhappy  in 
being  the  bearer  of  complaints  to  head-quarters.  I 
have  used  every  argument  my  imagination  can  invent, 
to  make  the  soldiers  easy,  but  I  despair  of  being  able 
to  do  it  much  longer."* 

The  next  is  from  General  V  arnuni — "  Accord- 


P 


*  The  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  197. 


LIFE  (IF  CENEKAL  WILUAJI  HULL,  j  ,9 

ing  10  tlie  .sa^i,,.  „f  Sol„mo„,   l,u„„er  will  l.roak 
<I"-0"SI.  a  stonc  wall,     it  i,,  ,,„,„,;„,,  ^  „,  '^ 

cucu,,ma„cu    to   ,1,0  <livisi„„  ,„„,,,.         ^^^  "? 
l.at  .1.0,0  ,s  a  p,„bal,ili„  of  tl.oi,-  auuchL;  1: 

days   sucecsstvol,  wo  l.avo  booa  do.tltuto  of  lao  ,d 
r«'„  ,hy,  we  havo  boon  ontiroly  without  ,noa,    T 
-u™„.bosu,,nodo,the,oaL„t,:lr„,do^ 

t  is  w,  I,  ,,,„„  I  ,„„„t,o„   this  distress.     1  k„ow  it 

wm  ,„ako  ,„u..  Excollonc,  unhap,,,,  hat  if  ;:o.; 

cct   ,1,0  oxo,-t,o„  ol  vi,t„„„s   i„i„oip|o.  whi^o   you,- 

tioopsaro  <lep,ivod  „f  tho  «ecossa,ios  of  life,  f". 

final  d,snppo,„t,„ont  will   he  gtoat.  i„  ptopo    o ,   o 

l.e  pa,,eace  which  aow  astoaishes    In    Z  ^ 

iiunicui  feeling."*  -^  °' 

General  Washington  finding  himself  unable  to  do 
-.  n.v  ^nt  out  sn.al.  detaclnnents  to  r^l^ 

iuoigans  rilJemen    and    Lee's  r^vAr.r    ,  -.i 

n  I        .  J-'i-e  ^>    ca\aj|V,    with    snmp 

^  ^f^'jor  Hull  was  directed  to  march  on  this  service 

criiitr  "■-' '"'  '■'-'-  "-'^  «'*-«- 

Du,i„g  tho  wook  tho  Btitisl,  tvoro  oa-m-od   ia 
colloofngiorage,  wo  hove,-od  aroaad,  availiag'ofovc.'  y 

ftoa,  the  camp  and  daeotlyia  tho  face  of  thoonemy. 
Ihcy  wore  ,„  almost  constant  motion,  and  at  night 

'  Tta  Writings  of  W„sl,i„gi„„,  Vol.  V.,  page  193. 


120 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


could  keep  no  fires  or  light  of  any  kind  lest  they 
should  be  discovered  by  the  enemy.  Their  safety 
depended  on  their  vigilance.  Thoy  rarely  entered  a 
house,  and  only  kept  from  freezing  by  activity,  and 
incessant  marching  from  one  point  to  another. 

Frequent  rencounters  with  light  parties  of  the  en- 
emy occurred,  which  usually  Unminated  favourably 
to  the  Americans,  and  in  the   capture  of  prisoners. 
When  Sir  William  Howe    returned  to  Philadelphia, 
we  followed  in  his  rear  for  some  distance  ;  but  the 
necessity  for  further  effort  ceasing,  we  retired  to  the 
encampment,  and  found  our  hut  a  very  agreeable  ex- 
change for  the  exposed  condition  which  the  peculiar 
service  had  required. 

But  though  the  army  was  now  relieved  of  an  out- 
ward enemy,  there  was  an  internal  foe  more  difficult 
to  combat,  more  insufferable  in  its  demands  on  their 
remaining  strength :  it  was  famine.  Day  after  day 
passed  and  no  provisions  were  issued.*  At  first  the 
privation  caused  a  little  excitement  and  inquiry  from 
the  soldiers  as  to  the  cause.  They  were  informed  by 
the  officers  that  the  provisions  were  exhausted,  and 
the  heavy  rains  having  rendered  the  roads  almost  im- 
passable for  the  wagons,  the  supplies  had  not  arrived, 
but  were  hourly  expected.  This  satisfied  them  at 
first,  but  day  after  day  passing  without  any  relief, 
their   complaints  became  louder  and    more  serious. 

*  ]\Iuch  of  this  distress  was  occa-  had  been  opposed  by  General  Wash- 

sioned  by  Congress  liaving  ordered  inoton,  who  foresaw  tiio  danger,  but 

a  change  in  the  Coninii,ssary"s  dc-  was  unable  to  convince  others  of  its 

partment.    An  arrangement,  \\liich  reality. 


f 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ^oj 

They  began  to  assemble,  first  by  regiments,  to  con- 
sult as  to  the  measures  they  should  adopt;  the  excite- 
ment soon  extended  to  Brigades  and  Divisions  of  the 
army.     The  officers  made  no  attempt  to  exercise  their 
authority,  but  only  used  advice.     The  soh.'iers  were 
told  that  General  Washington  was  their  best  friend ; 
that  he   i)erfectly  knew  their   situation,  and  deeply 
sympathized  in  their  sufferings,  and  was  doing  every 
thing  in  his  power   to  relieve  them.     He  informed 
them   that  provisions  would  soon  arrive  in  the  camp, 
and  in  the  meanwhile,  insubordination  on  their  part,' 
would  only  lead  to  unhappy  consequences. 

The  soldiers  replied  that  they  perfectly  knew  the 
impropriety  of  such  a  step  in  ordinary  cases,  but  to 
prevent  actual  starvation,  something  must  be  done  for 
their  relief.     They  had  been  told  some  days  before, 
that  provisions  were  exnected,  but  this  did  not  satisfy 
the  cravings  of  hunger.     They  then  communicated 
to  us  the  plan  on  which  they  had  decided,  and  in 
which  most  of  the  army  concurred.     Their  determi- 
nation was,  to  march  in  an  orderly  manner  into  the 
country,  collect  sufficient  provisions,  wherever  they 
were  to  be  found,  to  supply  their  present  necessities, 
and  to  give  certificates  as  to  the  quantity  and  value, 
to  those  from  whom  they  were  taken.     They  would 
then  return  to  the  cantonment  and  their  duty.     The 
troops  were  desired  to  suspend  this  movement  for  an 
hour,  until  their  distressed  condition  was  again  repre- 
sented to  their  General.     They  consented.     When 
the   officers   made    this   communication    to  General 
Washington,  he  was  deeply  affected.     He  said,  that 


122 


KliVOLUTIONARY  SMRVICKH  AND  ClVri, 


Jio  well   know  the;  siili 


that  I 


10  admired  their  jbrl 


iMiii;;s  of  his  faithful  sold 


lers 


learaiiec!   and   inodtuaiioii, 


and  would  now  ass.ue  them  that  if  hy  siieh  an  hour 
the  wa-ons  did  not  arrive,  he  hiu.s,.|f  would  lead  the 
troops  into  the  country,  and  supply  them  with  pro- 
visioiis  wherever  they  mi^ht  he  found. 
^     The  soldiers  agreed  to  wait :  the  provisions  ar- 
rived w.thin  the  time,  and  the  setth'd  dissatisfaction 
ulnch  so  generally  prevailed,  and  which  forehoded 
such  (atal  consnpnmces,  was  (piieted  for  the  present. 
iJiit  afterwards  the  same  distress  recinred.     The 
army  was  sometimes  a  week  without  receiving  meat 
of  any  kiiuj. 

Another  letter  from  (ieneral  Washington,  written 
at  a  suhsequent  period,  will  show  the  miserahle  desti- 
tutioii  of  that  army,  which  was  appointed  for  the 
defence,  and  looked  to  as  the  protector  of  the  nation. 

"For  some  days  ])ast  there  has  been  little  less 
than  a  famine  in  the  camp.  A  part  of  the  army  has 
been  a  week  without  any  kind  of  flesh,  and  the  rest 
three  or  four  days.  Naked  and  starving  as  they 
are,  we  cannot  enough  admire  the  incomparable  pa- 
tience and  fidelity  of  the  soldiery,  that  they  ha^e  not 
been  ere  this  excited  by  their  suiibring  to  a  general 
mutiny  and  dispersion.  Strong  symptoms,  however, 
of  discontent  have  appeared  in  particular  instances  ; 
and  nothing  but  the  most  active  eflbrts  everywhere 
can  long  avert  so  shocking  a  catastrophe."* 


*  Letter  to  Goverm.r  George  Clinton,  February  16, 1778.    '•  Writino-s 
of  \\  iisliinnton,"  Vol.  V.,  page  239. 


LIFf-:  OF  (iFNKRAI,  WILLIAM  HULL 


123 


8ii 


th( 


eh  w.is  the  scairity  of  hlaiikots,  that  many  of 
ic  incMi  U(M(;  .)l)liMc,l  K,  sit  lip  all  iiijrht  |,y  tiio  liros, 
wilhoiit  coviM-in-,  to  protect   tluMu  wiiilo  taking  tlie 
coiMinon  rolVcslimeiit  of  sleep.     Altl.oii-I,  tlu,  ofliecirs 
weiT  better  provided,  yv.t  none  wero  exenij)t    from 
(!xp()siire,  privations,  and  hardships.    Notwithstanding 
this  d(!ploral)le  co  idition  of  the  army,  there  were  not 
warning  (hose  who  eoinplained  of  its  inactivity,  and 
insisted  on  a  wint(>r  campaign.     Wlien  tiie  encamp- 
ment was  heg.m  at  Valley  Forge,  the  whole  number 
of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thousand  and  ninety- 
eight  ;    of  whom  two  thousand  eight   hundred  and 
iiinety-(.ight  wc^re  unfit  for  duty,  l)eing  barefoot,  and 
otiierwise  naked."  * 

In  tin?  midst  of  these  calamities,  the  small-pox 
l)ioke  out  in  the  camp.  Those  who  had  never  taken 
the  infection  were  innoculated.  Destitute  of  the 
comforts  so  mucli  needed  in  this  dr<;adful  disease ; 
lodged  in  huts  illy  calculated  for  sickness;  without  a 
proper  su])ply  of  blankets,  and  tiie  necessary  articles 
of  clothing  to  shield  the  unhapj)y  sufferers  from  the 
cold,  the  camp  exhibited  a  scene  of  misery  which  it 
is  not  in  the  ])ower  of  hinguage  to  describe. 

Mad  Sir  William  Howe  attacked  our  army  under 
this  accumulation  of  wretchedness  and  want,  he 
would  have  forced  General  Washington  from  his  can- 
tonment ;  the  sick  and  the  feeble  must  have  become 
prisoners,  and  in  retreating  to  the  back  part  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  which  step  necessity  would  have  com- 


Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.,  page  277. 


124 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


pelled  him,  he  could  have  carried  but  little  more  than 
the  shadow  of  an  army. 

But  while  so  direful  a  calamity  was  averted  by  an 
overruling  Providence,  a  new  trial  awaited  General 
Washington  in  his  perilous  and  difficult  course. 

A  faction  was  forming,  the  object  of  which  was, 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  public  mind  that  he 
was  not  equal  to  the  important  duties  of  his  station. 
This  faction  was  composed  of  several  officers  of  the 
army,  of  high  rank,  some  members  of  Congress,  and 
a  few  persons  of  political  distinction  in  the  different 
States.     General  Conway,  a  foreigner,  was  conspi- 
cuous in   this  cabal.     To  create  a  prejudice  against 
Washington,  his  retreat  from  New- York  into  Penn- 
sylvania, his  retreat  from  the  head  of  Elk,  his  defeat 
at  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and  Germantown,  with 
other  circumstances  of  his  conduct,  represented  in  the 
most  unfavourable  colours,  were  circulated  with  great 
industry.     General  Gates  was  designated  to  succeed 
him.     He  was  represented  as  a  great  and  consum- 
mate  commander.     The   splendid   victories   of  the 
north,  by  which  a  great  army  had  been  captured, 
were  owing  to  the  wisdom  of  his  arrangements  ;  and 
that  were  he  the  Commander-in-chief,  the  war  would 
be  conducted  by  the  same  wisdom,  and  the  same  glo- 
rious results  would  be  produced. 

The  address  and  talents  of  the  leaders  of  this  Ac- 
tion, made  little  impression  on  the  public  mind ;  and 
the  momentary  mist  cleared  away,  like  the  morning 
dew  before  the  splendour  of  the  sun.  Even  the 
northern  army,  which  had  been  commanded  by  Ge- 


-'3 
■3 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


123 


-'3 
■3 


neral  Gates,  and  from  which  he  had  great  hopes  of 
support,  was  indignant,  and  steadily  adhered  to  their 
old  and  beloved  Commander. 

Some  time  after,  General  Conway  was  wounded 
in  a  duel.  He  believed  he  was  dying.  In  that 
solemn  hour,  ambition  ceased  to  be  the  ruling  pas- 
sion of  his  soul ;  and,  sensible  of  his  injustice,  he 
thus  wrote  to  General  Washington  : 

"  I  find  myself  just  able  to  hold  my  pen,  during 
a  few  minutes,  and  take  this  opportunity  of  express- 
ing my  sincere  grief,  for  having  done,  written  or  said 
any  thing  disagreeable  to  your  Excellency.  My  ca- 
reer will  soon  be  over,  therefore  justice  and  truth 
prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  sentiments.  You  are 
in  my  eyes,  the  great  and  good  man.  May  you  long 
enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  these 
States,  whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your 
virtues. 

"  I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  &c. 

"  Thomas  Conway."* 

Other  letters  have  been  published,  which  give  the 
details  of  this  abortive  attempt  to  darken,  if  not  de- 
stroy the  fame  of  the  leader  of  our  armies. 

It  was  evident  to  all,  that  General  Washington 
felt  more  concern  on  account  of  the  public  evils  which 
must  ensue,  by  creating  divisions  in  the  army  and 
country,  than  from  any  effects  by  which  he  might  be 
personally  implicated. 


*  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  517. 


126 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Barox  SxEUBrN  ArrcNTED  A  Major-Ge.veral  in  the  Army.-Lafayette 
SENT  wrrn  a  Detachment  to  watch  xi.E  Ene.,.  -IIi.s  escape  from 
THE  BRn.,s.„  Armv.-ALuor  H...  ,.  XHE  Detachment  sent  to  reinforce 
iii-M— Meeting  of  Lafayette  and  General  Hull  in  1824. 

1777-8. 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  cantonment 
at  Valley  Forge,  Baron  Steuben  was  appointed  by 
Congress  a  Major-General  in  the  army.  General 
Conway  had  resigned  his  situation  of  Inspector-Gen- 
eral, after  the  defeat  of  the  taction  in  which  he  had 
been  a  leader,  and  his  office  was  now  filled  by  Baron 
Steuben. 

This  officer  had  served  a  number  of  campai^^^ns  in 
the  armies  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  came  hi"hly 
recommended   to  this  country.      He  was  perfc^ctly 
familiar  with  the  military  tactics  of  the  Prussian  Kin- 
and  established  the  same  in  our  army  as  far  as  they 
would  apply  to  its  circumstances  and  organization. 
I  hey  were  simple  and  uniform.     He  considered  no 
part  of  the  manual  exercise  essential,  except  to  han- 
dle the  firelock  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  the  entire 
control  of  it,  to  load,  take  good  aim,  and  fire  as  fast 
as  possible.     He  likewise  taught  one  uniform  mode 
ot  forming  columns,  and  drawing  up  in  a  line  in  any 
direction  the  situation  of  the  enemy  rendered  expe- 


LIFE  OP  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL, 


127 


dient ;  either  in  front,  to  tlm  right  flank,  the  left 
flank,  or  the  rear. 

Mc^jor  Hull,  among  other  field  officers,  was  ap- 
pouited  to  assist  him  in  these  duties,  and  from  his 
teachings  thej  received  much  valuable  instruction.    ' 

Ihe  advantages  of  the  system  soon  became  appa- 
rent. Under  the  simple  and  beautiful  exercises  he 
introduced,  the  army  moved  like  a  great  machine, 
wiiosc  various  parts  unite  to  form  a  perfect  whole 

On  questions  of  military  discipline,  Steuben  is 
ai^pealcd  to,  and  his  authority  viewed  as  decisive 
His  system  has  been  adopted  in  the  trainin-  of  the 
militia  our  great  national  defence,  and  has  been  a 
powerful  means  of  rendering  it  efficient.  As  Ion-  as 
his  cotemporaries  live,  his  talents  and  exertions  will 
be  remembered,  while  his  name  and  his  works  will 
descend  to  posterity,  amcng  other  great  instruments 
which  gave  peace,  independence,  and  prosperity  to 
our  country.  -^ 

Baron  Steuben  was  amiable  and  intelligent,  and 
highly  respected  by  all  ^vho  knew  him.  On  the  cs 
tabhshment  of  peace,  he  retired  to  the  western  part 
of  the  State  of  New- York,  and  resided  in  the  town 
ot  Steuben,  named  in  honor  of  him.  In  this  chosen 
spot  he  spent  the  residue  of  his  days. 

General  Washington  having  received  information 
which  indicated  an  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Bri 
tish  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  selected  about  twenty 
five  hundred  of  his  best  troops,  giving  the  command 
of  them  to  Major-General  Lafayette.  ^ 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May  this  detachment  crossed 


128  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  Schujlkill  to  the  east,  and  proceeded  down  the 
river,  about  eleven  miles  towards  Philadelphia.     Gen- 
eral   Washington's  instructions  to   Lafayette  were, 
"  TJie  detachment  under  your  command,  with  which 
you  will  immediately  march   towards  the  enemy's 
lines,  IS  designed  to  answer  the  following  purpose, 
namely  :  to  be  a  security  to  this  camp,  and  a  cover 
to  the  country  between   the  Delaware  and  Schuyl- 
kill, to  interrupt  the  communication  with   Philadcl- 
phia,  to  obstruct  the  incursions  of  the  enemy's  parties, 
and  to  obtain  intelligence  of  their  motions  and  de- 
signs." 

Sir  William  Howe  having  been  advised  of  this 
movement,   and   of    the  situation  of   the   Marquis, 
formed  the  design  of  capturing  the  whole  detach- 
ment.    To  effect  this  he  divided  his  army  into  three  ' 
bodies,  the  right  commanded  by  General  Grant,  the 
left  by  General  Grey,  and  the  centre  by  himself  and 
bir   Henry    Clinton.     He  directed   General  Grant 
whose  force  consisted  of  five  thousand  men,  to  take 
the  Delaware  road,  make  a  circuitous  march  to  White- 
marsh,  and  at  daylight  in  the  morning,  to  take  a  po- 
sition directly  in  the  rear  of  the  Marquis.     General 
Grey  was  ordered  to  proceed  up  the  road,  on  the  east 
ot  the  Schuylkill,  and  halt  directly  in  front ;  and  the 
centre  division,  under  hisown  command,  to  occupy 
ground  on  the  left  flank  of  the  Marquis's  detachment. 
Ihese  movements  having  been  executed  by  the  ene- 
my, the  Marquis  at  once  saw  his  danger ;  his  little 
army  was  surrounded  on  three  sides,  and  each  body 
of  the  enemy  superior  in  numbers  to  his  whole  de- 
tachment. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ,59 

VViththo  most  perfect  calmness  and  intrepidity 
which  inspired  his  officers  with  confidence  in  I     sSi 
and  poiver  to  extricate  himself,  he  immediately  o 
dered  a  retreat  to   Matson's    ford,  as  ,l,e  road  to 
Swede's  ford  was  then  occupied  by  the  enemy     A 
wood  separated  him  from  the  di/sion  of  G,L.i 

r::::;G;:.:t-ii -'""-----'-- 

Th,s  ruse  de  guerre  succeeded  admirably  ■  for 
V In  c  the  attention  of  the  enemy  was  disiracte  .!  ' 
.1  e  progress  delayed,  Lafayette  made  good  use 
of  the  time,  gained  the  ford,  crossed  the  rLr,  and 
posted  himself  in  a  strong  position  on  the  western 
side      General  Washington  received  information  If 

,;;td"";  "^ ''"'"  "™^ '''°"'  '-^  ^ai ;i' 

retreated.  Alarm  guns  ,vere  fired  in  the  camp,  and 
a  detachment  sent  to  reinforce  him.  Major  Mul  was 
with  this  detachment.     It  arrived  and  me  the  re tr  1 

the  liver.     The  British  were  on  the  opposite  bank  • 
hey  soon,  however,  returned  to  Philadelphia,  withou; 
having  gained  their  expected  prize. 

Some  skirmishing  took  place,  while  the  detach- 
ment was  crossing  the  river.  The  loss  on  our  part 
<vas  not  more  than  nine  or  ten  men.  Two  of  the 
enemy's  bght-horse  were  killed,  ard  several  wounded 
Lafayette  was  taken  by  surprise  ;  but  the  surprise  is 
no  reflection  on  his  foresight  or  military  skill.  It  was 
owing  to  the  negligence  of  a  body  of  six  hundred 

9 


130 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL  " 


militia,  stationed  at  Whitemarsh,  to  give  information 
of  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  They  had  aban- 
doned their  post  of  duty,  without  the  Marquis's  orders 
or  knowledge.  This  enabled  General  Grant  to  ad- 
vance and  gain  his  rear,  from  which  dangerous  situ- 
ation the  youthful  Ge  \tricated  his  detachment 
by  his  calmness,  skill,  .  .  celerity,  in  the  critical 
moment  of  impending  capture. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  a  young  noble- 
man of  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  respectable 
families  of  France.  Under  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  a  Captain  in  the  armies  of  his  country,  ardent 
for  military  fame,  and  before  an  alliance  had  been 
formed  with  this  nation  in  1776,  he  offered  his  ser- 
vices to  the  American  Commissioners,  then  in  Paris. 
He  considered  the  cause  of  America  as  just ;  that  she 
was  contending  for  her  rights  ;  importuned  for  years 
before,  in  a  spirit  of  loyal  forbearance,  touching  to 
every  generous  heart.  His  sympathies  and  his  love 
of  republican  principles  were  enlisted  in  her  behalf. 
At  first  his  offer  was  accepted;  but  shortly  after, 
intelligence  of  new  misfortunes  arrived  ;  and  so  dark 
was  the  cloud  which  then  hung  over  the  destinies  of 
our  country,  that  all  hopes  of  success  in  the  Revolution 
seemed  extinct,  and  the  Commissioners  generously 
endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose.  "No," 
replied  the  noble  Lafayette,  "  this  is  the  very  moment 
to  serve  your  cause." 

Nor  was  his  ardour  damped  when  they  were 
"  obliged  to  acknowledge  to  him  the  humiliating  fact, 
that  they  possessed  not  the  means  nor  the  credit  sufFi- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


131 


55 


of 


c.ent  for  procuring  a  single  vessel  in  all  the  pons  ot 
France.  '  Then,'  exclaimed  the  youthful  hero,  '  I  will 
provide  my  own  !  '-and  it  is  a  literal  fact,  that  when 
all  America  was  too  poor  to  offer  him  so  much  as  a 
passage  to  her  shores,  he  left,  in  his  tender  youth,  the 
bosom  of  home,  of  happiness,  of  wealth,  and  of  rink, 

As  a  volunteer  he  arrived  among  us.     He  first 
distmguished    himself  in   the  battles  of  Brandywine 
and    Germantown,  where   he  was    twice   wounded. 
In   1777,  he  was  appointed  by  Congress  a  Major- 
Oeneral.      La%ette  was    amiable,  modest,   indus- 
trious and  skilled  in  his  profession.     His  fortune  was 
expended  m  our  service,  and  he  successfully  employed 
every  talent,  to  perform   his  duties,  and  reward  ^he 
high  confidence  which  had  been  reposed  in  him.   He 
was  beloved  and  greatly  respected  in  the  army  •  nor 
were  these  ftelings  less  lively,  nor  less  sincere,  among 
a  ong  bst  0    old  officers  whom  he  had  superseded  if 
rank.     But  h,s  services  were  not  confined  to  military 
duty.      He  returne.l  to  France,  and  by  his  represen- 
tations, his  zeal  and  influence,  he  not  only  aided  in 
procuring  for  us  arms,  clothing,   and  loans,  but  was 
instrumental  in  convincing  the  King  and  his  minis- 
ters, of  the  advantage  of  forming  an  alliance   with 
America,  and  assisting  her  with  her  fleets  and  armies 
H.S  name  is  identified  with  the  glorious  triumph  of 

-  Oration  of  Edward  Everett,  be.    Cambridge,  Mass.,  August  27  1824 
fore  the  PI.  Beta  Kappa  Society  at    General  Layette  be^TFll'^ 


132  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  Revolution  ;  he  is  viewed  as  one  of  the  founders 
of  our  national  existence ;  and  his  memory  lives  in 
the  heart  of  every  true  American  * 


*  When  General  Lafayette  was 
in  Boston  in  1824,  it  was  the  happi- 
ness of  General  Hull,  to  receive,  by 
General  Lafayette's  appointment,  a 
visit  from  his  old  companion  in  arms. 
The  venerable  warriors  met.  The 
recollection  of  the  past  crowded  on 
their  minds,  and  the  scene  was  one 
of  touching  solemnity.  But  the 
youth  of  two  generations  were  be- 
fore them,  and  tlieir  wami  sympa- 


thies soon  flowed  into  the  channel  of 
present  enjoyment.  The  children 
and  the  grand-children  of  General 
Hull  were  honoured  with  the  atten- 
tion of  I^fayette ;  and  who  that  ever 
witnessed  his  warm  reception  of  the 
friends  of  his  youth,  and  his  affec- 
tionate manner  to  children,  can  be  in- 
sensible to  the  feelings  of  tliat  hour, 
in  which  the  interests  of  three  gen- 
erations were  concentrated  1 . 


i 


i 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


ers 
in 


el  of 
Iren 
eral 
ten- 
jver 
the 
Tec- 
!  in- 
jur, 
ren- 


133 


i 
I 

'•i 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

The  Battle  of  Monmouth. 

1778. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  June,  the   British  army 
evacuated  Philadelphia,  under  the  com'.and  of  Sir 
Henry  Chnton,  and  passed  into  New  Jersey.     Gen- 
eral  Washington  was  then  at  Valley  Forge.     His 
torce  numbered  rather  more  than  that  of  the  British 
As  the  enemy  slowly  advanced  up  the  Delaware,  he 
manifested  an  intention  of  marching  to  New- i^ork 
It  was  however  difficult  to  ascertain   the  route  he 
would  take.     General  Washington  called  a  council 
of  officers  to  deliberate,  whether  it  was  expedient  to 
march  and  take  a  position  on  his  front  or  his  flank,  so 
as  to  bring  on  a  general  action,  or  only  to  harass  his 
flank  and  roar  with  light  parties.     General  Lee,  who 
had  been  exchanged,  was  one  of  the  council.     Being 
next  to  Washington  in  rank,  and  possessing  great 
military  experience,  his  opinion  had  much  wei-ht 
He  contended   that,    under  the  circumstances,  \he 
*  abian  policy  was  expedient.     He  urged  that  the 
alliance  with  France    rendered   our    independence 
certain,  and  the  possibility  of  failure  in   a  general 
battle,  ought  not  to  be  hazarded.     A  majority  of  the 
officers  coincided  with  him.     Washington  held  oppo- 


134 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


site  views,  and  was  sustained  by  nianj  of  his  officers, 
among  whom  were  Generals  Lafayette,  Steuben, 
Greene,  and  Wayne.  He  remarked,  that  in  an  open 
country,  a  pursuing  army  had  the  advantage  of  one 
retreating;  that  the  British  were  incumbered  with 
invalids  and  baggage ;  that  the  most  direct  road  to 
Amlx)y  was  a  long  march ;  and  concluded  by  saying, 
that  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  attack,  ought 
not  to  be  lost. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  having  commenced  his  niarch 
through  New  Jersey,  General  Washington  detached 
General  Maxwell's  brigade,  in  conjunction  with  the 
militia  of  that  State,  to  impede  and  interrupt  his  pro- 
gress; that  time  might  thereby  be  aflbrded  to  the 
army  under  his  command  to  come  up  with  them,  and 
take  advantage  of  any  favourable  circumstances  that 
might  be  presented. 

Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  at  Coryell's 
ferry,  and  from  thence  detached  six  hundred  men, 
under  Colonel  Morgan,  to  reinforce  General  Maxwell.' 
Brigadier-General  Scott  was  sent  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred chosen  troops  to  join  those  in  the  vicinity,  and 
to  annoy  and  delay  the  march  of  the  British. 

General  Washington  having  ascertained  that  the 
enemy  were  advancing  towards  Monmouth  Court 
House,  despatched  one  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  General  Wayne,  and  sent  the  Marquis 
Lafayette  to  take  the  command  of  the  whole  detach- 
ment, including  Maxwell's  brigade  and  Morgan's 
light  infantry.  His  orders  were,  to  avail  himself  of 
the  first  opportunity  to  attack  the  enemy. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


135 


General  Lee,  dissatisfied  probably  that  liis  coun- 
sel had  been  rejected,  refused  to  take  the  command 
of  these  troops,  and  voluntarily  yielded  his  claims  to 
General  Lafayette. 

The  following  day,  however,  he  addressed  a  letter 
to  Washington,  in  which  he  expressed  regret  at 
what  he  had  done,  and  that  he  would  now  be 
gratified  to  have  his  command  restored.  Washington, 
ever  conciliatory,  when  consistent  with  duty,  and  de- 
sirous of  rendering  Justice  to  his  country,  by  securing 
to  its  servic.^s  all  the  talent  that  was  at  command, 
acceded  to  the  wishes  of  General  Lee. 

As  the  enamy  had  now  made  a  change  in  the 
disposition   of  their  troops,  placing  the  strength  of 
their  army  in  the  rear,  it  became  necessary  to  hicrease 
the  advanced  corps.     General    Washington  availed 
Inmself  of  this  circumstance,  and  despatched  General 
Lee  with  two  brigades,  to  join  the  Marquis  Lafayette 
at  Englishtown.     The  command  of  the  whole  then 
devolved  on  General  Lee,  he  being  the  senior  officer. 
But  he  was  directed  to  render  everv  assistance  in  his 
power  to  Lafayette,  should  he  find  him  engaged  in 
any  plan  or  enterprise  against  the  enemy.     At  the 
same  time  he  wrote  Lafayette,  acquainting  him  with 
the  circumstances,  trusting  to  his  usual  generosity  to 
be  governed  by  the  good  of  the  cause,  rather  than  by 
personal  interest. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  observing  the   movements  of 
General  Washington,  and  that  he  was  preparing  to 
attack  his  flanks  and  rear,  ordered  all  the  baggage  to 
his  front,  protecting  it  with  a  body  ot  his  German 


136 


RKVOLUTIONAkY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


troops.  He  then  formed  the  remainder  of  his  army 
in  ihc  rear  of  the  baggage,  on  the  high  liiils  of  INfon- 
mouth,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and 
himself. 

The  next  morning,  at  dajhglit,  the  baggage  of 
tiie  enemy  was  discovered  to  Ije  in  motion.  General 
Washington  sent  directions  to  General  Lee,  to  com- 
mence the  attack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very  pow- 
erful reasons  to  the  contrary."  He  was  to  order  the 
troops  on  both  flanks  to  attack  at  the  same  time  ; 
Morgan  on  the  right  and  General  Dickinson  on  the 
left,  and  that  he  would  closely  follow  to  his  support. 

The  British  descended  from  the  heights  into  the 
plain  :  Lee  advanced  to  meet  them.  As  soon  as  the 
firing  was  heard.  General  Washington  directed  the 
main  body  to  throw  off  their  packs,  and  he  advanced 
as  rapidly  as  jiossible  to  their  support.  This  firing 
was  between  the  advanced  guards  of  Lee  and  the 
rear  guards  of  the  enemy. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  finding  that  both  his  flanks 
and  his  roar  would  bo  attacked,  halted  his  army  and 
advanced  on  the  front  of  General  Lee's  division. 
This  movement  was  j)erceived  by  Lee  ;  and  ignorant 
whether  General  Washington  was  sufficiently  near 
to  support  him,  and  aware  that  his  force  was  unequal 
to  contend  with  the  whole  British  army,  he  ordered 
a  retreat  to  the  high  grounds.  He  was  met  by 
Washington,  who  expressed  marked  disapprobation 
of  his  conduct ;  and  directed  him  to  form  his  troops 
and  oppose  the  progress  of  the  enemy.  "  Your  or- 
ders," replied  Lee,  "  shall  be  obeyed,  and  I  will  not 


(( 


LIFF.  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


137 


l)e  tlic  first  to  quit  tlio  field."*     Washington  then 
came  up  with  the  main  body,  and  proceeding  to  the 
rear  of  the  corps,  he  found  it  closely  pressed   hy  the 
enemy,     lie  writes  :  "  I   proceeded  immediately  to 
the  rear  of  the  corps,  which  I  found  closely  pressed 
hy  the  enemy,  and  gave  directions  for  forming  a  part 
of  the  retreating  troo])s,  who,  by  the  brave  and  spir- 
ited conduct  of  tlic  officers,  aided  by  some  jneces  of 
well-served  artillery,  checked  the  enemy's  advance, 
and  gave  time  to  make  a  disposition  of  the  left  wing 
and  second  line  of  the  army  upon  an  eminence  and 
in  a  wood  a  little  in  the  rear,  covered  by  a  morass  in 
front.     On  this  were  ])laced  some  batteries  of  rannon 
by  Lord  Stirling,  who  commanded   the   left  wing, 
which  played  upon  the  enemy  with  great  cfii;ct,  and, 
seconded  by  parties  of  infantry  detached  to  oppose 
them,  effectually  put  a  stop  to  their  advance."! 

The  eighth  Massachusetts  regi.iient  was  attached 
to  this  division  of  Lord  Stirling.  It  was  commanded 
by  Major  Hull.  Pie  was  the  next  officer  in  rank  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks,  who  was  appointed  dur- 
ing this  day  to  act  as  Adjutant  to  General  Lee. 
"Lord  Stirling,"  says  Major  Hull,  "took  an  advan- 
tageous i)osition  on  elevated  ground,  directly  in  front 
of  the  enemy's  right.  They  formed  on  the  opposite 
side  of  a  hollow,  ready  to  receive  us.  A  severe  can- 
nonade was  commenced  from  our  division,  during 
which  a  demonstration  was  made  on  the  right  of  the 


*  RMmsay  V  History  of  tl.o  Unit-        f  Writings  of  Waslmurton,  Vol. 
ed  fetutcs,  Vol.  II.,  page  260.  V.,  page  4^5. 


138 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


enemy's  line,  and  the  whole  division  advancing  at  the 
same  time  on  the  front  of  their  right  wing,  thej  were 
compelled  to  retreat. 

General  Greene  and  General  Wayne  successfully 
opposed  the  progress  of  their  right  wing,  and  com- 
pelled it  to  retreat  to  the  heights,  from  which  it  had 
marched  in  the  morning.     They  afterwards   made 
several  attempts  on  our  left,  which  were  as  often 
repulsed.  In  the  evening,  the  whole  British  army  took 
a  strong  position,    and  could   only    be   approached 
through  a  narrow  pass.     General  Washington  made 
an  effort  to  move  round  on  their  right  and  left,  and 
directed  the  artillery  to  assail  them  in  front.     But  so 
many  impediments  were  in  the  way  that  night  came 
on   before  these  operations  could  take  effect.     The 
troops  remained  on  the  ground  near  the  enemy  with 
the  intention  of  attacking  them  at  daylight,  and  the 
whole  army  continued  lyin"^  on   their  arms  on  the 
field  of  battle,  prepared  to  support  them. 

General  Washington,  wrapped  in  his  military 
cloak,  passed  the  night  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers. 
About  twelve  o'clock  the  enemy  silently  moved  off, 
and  though  the  Americans  were  so  near,  they  had 
not  the  slightest  intimation  of  their  retreat.  They 
took  with  them  a  large  proportion  of  their  wounded, 
but  left  four  officers  and  forty  privates,  whose  situa- 
tion was  too  dangerous  to  permit  of  their  removal. 

The  intense  heat  of  the  weather  and  the  great 
fatigue  of  the  troops,  forbad  a  pursuit ;  and  besides, 
it  would  have  been  fruitless,  as  the  British  had  gained 
upon  them  a  march  in  the  night. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  J39 

Major  Hull  writes :  « I  went  over  the  field  of 
battle  the  next  morning,  and  discovered  a  large  num- 
ber of  dead  bodies  without  any  wounds,  who  proba- 
bly died  from  heat.  We  bmied  four  officers  and  two 
hundred  and  forty-five  privates,  and  more  must  have 
been  killed,  for  there  were  a  number  of  new-made 
graves." 

Perhaps  a  complete  victory  might  have  been  won 
by  the  Americans  in  this  battle,  had  not  the  retreat 
of  General  Lee  in  the  very  onset,  with  a  force  of  be- 
tween five  and  six  thousand  men,  given  to  the  enemy 
a   decided   advantage.     Yet,    notwithstanding    this 
movement,  so  calculated  to  damp  the  ardour  of  sol- 
diers, there  was  a  spirit,  a  skill,  and  an  undaunted 
resolution  manifested  in  the  trying  scenes  of  that  day 
which  was  the  earnest  cf  still  more  successful  effort. 
Ihe  officer  and  the  soldier  as  he  lay  on  his  arms 
throughout  the  night,  Icoked  to  the  morning  dawn,  in 
the  hope  that  a  contest  so  equal  and  so  severe,  would 
then  be  decided  in  favour  of  his  beloved  country. 

The  British  fought  with  their  usual  coolness  and 
intrepidity  ;  and  felt,  not  for  the  first  time,  that  they 
had  a  foe  to  grapple  with,  which  required  all  the 
energies,  the  experience,  and  the  skill  of  their  war- 
like profession  to  sustain  them. 

General  Washington  in  his  report  to  Congress 
writes  :  ''  Were  I  to  conclude  my  account  of  this  day's 
transactions,  without  expressing  my  obligations  \o 
the  officers  of  the  army  in  general,  I  should  do  injus- 
tice to  their  merit,  and  violence  to  my  own  feelings. 
Ihey  seemed  to  vie  with  each  other,  in  manifesting 


140 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


their  zeal  and  bravery.  The  catalogue  of  those  who 
distinguished  themselves,  is  too  long  to  admit  of  par- 
ticularizing individuals.  1  cannot,  however,  forbear 
mentioning  Brigadier-General  Wayne,  whose  good 
conduct  and  bravery  through  the  whole  action,  de- 
serves particular  commendation.  The  behaviour  of 
the  troops  in  general,  after  they  recovered  from  the 
first  surprise,  occasioned  by  the  retreat  of  the  ad- 
vanced corps,  was  such  as  could  not  be  surpassed. 
All  the  artillery,  both  officers  and  men,  that  were  en- 
gaged, distinguished  themselves  in  a  remarkable 
manner."* 

General  Lee,  at  his  own  request,  was  tried  before 
a  Court  Martial.    The  charges  were  : 

1st.  Disobedience  of  orders,  in  not  attacking  the 
enemy,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions. 

2d.  Misbehaviour  before  the  enemy,  by  makin"- 
an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat. 

3d.  Disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  in 
two  letters,  dated  28th  June  and  the  1st  of  July. 

The  Court  sat  for  some  weeks,  when  it  declared 
General  Lee  guilty  of  all  the  charges,  and  sentenced 
him  to  be  suspended  from  any  command  in  the  ar- 
mies of  the  United  States,  for  the  term  of  twelve 
months. 

A  majority  in  Congress  approved  of  the  sentence. 
The  word  shameful  was  struck  out  of  the  second 
charge.  With  respect  to  the  correctness  of  the  sen- 
tence of  the  Court  Martial,  military  men  have  dif- 


*  Writings  of  Wasliington,  Vol.  V.,  page  427. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


141 


who 
par- 
bear 
good 

de- 
ir  of 
I  the 

ad- 
!sed. 
!  en- 
able 

;fore 

the 

iing 

,   in 

ared 

iced 

ar- 

elve 


fered  in  opinion.  But  the  language  and  letters  of 
General  Lee  to  Generd  Washington,  met  with  uni- 
versal disapprobation. 

The  question,  whether  under  his  instructions  and 
the  circumstances  of  the  case  he  was  authorized  to 
retreat,  without  fighting,  need  not  now  be  discussed 
But  It  must  ever  be  regretted,  that  the  division  under 
Lee's  command,  did  not  or  could  not  perform  the 
duty  to  which  it  was  assigned.     Had  there  been  no 
retreat,  the  results  of  that  day,  honourable  as  they 
were  to  the  troops  engaged,  would  doubtless  have 
had  a  much  more  important  bearing  on  the  interests 
of  the  American  arms. 


ice. 
ond 
len- 
dif- 


142 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Major  II  ll's  Command  on  the  Lines. 

1779. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks  having  obtained 
leave  of  absence,  the  command  of  the  regiment  de- 
volved on  Major  Hull.  He  was  directed  to  march  it 
to  Poughkeepsie,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  government 
for  the  State  of  New- York.  As  soon  as  it  arrived, 
the  men  were  employed  in  erecting  barracks,  and 
hauling  wood  for  the  winter. 

As  this  was  a  pleasant  and  fertile  part  of  the 
country,  both  officers  and  men  were  pleased  with  the 
location,  and  made  great  exertions  to  complete  their 
accommodations  for  the  winter.  But  their  happiness 
was  short-lived  ;  for  scarcely  were  they  established 
in  their  comfortable  abodes,  when  Major  Hull  re- 
ceived an  order  from  General  McDougall,  who  com- 
manded at  Peekskill,  to  march  the  regiment  the  next 
day,  and  take  his  station  on  the  lines  near  Kings- 
bridge.  The  order  produced  some  disappointment. 
Poughkeepsie  being  the  seat  of  government,  the 
Governor  and  other  civil  officers  of  the  State  resided 
there,  besides  many  pleasant  families,  which  had 
withdrawn  from  the  city. 

Major  Hull  communicated  the  order  to  the  regi- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


143 


ment,  and  gave  directions  to  be  prepared  to  march 
the  next  morning  at  eight  o'clock.     He  passed  the 
evenmg  at  the  house  of  Governor  Clinton.     When  he 
returned  to  his  lodgings,  he  perceived  a  large  roll  of 
paper  lying  on  the  step  of  his  door.     He  found  it  to 
be  a  remonstrance,  signed  bj  all  the  non-commis- 
sioned officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regiment.     They 
stated  how  much  they  had  endured  in  the  last  cam- 
paign, and  how  hard  they  had  laboured  to  build  their 
barracks,  procure  their  wood   and  other  necessary 
comforts  ;  and  that  under  these  circumstances,  they 
did  not  expect  to  be  ordered  to  serve  another  cam- 
paign that  winter. 

Major  Hull  immediately  sent  for  the  officers  of 
the  regiment,  and  communicated  to  them  the  contents 
of  the  paper.  The  officers  informed  him  that  they 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  paper,  but  had  tbit  evening 
observed  unusual  appearances  and  symptoms  of  dis"^ 
content,  and  that  they  feared  the  men  would  refuse  to 
march  the  next  morning.  They  suggested  to  Major 
Hull  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient  to  send  an 
express  to  General  McDougall,  stating  the  circum- 
stances, and  wait  his  orders. 

He  replied,  that  this  insubordination  must  be 
checked  at  once,  and  prepared  to  use  the  authority 
he  possessed,  which  he  believed  would  be  sufficient, 
rather  than  appeal  to  a  higher  power.  The  troops 
might  view  this  latter  measure  as  an  expression  of 
weakness  ;  and  from  thence  would  result  greater  dif- 
ficulty in  the  exaction  of  strict  obedience  in  the 
remote   station   to   which  they  were  now  ordered. 


144 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Major  Hull  requested  the  officers  to  obtain  all  the 
information  relating  to  what  had  passed,  and  endea- 
.  vour  to  ascertain  if  there  was  not  some  self-interested 
mischievous  person,  who  had  influenced  the  men  to 
take  this  stand. 

It  was  soon  discovered  that  a  sergeant  of  artillery 
had  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  his  regiment,  and 
had  procured  a  small  room  in  the  neighbourhood,  with 
the  expectation  of  selling  groceries  and  other  articles 
that  the  troops  wanted. 

In  the  morning  when  the  hour  to  assemble  had 
arrived.  Major  Hull  and  the  officers  only  were  pre- 
sent ;  none  of  the  troops  appeared.     Major  Hull  di- 
rected the  officers  to  go  into  the  barracks,  and  at  all 
events  to  parade  their  companies.    A  few  men  from 
each  company  came  forth ;  the  number  soon  increased, 
and  in  a  short  time  the  whole  regiment  was  formed. 
Major  Hull  then  stated,  that  he  well  knew  how  un- 
pleasant it  was  to  them  to  leave  their  comfortable 
quarters,  and  not  only  regretted  it  on  their  account, 
but  likewise  for  his  officers  and  for  himself;  that  they 
were  very  pleasantly  situated,  and  had  hoped  to  pass 
the  winter  in  Poughkeepsie.     But  he  observed  to 
them,  obedience  to  orders  was  the  first  duty  of  a  sol- 
dier.     He  then  pointed   out,  in  strong  terms,  the 
impropriety  of  their  conduct ;  that  he  feared,  from 
information  obtained,  they  had  been  unhappily  in- 
fluenced, and  strong  suspicions  rested  on  the  man 
whom  they  perceived  was  brought  on  parade  under 
arrest. 

A  Court  Martial  was  at  once  ordered  to  sit  in  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL, 


145 


presence  of  the  corps.  The  sergeant  was  tried,  and 
found  guilty  of  the  charges  brought  against  him.  He 
was  sentenced  to  receive  severe  punishment,  which 
was   nnmediately  inflicted  in    the    presence  of  the 

Tur'u-  '^/;f /""""P^  th^^«  commenced  their  march  to 
he  White  Plams,  where  thej  arrived  early  in  Dece.n- 

.r'n  '•    fT^  ^"'''  ^^''^''"^^'-^^  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,"  writes  Major  Hull,   "  had  com- 
manded for  several  months  on  this  station,  from  ^vhich 
duty  I  was  now  ordered  to  relieve  him.    He  remained 
a  tew  days,  and  furnished  us  with  necessary  and  im- 
portant information  with  respect  to  the  situation  of 
the  enemy    the  different  routes  leading  from  Kings- 
bridge  and  the  position  he  had  taken  for  the  secuHty 
and  defence  of  his  corps.     Jn  justice  to  his  military 
character,  it  must  be  said  that  iiis  plans  were  hi-dily 
judicious.  *=    "^ 

"  Our  duties  having  now  commenced,  the  advanced 
parties  were  directed  to  re  connoitre  every  day,  within 
a  fe^y  miles  of  the  enemy  at  Kingsbridge  ;  while  the 
posi  ion  of  the  main  body,  consisting  of  about  four 
Imndred,  was  seven  or  eight  miles  from  that  post,  and 
eighteen  miles  in  advance  of  any  of  our  stations 
above.  Being  in  the  flice  of  the  whole  British  Army 
without  fortifications  for  defence,  our  safety  depend  Jd 
on  unceasing  vigilance." 

Several  detachments   had  been  recently  cut  off 

rhc  country  between  the  Highlands  and  New-York 

and  between  the  North  and  East  rivers,  depended 

on    this   smal    body  of  troops  for   protection  ere  it 

could  be  reinforced  from  the  cantonment  of  General 

10 


146  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

McDougall.  Major  Hull  had  his  main  body  compactly 
posted,  occupying  a  central  position  between  the 
rivers,  at  and  below  the  White  Plains  ;  but  frequently 
changing  its  locality,  and  generally  this  change  took 
place  in  the  evening.  Small  parties  were  constantly 
on  duty,  patrolling  to  the  right,  above  and  sometimes 
bc^low  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  to  the  left,  as  llir  as  the 
Sound  at  Mamaroneck,  and  below. 

Major  Hull  was  aided  by  guides,  selected  from 
the  most  active,  intelligent,  and  well-disposed  inhabit- 
ants, w  ho  were  familiar  with  every  part  of  the  coun- 
try. These  persons  received  remuneration,  were 
furnished  with  horses,  and  proved  faithful  and  ex- 
ceedingly useful  in  the  service. 

Many  families  remained    on  their  farms,  and  it 
was  important  to  know^  their  true  characters.     Major 
Hull  therefore  had  the  names   of  all  the  inhabitants 
registered   between  Kingsbridge  and   Croton   river, 
and  between  the  North  and  East  rivers.     The  char- 
acter of  each  individual  was   descri()ed  by  ciphers, 
the   object    being   to    prevent  injury   to  those  who 
were  well  disposed,  should   the   book  fall    into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.     The  commanding  officer  held 
a  species  of  civil  as  well  as  military  jurisdiction,  as 
the    situation    of  the   country   between   the   hostile 
armies  was  such,  that  the  laws  of  the  State  could  not 
operate.  A  conflict  existed  between  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary enactments,  the  decision  of  which  was  necessarily 
assumed  and  enforced  by  the  strongest  power.*     But 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  IN.,  uith  several  subsequent  letters  to  Major 
Hull,  commamling  on  the  Lines. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  147 

vvl.enover  cases  of  improper  or  irregular  impressment 
occurred,  recompense  was  made  to  the  owners,  and 
ti'e  teams,  horses,  &c,  were  returned.  But  it  will  be 
soen  hy  reference  to  the  Appendix  that  such  was  the 
state  o    thmgs,  that  certain  acts  of  the   Senate  and 
Assembly  of  New-York  in  relation  to  the  impress- 
ment 01  horses,  teams,  &c.,  were  entirely  superseded 
hy  marfal  law,  and  the  power  to  seize  and  send  to 
head-quarters  all  suspicious  persons  or  any  guilty  of 
theft  or  other  crimes,  was  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the 
officer  then  commanding.     I„d.ed  this  portion  of  the 
country,  infested   by  a  roving  banditti  equally  cruel 
o  all  parties,  was  a   scene  of  terror   and  suffering 
hroughout  most  of  the  years  of  the  war.    The  Cow- 
boys  and  Sknmers  ravaged  the  whole  region.     The 
first,  calh-d  Kefugees,  ranked  themselves  on  the  British 
side.      1  hey  were  employed  in  plundering  cattle  and 
dnymg  them  to  the  city:  their  name  is  derived  from 
then-  occupation.     The  latter,  called  Skinners,  while 
prof(.ssmg  attaclmient  to  the  American  cause,  were 
devoted  to  mdiscriminate  robbery,  murder,  and  every 
speces  of  the  most  brutal  outrage.    They  seemed,  like 
the  savage,  to  have  learned  to  enjoy  the  sight  of  the 
suftermgs  they  inflicted.     Oftentimes  thev  left  their 
wretched  victims,  from  whom  they  plundered  their 
all,  hung  up  by  their  arms,  and  sometimes  by  their 
tlunnbs,  on  barn  doors,  enduring  the  agony  of  the 
wounds  that  had  been  inflicted,  to  wrest  from  them 
then-  property.     These   miserable   beings  were  fre 
quently   relieved    by  our   patrols,    who  every  ni^ht 
scoured  the  country  from  river  to  river.     But  unhan- 


148 


RF-VOLUTKINARY  SHRViCHS  AND  CIVIL 


pily  tlu)  military  force  was  too  small  to  rcMidcr  tlie 
succour  so  much  needed  ;  although  by  its  vigilance 
and  the  infliction  of  severe  punishment  on  the  olfend- 
ers,  it  kept  in  check,  to  a  certain  extent,  this  lawless 
race  of  men.  The  connnand  on  the  lines  covered  an 
extensive  section  of  country,  and  there  were  many 
roads  leading  from  Kingshridge  to  the  different  sta- 
tions, which  were  occupied  by  the  detachment.  It 
was  therefore  necessary  to  avail  of  the  friendly  in- 
habitants to  obtain  intelligence;  of  the  first  movement 
of  the  enemy.  Those  who  resided  below  the  fines, 
being  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  British,  were 
obliged  to  feign  an  attachment  they  did  not  feel. 

Major  Hull  selected  a  certain  number  of  families 
on  whose  fidelity  he  could  rely,  and  formed  a  line  of 
them,  extending  from  Kingshridge  to  his  most  ad- 
vanced guards.  He  requ<;sted  these  persons  to  come 
to  him  at  night,  that  he  might  communicate  to  them 
his  plan  of  securing  information,  which  he  said 
would  depend  on  their  good  faith,  aleitucss,  and  se- 
crecy. He  told  the  man  who  lived  nearest  Kings- 
bridge,  that  whenever  he  perceived  any  extraordinary 
movement,  or  whenever  the  enemy  passed  the  bridge, 
to  take  a  mug  or  pitcher  in  his  hand,  and  in  a  care- 
less manner  go  to  his  neighbour  who  composed  one 
of  the  line,  for  some  cider,  l)eer,  or  milk,  and  give  him 
notice,  and  then  immediately  return  home.  His 
neighbour  was  to  do  the  same,  and  so  on,  until  the 
information  reached  the  station  of  Major  Hull. 
Every  individual  thus  employed  was  faithful  to  the 
trust  reposed  in  him. 


LIFR  OF  r.RNKRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


149 


s 


The  enemy  could  make  no  movement,  without 
the  detachment  bring  informed  and  prepared  to  meet 
or  avoid  them.  Major  Hull  rewarded,  as  he  was  au- 
thorized, these  good  i)eople,  who  could  not,  in  their 
situation,  perform  a  duty  of  this  nature,  without 
much  personal  risk.  Yet  they  ceased  not  to  exhibit 
the  virtues  of  patriotism  and  constancy,  by  a  faithful 
devotion  to  their  country's  interests,  while  exposed 
to  nnminent  danger  and  surrounded  by  hardships  and 
privation. 

By  tiie  laws  of  the  State  of  New-York,  if  thej/ 
refused  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  State,  their 
property  was  liable  to  confiscation.  The  country 
they  o(;cupied  was  fertile  and  poj)ulous,  and  the  land 
well  cultivated.  Any  person  who  took  the  oath, 
would  instantly  find  the  Cow-boys  robbing  him  of  his 
all ;  and  to  offbr  defence,  was  at  the  peril  of  life. 
Such  as  did  not  take  the  oath,  were  left  to  the  ten- 
der mercies  of  the  Skinners,  who,  taking  the  law  into 
their  own  hands,  branded  them  as  tories,  confiscated 
their  property,  and  went  off  secure,  in  the  possession 
of  their  bootv. 

In  this  condition  of  the  social  state,  the  innocent 
and  guilty  ecpially  suiTcred. 

The  descendants  of  these  people,  many  of  the 
present  inhabitants  of  Westchester,  and  its  neigh- 
bourhood, who  are  now  living  in  the  liaj)py  enjoy- 
ment of  lil)erty,  and  the  protection  of  law,  have  rea- 
son to  feel  a  generous  pride  in  the  virtue  of  their  an- 
cestors, who  so  nobly  stood  the  test  of  these  try  in '^ 
times. 


150 


RKVOIJJTroNAriY  SKRVICIOS  AND  CIVIL 


M;ij()r  Hull,  at  this  |uMi()(l,  was  about  tvvciity-fivo 
years  ol'  af,a',  and   blessed  witli  a  j^ood  eonsiitiition. 
lie  remarks,  while  speakinj^  of  this  serviee,  "  In  a 
coniinaiid  so  responsible,    I    adopted    a    system,    to 
which  1  steadfastly  adhered  ;  nor  did  storms,  cold,  or 
the  darkiu!ss  of  the  ni;;ht,  (!ver  interfere  with  its  per- 
formance.    Karly  in  the  evenini;-,  without  takiiifr  off 
my  clothes,  with  my  arms  by  my  side,  1  laid  myself 
down  before  a  fire,  covered  only  by  a  blaiikcM,  and 
gave  directions  to  the  sentinel  to  awake  iiw.  at  one 
o'clock  in  tin;  morning.     My  adjutant,  or  som(>  other 
officer  was  with  me ;  and  one  or  two  of  the  faithful 
guides,  who  have  been  mentioned.     The  troops  were 
ordered  to  be  i)ara(led  at  the  same  hour  I  was  called, 
and  a  portion  to  remain  on  j)arade  until  my  return. 
After  the   whole  were  assembled,  one  half  of  them 
were  permitted  to  go  to  rest,  and  the  other  half  were 
formed  into  strong  guards,  which   patrolled  in  front 
and  on  the  flanks  of  the  detachment  until  sunrise. 
This  force  was  in  addition  to  the  small  parties  which 
were  constantly  patrolling  with  the  guides.     After 
making  this  arrangement,  I  rode  with  my  adjutant 
and  one  or  two  guides,  as  far  as  my  patrols  were  di- 
rected to  proceed,  across  to  the  North  river,  and  then 
back  on  the  line  of  my  patrols,  toward  the  East  river, 
and  contimied  riding  in  different  directions,  until  sun- 
rise.    While  on  this  duty,  I  visited  a  number  of  my 
confidential  lineof  inhabitants,  to  ascertain  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.     I  generally  rode  about  twenty 
miles  at  night,  and  nearly  the  same  distance  during 
the  day.     This  service  on  the  lines  was  so  severe. 


LIFi;  OF  (.FN KRAI-  WILLIAM  HULL. 


151 


that  two  Imndrod  nuMi,  with  oflict;rs,  wen;  sont  from 
the  army  every  ten  days,  to  relievo  one  hallor  {\w. 
detachment,  wlule  the  half  best  fitted  for  duty  re- 
mained.    As  civil  law  was  siispendiul,  1  was  directed 
to  preserve  as  much  peace,  security,  and  ^ood  order 
amonjr  the  inhabitants  as  j)()ssil)le  ;  and  particularly 
cautioned  to  prevent  supplies  being    carried   to  the 
enemy.     The   country  was  fjirtile,   and  tin;   people 
wer(!  retpiired  in  due  proportion  to  suj)()ly  the  troops 
with  j)rovisions,  for  which  1  gave  them  certificates. 
These  various  duties  en)j)loycd  all  my  time,  (;xcepting 
the   first  part  of  every   night  given  to  sleep.     The 
enemy  made  many  attempts  to  surprise  and  destroy 
the  detachment ;  but  by  the   precautions  taken,  his 
plans  were  invariably  defeated.      In  all  the  little  ren- 
contres which  took  place,  the  advantage;  was  on  our 
side ;  and  the  country,  in  a  great  degree,  was  ])ro- 
tected,  both  above  and  below  my  station,  from  cru(;l 
depr(3dations.     Only  those  families  suffered  who  re- 
sided nearest  to  the  British  lines." 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  it  was  evident  prepa- 
rations ^vere  making  for  some  important  expedition, 
in  which  the  strength  of  the  British  army  was  to  be 
employed,  aided  by  the  co-operation  of  their  navy. 
Major  Hull  wrote  to  General  McDougall,  that  ap- 
pearances indicated  that  the  enterprise  was  to  be  di- 
rected against  the  army  in  the  Highlands,  and  that 
the  detachment  on  the  lines  would  be  the  first  object 
of  attack.  General  McDougall  having  received  simi- 
lar intelligence,  directed  Major  Hull,  in  case  the 
enemy  advanciid  in  force  over  Kingsbridgc  towards 


152 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


the  White  Plains,  to  retreat  before  they  came  so  near 
as  to  compel  him  to  action ;  to  observe  their  move- 
ments up  the  river,  and  to  proceed  in  such  a  manner 
as  not  to  be  in  the  rear  of  the  jfleet.  as  in  such  case, 
his  communication  might  be  cut  off  from  the  army  in 
the  Highlands. 

About  the  last  of  May,  Major  Hull  received  infor- 
mation from  his  faithful  line  of  inhabitants,  that  a 
large  column  of  the  enemy  had  passed  Kingsbridge, 
and  was  marching  towards  the  White  Plains.  His 
detachment,  excepting  some  small  patrols,  were  as- 
sembled in  a  compact  body  in  that  place.  Previous 
to  this,  he  had  given  notice  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  and  of  his  intention  to  re- 
treat to  the  Highlands.  Many  of  them  removed  their 
families  and  fled  to  a  more  peaceful  region. 

When  the  enemy  had  arrived  within  about  two 
miles  of  the  White  Plains,  Major  Hull  called  in  the 
patrols  and  marched  to  the  road  on  the  North  river. 
He  soon  perceived  the  fleet,  which  was  but  a  small 
distance  below  his  position.  As  he  advanced  slowly 
up  the  river,  he  was  informed  that  the  column  which 
had  passed  Kingsbridge,  was  making  a  forced  march 
on  his  right,  with  a,  view  to  gain  his  front  and  cut  off 
his  retreat.  He  hastened  his  march,  and  crossed  the 
Croton  river,  where  he  halted.  The  enemy  approached 
him  by  land,  and  he  perceived  their  troops  debarking 
from  the  fleet.  He  then  made  a  rapid  march  to 
Peekskiil,  and  Joined  the  forces  under  the  command 
of  General  McDougall.  The  British  army  proceeded 
up  the  river,  and  took  possession  of  Stony  and  Ver- 


s 


i 


I 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


153 


I 


E 


plank's  Points.  Works  had  been  erected  by  the  Amer- 
icans at  these  places,  but  when  the  enemy  approached 
the  workmen  retired.  A  small  garrison  at  Verplank's 
Point  surrendered. 

From  the  preparations  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  it 
was  expected  that  he  would  attack  West  Point,  and 
the  other  fortresses  in  the  Highlands. 

General  Washington,  considering  the  Highlands 
of  great  importance,  concentrated  a  large  part  of  jiis 
army  for  their  defence.  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to 
West  Point.  His  detachment  eret.ed  a  fort  on  the 
summit  of  a  hill  which  overlooked  and  commanded 
the  other  works  established  at  that  place.  The  object 
was  to  defeat  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  should  he  at- 
tempt to  march  by  a  circuitous  route,  through  the 
gorges  of  the  mountains,  to  obtain  possession  of  this 
eminence. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  however,  after  establishing 
garrisohs  at  Stony  and  Verplank's  Points,  returned  to 
New- York.  His  object,  it  was  believed,  in  ascending 
the  river,  was,  to  possess  himself  of  all  the  fortresses 
in  the  Highlands  ;  but  the  prompt  and  wise  measures 
taken  by  General  Washington,  in  recalling  the  troops 
from  New  Jersey,  and  concentrating  his  strength  in 
their  defence,  defeated  the  plans  of  his  adversary. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  then  changed  his  mode  of  op- 
erations, but  with  a  view  to  the  same  object.  He 
commenced  a  predatory  warfare  on  the  Sound,  and  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  experienced, 
in  a  war  of  extermination,  the  horrors  and  brutal 
cruelties  of  an  unlicensed  soldierv. 


154  Rr:VOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

By  this  course  he  hoped  to  draw  off  Washington 
from  his  strong-hold  in  the  Highlands,  and  tlius""  se- 
cure to  iiiniself  their  complete  possession.  But  in 
every  part  of  his  plan,  he  was  defeated  by  the  sound 
judgment  and  superior  skill  of  the  American  Com- 
mandcr. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


153 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Capture  of  Stony  Point, 

1779. 

iT  is  a  darkened  view  of  the  human  mind  that 
induces  the  belief  that  outrage  and  cruelty  will  com- 
mand submission,  sooner  than  a  generous  and  just 
appeal  to  th^;  better  feelings  of  man.  The  spiril 
may  bend  under  oppression,  but  not  break,  while  by 
Its  reaction,  it  acquires  new  strength  for  resistance. 

Ihe  study  of  our  own  hearts,  and  the  example  of 
Him,  m  whom  there  is  no  variableness,  would  furnish 
safer  and  more  kindly  views.  God  endeavours  to  win 
by  love  and  by  persuasion  ;  when  these  fail,  he  sends 
a  severe,  healthful,  but  not  an  irritating  discipline, 
dictated  equally  by  wisdom  and  mercy. 

During  our  contest  with  Britain,  plunder  and  de- 
vastation overspread  our  beautiful  southern  land  • 
while  at  the  north,  fire  laid  waste  our  peaceful  dwell- 
Higs,  and  the  sword  did  its  work  on  the  defenceless 
inhabitants  of  the  sea-coast.  What  the  enemy  could 
not  effect  by  contest  in  the  open  field,  he  vainly 
thought  could  be  done  by  sweeping  from  the  earth 
every  vestige  of  home  and  domestic  peace. 

But  the  earth  and  man  were  left ;  and  the  Spirit 
ol  the  Almighty,  guiding  the  destinies  of  America 


156 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


overruled,  to  her  final  good,  the  violence  of  her  enc 
mies,  and  the  sufferings  of  her  children. 

Tiie  head-quarters  of  General  Washington  were 
now  at  New  Windsor,  a  short  distance  ahove  West 
Point.     The  troops  lie  had  drawn  from  New  Jersey, 
were  stationed  on  both  sides  the  river  below,  to  give 
check  to  the  enemy  should  he  again  ascend  the  Hud- 
son.    "  But  their  plan  of  devastation  and   plunder 
on  the  sea-coast  was  vigorously  pursued.     About  the 
beginning  of  July,  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  six 
hundred  men,  under  Governor  Tryon,  sailed  from 
New-York   into    Long   Island    Sound.      They   first 
landed    at   New-IIaven,    plundered   the  inhabitants 
indiscriminately,  and  burnt  the  stores  on  the  wharves. 
This  being  done,  thoy  embarked  and  landed  at  Fair- 
field and  Norwalk,  which  towns  were  reduced  to  ashes. 
Dwelling-houses,  shops,  churches,  school-houses,  and 
the  shipping  in  the  harbours  were  destroyed.     The 
soldiers  pillaged  without  restraint,  committing  acts  of 
violence,  and  exhibiting  the  horrors  of  war  in  some 
of  their  most  revolting  forms. 

"  It  does  not  appear  that  there  were  troops,  mag- 
azines, or  public  property  in  either  of  the  towns. 
The  waste  and  distress  fell  on  individuals  who  were 
pursuing  the  ordinary  occupations  of  life.  The  peo- 
pie  rallied  in  self-defence,  and  a  few  were  killed  ; 
but  the  enemy  retired  to  their  vessels,  before  the  mi- 
litia could  assemble  in  large  numbers.  The  British 
Commander  hoped  that  this  invasion  of  Connecticut 
would  draw  away  the  American  army  from  the  High- 
lands, to  a  position  where  he  might   bring  on  an 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


157 


engagement  under  favourable  circumstances.  Wash- 
ington's habitual  caution  guarded  him  against  allowing 
such  an  advantage.  On  the  contrary,  while  the 
enemy's  forces  were  thus  divided,  he  resolved  to  at- 
tack the  strong  post  at  Stony  Point.  The  necessity 
of  doing  something  to  satisfy  the  expectations  of  the 
people,  and  reconcile  them  to  the  defensive  plan 
which  he  was  obliged  to  pursue  ;  the  value  of  the 
acquisition  in  itself,  with  respect  to  the  men,  artillery, 
and  stores,  which  composed  the  garrison  ;  the  effect 
it  would  have  upon  the  subsequent  operations  of  the 
campaign,  and  the  check  it  would  give  to  the  depre- 
dations of  the  enemy,  were,  as  he  said,  the  motives 
which  prompted  him  to  the  undertaking.  He  rijcon- 
noitered  the  post,  and  instructed  Major  Henry  Lee, 
who  was  stationed  near  it  with  a  party  of  cavalry,  to 
gain  all  the  inlormation  in  his  power  as  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  works,  and  the  strength  of  the  garrison. 

"  The  enterprise  was  intrusted  to  General 
Wayne,  who  commanded  a  body  of  light  infantry  in 
advance  of  the  main  army,  where  he  was  placed  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent  their 
landing,  and  to  attack  separate  parties  whenever  op- 
portunities should  offer. 

"  Having  procured  all  the  requisite  information, 
and  determined  to  make  the  assault,  Washington 
communicated  general  instructions  to  Wayne,  in  writ- 
ing and  conversation,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  well- 
tried  bravery  and  skill  of  that  gallant  officer." 


?5* 


*  Sparks'  Lilb  and  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.,  jnigo  :223. 


158 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


The  regiments  Avliich  formed  the  corps  of  Gene- 
ral Wayne,  were  commanded  by  Colonels  Webb, 
Febiger,  and  Butler.  Tlie  detachment  wliich  Major 
Hull  marched  from  the  White  Plaijis,  when  Sir  Hen- 
ry Clinton  ascended  the  Hudson,  and  established 
posts  at  King's  Ferry,  was  stationed  on  the  high 
grounds  about  West  Point,  and  employed  in  building 
several  forts,  which  at  this  period  were  nearly  com- 
pleted.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth  of  July,  Major 
Hull  was  ordered  to  march  to  Sandy  Beach,  and  to 
unite  his  corps  to  that  of  General  Wayne. 

Two  companies  of  North  Carolina  light  inflmtry, 
commanded  by  Major  Murfee,  were  directed  to  join 
the  troops  at  Sandy  Beach.  These  were  placed  in 
the  detachment  of  Major  Hull,  whose  command  now 
consisted  of  about  four  hundred  men. 

At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth 
of  July,  the  march  was  commenced  over  rugged  and 
almost  impassable  mountains,  and  continued  for  four- 
teen miles,  when  the  detachment  arrived,  a  little  be- 
fore dusk  in  the  evening,  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of 


I 


*  Thp  Editor  is  iiidcbtpd  to  Bon- 
Jamiii  Rnssol,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  for 
tlio  foilo\vin(>'  facts:  "Four  forts 
were  l)iiiidiii(j.  Tlioir  iiiiinos  woro, 
Fort  Webb,  Fort  AViilis,  Fort  Ar- 
nold (afterwards  called  Fort  Clin- 
ton), and  Fort  IImII.  The  hisrhcst 
was  Fort  Hull,  a  point  of  hwk-oiil. 
It  was  three  miles  Irom  Fort  Clin- 
ton."   Mr,  Russcl  was  one  of  tlic 


irallant  captors  of  Stony  Point. 
Though  only  a  priialr,  dininof  the 
war,  he  was  anionp:  tin;  faithful  sup- 
porters of  his  country's  rijrhts,  and 
ready  to  use  his  ener(>'etic  mind  ami 
strong  arm  in  the  .struggle  for  her 
independence.  After  the  war.  ho 
was  for  thirty  yenr,';  Editor  of  "  The 
Ihslon  Soilinrl,"-  a  paper  well  con- 
ducted and  iiighly  respectable. 


;ne- 
}bl), 
ajor 
cu- 
lled 
igh 
ling 
3m- 


ijor 
I  to 


J' 


lOlll 

[  in 

lOW 


nth 
uid 
mr- 

be- 
fof 


oint. 

•  the 


niKl 


licr 
.  ho 
The 


con- 


V<»i'j)Ijiiil<H  Point 


y'    #    O  O 


'■"///;,'!/;.  ill'   ' 


N     U     o    S     O     N 


LIFI']  OF  fiENRRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


159 


yr//r 


Stony  IVmt.  Iloio  it  lialtcd.  GoiKsral  Wayne, 
vvltli  his  principal  oflicers,  rcconnoitnul  the  works, 
and  now,  i'or  the  iirst  tinn.',  was  comninnicatcd  to  his 
troops  tlio  ()I)j<'ct  of  the  enterprise. 

lie  staie«l  that  the  attack  was  to  be  made  on  Stony 
Point  at  twelve  o'clock  that  night.  That  the  detach- 
ment was  to  be  divided  into  two  columns  ;  to  ad- 
vance with  uidoaded  muskets,  and  depend  (Mitirely 
on  the  bayonet ;  that  it  was  his  deterniiiuition  to  per- 
severe, until  in  complete  [wssession  of  the  fort ;  and 
that  if  any  man  attempted  to  load  his  piece,  leave  his 
station,  or  retreat,  he  was  instantly  to  be  put  to  death 
by  the  officer  or  soldier  next  him. 

General  Wayne  then  gave  in  detail,  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  troops.  The  column  on  the  right  was  to 
consist  of  Febiger's  and  Meigs'  regiments,  and  Ma- 
jor Mull's  detachment,  and  to  be  led  on  by  General 
Wayne  himself. 

The  column  on  the  left,  was  to  consist  of  Colonel 
Butler's  regiment.  Major  Hull  was  directed  to  de- 
tach Major  Murfee's  two  companies,  to  form  in  the 
centre  of  the  two  coliunns,  and  to  advance  near  to  a 
part  of  the  fort  that  was  not  to  be  assailed,  and  keep 
uj)  a  constant  fire,  with  a  view  to  distract  and  draw 
off  attention  from  the  real  point  of  attack. 

Lieut(  luint  Colonel  Fleury  and  Major  Posey,  to 
command  a  corps  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  volunteers, 
to  precede  the  column  on  the  right;  and  Major 
Stewart,  u  itli  one  hundred  volunteers,  to  precede  the 
column  onthe  left,  yl  forlorn  hope  of  twenty  men  \vas 
attached   to  each  column  :  one  led  on  by  Lieutenant 


IGO 


RKVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Gibbon,  the  otlicr  b)-  Lieutenant  Knox.  Th(Mr  duty 
was,  to  VCM110VO  i'h!  abattis  and  other  obstructions  in 
the  way  of  thn  troojjs.  After  tl»e  orders  were  com- 
niunieated,  Major  Hull  recollecte(!  that  there  was  a 
captain  in  his  detachment,  to  whom  cowardice  had 
been  imputed,  on  account  of  his  conduct  in  the  battle 
of  Monmouth.  Ho  souj^ht  the  young  man  and  re- 
(juested  iiim  to  walk  aside  for  a  few  moments,  having 
-something  to  communicate.  When  alone,  he  said, 
"  It  is  a  subject  of  much  delicacy,  my  dear  sir,  of 
which  I  am  al)out  to  speak,  and  my  motive  to  serve 
you,  must  be  my  apology  for  the  liberty  I  take.  You 
are  aware  that  reports,  injurious  to  your  character  as 
a  soldier,  have  beini  in  circulation  since  the  battle  of 
Monmouth  ;  as  no  inquiry  has  been  made  into  your 
conduct  on  that  occasion,  your  brother  officers  still 
view  you,  as  wanting  in  bravery.  You  have,  no 
doubt,  a  distinct  recollection  of  the  nature  of  your 
feelings  at  that  time,  and  if  conscious  that  there  was 
a  want  of  fortitude  to  meet  the  dangers  to  \v'»ich  you 
were  then  ex[)osed,  you  must  be  sensible  that  in  the 
duties  now  to  be  performed,  they  are  of  a  character 
much  more  imposing ;  but  that  they  are  so,  is  favour- 
able, as  you  are  furnished,  in  the  hazardous  enterprise 
before  us,  with  a  better  opportunity  to  eradicate  im- 
pressions for  which  nojust  cause  may  exist.  But  what- 
ever might  have  been  the  truth,  I  leave  you  to  decide 
whether  to  return  to  the  camp,  and  give  your  com- 
pany to  the  command  of  your  Lieutenant,  or  to  lead 
it  yourself."  Captain  *  *  *  *  replied,  "  I  thank 
you,  sir,  for  your  consideration  and  candour,  i.nd  hope 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


IGl 


to  prove  mjself  worthy  of  it.  Wait  a  few  moments, 
until  I  return."  He  came,  accompanied  hy  his  Lieu- 
tenant, and  rehited  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  Major 
Hull,  the  conversation  which  had  Just  taken  place. 
Then,  with  a  calm  but  resolute  expression  of  coun- 
tenance, said  :  "  I  request  you  to  observe  my  conduct 
during  the  assault,  and  if  I  do  not  acquit  myself  with 
the  bravery  which  my  rank  and  the  occasion  demands, 
I  beg  \ou  to  kill  me  on  the  spot."  The  Lieutenant 
assured  him  his  request  should  be  complied  with. 

So  gallantly  did  Captain  *  *  *  *  acquit  himself 
in  the  assault,  that  from  that  time  his  courage  was 
never  questioned. 

After  the  orders  were  communicated,  both  officers 
and  men  appeared  inspired  with  a  sj)irit  that  no  dan- 
ger could  appal,  and  no  barrier  keep  from  the  prize 
before  them.  Before  giving  an  account  of  the  action, 
a  description  of  the  grounds  on  which  the  fortifica- 
tions were  erected  may  be  desirable. 

"  Stony  Point  is  a  commanding  hill,  projecting 
far  into  the  Hudson,  which  washes  three-fourths  of 
its  base.     The  remaining  fourth  is  in  n  great  measure 
covered  by  a  deep  marsh,  commencing  near  the  river, 
on  the   upper   side,  and   continuing   into   it   below. 
Over  this  marsh  there  is  only  one  crossing  place  ;  but 
at  its  junction  with  the  river,  is  a  sandy  beach,  pass- 
able at  low  tide.     On  the  summit  of  this  hill  was 
erected  the  fort,  which  was  furnished  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  heavy  pieces  of  ordnance.     Several  breast- 
works and  strong  batteries  were  advanced,  in  front 
of  the  principal  works ;  and  about  half  way  down 

li 


162 


RKVOLUTIONARY  HKRVICES  AND  CIVIL 


the  hill,  were  two  rows  of  ahattis.  The  batteries 
(•ominarultHl  the  hcach  and  the  crossing  place  of  the 
marsh,  and  could  rake  and  enfilade  any  column  whicii 
might  be  advancing  from  either  of  those  points, 
towards  the  fort.  In  addition  to  these  defences,  sev- 
eral vessels  of  war  were  stationcjd  in  the  river,  so  as 
in  a  considerable  degree  to  command^  the  ground  al 
the  foot  of  the  hill.  The  fort  was  garrisoned  by 
about  six  hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Johnson."* 

"  About  half  past  eleven  o'clock,"  writes  Major 
Ifull,  "the  two  columns  commenced  their  march  in 
platoons.  The  beach  was  more  than  two  feet  deep 
with  water,  and  before  the  right  column  reached  it,  we 
were  iired  on  by  the  out-guards,  which  gave  the 
alarm  to  the  garrison.  We  were  now  directly  under 
the  fort,  and,  closing  in  a  solid  column,  ascended  the 
hill,  which  was  almost  perpendicular.  When  about 
halfway  up,  our  course  was  impeded  by  two  strong 
rows  of  abattis,  which  the  forlorn  hope  had  not  been 
able  entirely  to  remove.  The  column  proceeded 
silently  on,  clearing  away  the  abattis,  passed  to  the 
breastwork,  cut  and  tore  away  the  pickets,  cleared 
the  chevaux-de-frise  at  the  sally-port,  mounted  the 
parapet,  and  entered  the  fort  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet. All  this  was  done  under  a  heavy  fire  of  artil- 
lery and  musketry,  and  as  strong  a  resistance  as  could 
be  made  by  the  British  bayonet.  Our  column  on 
the   other  side,  entered  the  fort  at  the  same  time. 


*  Marshall's  Life  of  Wpshington,  Vo'.  TV.,  page  122. 


UFR  OF  (;kni;rai,  william  iniLL. 


163 


!,y 


Kach  of  our  nu>n  liiul  a  white  paper  in  his  hat,  which 
in  th(!  darkness  distinguishefl  iiini  Ironi  the  enemy  ; 
and  th(;  watchword  was,  '  The  forVs  our  mvn.^ 

"  Our  troops  reached  tlie  area  of  tlie  garrison  not 
having  fired  a  gun,  the  enemy  still  firing  on  us.  The 
men  mach;  free  use  of  the  bayonet,  and  in  every 
direction  was  heard,  '  The  for  fs  our  own.''  We  were 
conii)elled  to  (continue  the  dr<!adful  slan'diler,  owins 
to  tlie  (lerce  and  obstinate  resistance  of  the  enciiny. 
They  did  not  surrender  until  nearly  one  hundred  men 
were  killed  and  wounded  ;  after  which  llieir  arms 
were  secured  and  they  were  asseinbh'd  under  a  strong 
guard  in  an  angle  of  the  fort,  until  morning.  Major 
Murfee  acted  his  part  with  great  address,  keejiing  up 
an  incessant  fire  between  the  two  columns  ;  thus  di- 
verting the  attention  of  the  assailed  from  the  ])oint  of 
attack.  His  two  comjjanies  were  the  only  American 
troops  that  fired  a  gun.  In  ascending  the  hill,  just 
after  he  had  passed  the  abattis.  General  Wayne  was 
woimded  in  the  head  by  a  musket-ball,  and  imme- 
diately fell.  He  nnnained  on  the  spot,  until  the  Bri- 
tish surrendered,  when  some  other  officers  and  my- 
self bore  him  into  the  fort,  bleeding,  but  in  triumph. 
Three  loud  and  long  cheers  were  now  given,  and  re- 
verberating in  the  stillness  of  night,  amidst  rocks 
and  mountains,  sent  back,  in  echo,  a  glad  response  to 
the  hearts  of  the  victors.  They  were  quickly  an- 
swered by  the  enemy's  ships  of  war  in  the  river,  and 
by  the  garrison  at  Verplank's  Point,  under  the  fond 
belief  that  the  Americans  were  repulsed. 

"  Our  troops  lost  no  time  in  collecting  the  cannon 


:->^^^ki: 


164 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


of  the  garrison,  and  turning  them  against  the  shipping 
in  the  river.  The  officer  of  the  British  artillery  was 
requested  to  furnish  the  keys  of  the  powder  maga- 
zine ;  he  hesitated^  and  said  that  lie  only  received 
his  orders  from  Colonel  Johnson.  He  was  informed 
that  Colonel  Johnson  was  surperseded  in  command, 
and  that  there  must  be  no  delay,  or  the  consequences 
might  be  unpleasant.  The  key  was  produced,  the 
pieces  of  ordnance  loaded,  and  the  news  of  what  had 
happened  sent  to  the  shipping  from  the  mouths  of  the 
cannon.  Duplicates  and  triplicates  were  sent,  which 
appeared  to  excite  a  good  deal  of  agitation.  They 
made  no  return  to  our  fire,  and  the  tide  being  strong, 
they  slipped  their  cables  and  were  carried  down  by 
the  current. 

"  In  the  same  manner,  the  inulligence  was  an- 
nounced at  the  fort  at  Verplank's  Point,  but  no  re- 
ply was  made. 

"  Soon  after  the  surrender,  a  Lieutenant  of  my 
detachment  informed  me,  that  he  had  killed  one  of 
the  men,  in  obedience  to  orders,  and  that  he  regretted 
it,  more  than  he  could  express.  He  said,  that  as 
the  column  was  ascending  the  hill,  the  man  left  his 
station  and  was  loading  his  musket.  His  commander 
ordered  him  to  return  and  desist  from  loading.  He 
refused,  saying,  that  he  did  not  understand  fighting 
without  firing.  The  officer  immediately  ran  him 
through  the  body.  I  replied,  '  You  performed  a  pain- 
ful duty,  by  which,  perhaps,  victory  iias  been  secured, 
and  the  life  of  many  a  brave  man  saved.    Be  satisfied.^ 

"  Colonel  Johnson  remained  in  his  marquee  until 


r 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

morning,  with  others  of  our  officers.    I 


163 

equentlj 


was 
with   him  during  the  night.     It  was  intimated 
some  one,  that  the  garrison  had  heen  surprised.    Co'- 
lonel  Johnson  observed,  that  we  certainly  should  not 
do  ourselves  or  him  the  injustice  to  say,  that  he  had 
been   surprised.      He    begged    the    gentleman    who 
made  the  remark,  to  recollect  the  foct,  that  the  firing 
commenced  before  we  passed  the  marsh ;  that  all  his 
men  were  at  theirstations,  with  their  arms,  and  com- 
pletely dressed,  before  our  columns  began  to  ascend 
the  hill.     That  an  incessant  fire  had  been  kept  up, 
until  we  entered  the  works  and  the  garrison  surren- 
dered.    The  officer  explained,  that  he  did  not  mean 
exactly  as  was  understood.     Colonel  Johnson  replied, 
that  Ins  works  were  too  extensive ;  that  they  were 
planned  for  a  much  larger  number  of  troops  than  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  had  left  for  their  defence,  and  that  he 
^vas  perfectly  satisfied  that  his  men  had  done  their 
duty. 

"  Yet  it  has  been  represented  by  some  historians 
of  the  Revolution,  that  the  British  were  taken  by  sur- 
prise.    But  the  distance  from  the  fort,  from  which 
our  columns  were  fired  upon ;  the  incessant  roar  of 
musketry  and  artillery,  while  we  were  ascending  the 
precipice  ;  the  condition  of  the  troops  when  the  gar- 
rison surrendered,  are  facts  which  show  that  success 
was  owing  to  the  valour,  perseverance,  and  superior 
physical  strength  of  the  assailants.     Fifteen  Ameri- 
cans were  killed,  and  eighty-three  wounded. 

"  Colonel  Johnson,  in  his  return,  reports  twenty 
killed  of  the  British,  includuig  one  officer,  and  sixty- 


166 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


■ 


eight  privates  wounded.     The  prisoners  amounted  to 
five  hundred  and  forty-three. 

"  The  follovk'in^:  day  we  were  employed  in  bury- 
ing the  dead.  I  had  two  narrow  escapes.  One  ball 
passed  through  the  crown  of  my  hat,  another  struck 
my  boot." 

Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  his  account  of  this  enter- 
prise, says :  "  The  humanity  displayed  by  the  con- 
querors was  not  less  conspicuous,  nor  less  honourable, 
than  their  courage.  Not  a  single  individual  suffered 
after  resistance  had  ceased.  All  the  troops  engaged 
in  this  perilous  service  manifested  a  degree  of  ardour 
and  impetuosity,  which  proved  them  to  be  capable  of 
the  most  difficult  enterprises ;  and  all  distinguished 
themselves,  whose  situation  enabled  them  to  do  so. 

"  Colonel  Fleury  was  the  first  to  enter  the  fort, 
and  strike  the  British  standard.  Major  Posey  mounted 
the  works,  almost  at  the  same  instant,  and  was  the 
first  to  give  the   watchword,  '  The  forfs  our  own: 

"  Lieutenants  Gibbon  and  Knox  performed  the 
service  allotted  to  them,  with  a  degree  of  intrepidity 
which  could  not  be  surpassed.  Out  of  twenty  men 
who  constituted  the  party  of  the  former,  seventeen 
were  killed  or  wounded."* 

Major  Hull  writes  :  "  The  following  day  General 
Washington  came  to  the  fort,  and  the  interesting  scene 
of  his  arrival  is  perfectly  fresh  in  my  remembrance. 
I  recollect  how  cordially  he  took  us  by  the  hand,  and 
the  satisfaction  and  the  joy  that  glowed  in  his  coun- 

*  Marsliall,  Vol.  I.,  page  325. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


167 


tenance.  I  attended  hini;  with  a  number  of  otlier 
field  officers,  General  Wayne  being  prevented  l)y 
his  wound. 

"  Washington  minutely  viewed  every  part  of  the 
fortifications.  His  attention  was  particularly  drawn 
to  those  places,  where  the  two  columns  ascended  the 
hill,  mounted  the  parapets,  and  first  entered  the  works. 
He  expressed  his  astonishment,  that  we  had  been 
enabled  to  surmount  the  difficulties,  and  attain  our 
object,  with  so  inconsiderable  a  loss.  And  iiere  he 
offered  his  thanks  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  had  been 
our  shield  and  protector,  amidst  the  dangers  we  had 
been  called  to  encounter." 

Sparks,    in    his  "  Life   of    Washington,"    says : 
"  The  action  is  allowed  to  have  been  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  of   the   Revolution.     Congress   passed   lie- 
solves,  complimentary  to  the  officers  and   privates, 
granting  specific  rewards,  and  directing  the  value  of 
all  the  military  stores  taken  in  the  garrison  to  be  di- 
vided among  the  troops,  in  proportion  to  the  pay  of 
the  officers  and  men.     Three  different  medals  were 
ordered  to  be  struck,  emblematical  of  the  action,  and 
awarded    res{)cctively   to    General    Wayne,    Colonel 
Fleury,  and  Colonel  Stewart.     Congress  also  j)assed 
a  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Washington,  '  for  the 
vigilance,  wisdom,  and  magnanimity,  with  which  he 
had  conducted  the  military  operations  of  the  States.'" 
Among  other  things.  Major  Hull  rciceived  a  com- 
plete camp  equipage.     A  marquee,  with  a  mattress, 
bedstead,  curtains,  a  large  pair  of  horse  canteens, 


168 


RKVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


bottles,  j)lates,  and  furniture  of  every  kind,  sufficient 
for  a  small  table. 

This  nianjuec,  bed,  Ike,  he  could  carry  on  a  sin- 
gle horse,  during  a  march.  When  the  army  halted, 
in  a  very  short  time  he  iiad  a  good  room  and  a  bed, 
closed  on  all  sides  with  curtains. 

General  Wayne  received  many  complimentary 
letters  on  this  occasion. 

Major-Gencral  Charles  Lee  thus  writes  :  "  What 
I  am  going  to  say  to  you,  will  not,  1  hope,  be  consid- 
ered as  l)aying  my  court,  in  this  your  hour  of  glory  ; 
for  as  it  is  my  present  intention  to  leave  this  conti- 
nent, I  can  have  no  interest  in  paying  my  court  to 
any  individual.  What  I  shall  say,  therefore,  is  dic- 
tated by  the  genuine  feelings  of  my  heart.  I  do  most 
sincerely  declare,  that  your  assault  on  Stony  Point 
is  not  only  the  most  brilliant,  in  my  opinion,  through- 
out the  whole  course  of  this  war,  on  either  side,  but 
that  it  is  the  most  brilliant  that  I  am  acquainted  witli 
in  history.  The  assault  on  Schvveidnitz,  by  Marshal 
Landau,  1  think  inferior  to  it."* 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  Washiuirton,  in 
the  event  of  success  at  Stony  Point,  immediately  to 
have  attacked  the  garrison  on  the  opposite  shore. 
For  this  i)urpose,  he  iiad  ordered  a  brigade  to  advance 
from  Peekskill,  under  the  command  of  General  Mc- 
Dougall,  and  take  a  position  near  Verplank's  Point, 


*  T-ifo  of    GoniMTtl    Anthony       Spnrks'   American  Biography,  Vol. 
Wayne,  by  Jolni  Annstronii.  in       IV,,  page  47. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILl,IAM  HULL. 


169 


so  as  to  make  the  attack  as  soon  as  he  was  informed 
that  Stony  Point  was  reduced.  Tlie  messenger  sent 
to  Gen(!ral  McDougall,  by  some  accident,  failed  to 
deliv(;r  the  hnter,  which  j)revented  the  attack  at  the 
time  appointetl.  General  Washington  then  changed 
his  phm,  hy  augmenting  the  number  of  troops,  and 
giving  the  command  to  Major-General  Howe.  He 
likewise  ordered  a  number  of  heavy  pieces  of  artillery 
to  make  a  breach  in  the  works.  From  some  neglect 
in  the  Ordnance  Department,  unsuitable  cartridges 
were  sent.  This  delay  gave  the  enemy  time  to  in- 
crease the  means  of  defence,  and  place  the  garrison 
in  entire  security. 

Had  there  b_. n  a  sufficient  number  of  boats  to 
have  transj)()rted  the  conquerors  across  the  river,  the 
reduction  of  this  iort  would  have  been  almost  certain. 
The  number  of  men  at  the  two  })osts  was  about  the 
same,  but  the  fort  at  Verplank's  Point  was  inferior 
in  j)oint  of  strength. 

The  object,  however,  of  General  Washington  was 
accomplished  ;  for  he  had  compelled  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton to  abandon  his  desolating  system  in  Connecticut, 
and  ascend  the  Hudson  for  the  protection  of  his  gar- 
rison at  Verplank's  Point. 

The  works  of  Stony  Point  were  so  extensive,  that 
a  sufficient  number  of  troops  could  not  be  spared  for 
its  def(;nce  ;  besides,  the  enemy  possessed  the  advan- 
tage of  cohrpanding  the  water. 

The  A 1;  erica n  General,  therefore,  decided  to 
abandon  thr  post.  Every  thing  was  carried  off  but 
one  heavy  cannon. 


."^^ 


170 


P  EVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


In  a  few  days  the  British  again  took  possession, 
strengthened  the  fortifications,  and  established  a  nu- 
merous garrison  for  its  defence. 

Late  in  the  autumn,  both  of  these  forts  were 
evacuated,  and  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Americans. 


I 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


171 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PiCMOTioN    OF  Major    PIull  to  the  rank  of    Lieutenant-Colonel. — He 

IS  TRANSFERRED  FROM  THE  ElGHTH  TO  THE  ThIRD  MaSSACUUSETT.?  RegI- 
MENT. — ArrOLVTED  A  COMMISSIONER  TO  PRESENT  a  PETITION  TO  THE  LEGIS- 
LATURE OF  Massachusetts,  for  the  relief  of  the  Officers  and  Soldiers. 
— ArroiNTED  Inspector  in  the  Army,  under  Baron  Steuben.* 

1779. 

During  the  remaining  part  of  this  campaign,  the 
light  infantry,  under  the  command  of  General  VVajne, 
was  stationed  in  different  parts  of  New  Jersey,  to 
extend  protection  to  the  inhabitants,  who  were  expos- 
ed to  frequent  inroads  of  the  enemy  from  New- York. 
Our  troops  had  frequent  rencontres  with  these  parties, 
but  none  of  sufficient  importance  to  render  a  detail 
of  them  necessary.  Late  in  the  autumn,  the  de- 
tachment of  Colonel  Hull  returned  to  West  Point, 
and  was  established  in  win'.ei'  quarters. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  Revohjtion,  a 
period  of  nearly  five  years,  the  American  army  had 
been  paid  in  continental  bills  of  credit.  No  provision 
was  made  for  their  final  redemption.  Two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  in  these  bills  were  in  circulation. 
The  army  had  not  only  been  paid,  but  its  supplies  of 
every  kind  were  purchased  with  them.      When  first 


*  General  McDongall   refers  to     jor  Hull,  while  commaiuling  on  the 
this  appointmenl  in  his  letters  to  Ma-      Liiie.s. 


I 


172 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


issued,  in  1775,  they  pas?   J  currently,  and  were  con- 
sidered equal  in  value  to    ilver  and  gold.     To  refuse 
them,  was  considered  a  want  of  patriotism,  and  still 
more,    a  disaffection   to  our  cause.     Every  month, 
new  emissions  were  made  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  war,  and  the  amount  in  circulation  was  thereby 
continually  increased.     The  most  patriotic  citizens 
became  alarmed  and  distrustful  of  them.     Gold  and 
silver  began  to  be  preferred,  and  at  first  the  Govern- 
ment-paper passed  secretly  at  a  small  discount.    The 
depreciation  increased.     The  price  of  the  necessa- 
ries, as  well  as  the  luxuries  of  life,  was  augmented. 
Congress  and  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  adopted 
various  expedients  to  support  the  credit  of  the  paper 
currency,  and  the  bills  were  made  a  legal  tender  for 
the  payment  of  all   bona  fide  debts  which  had  been 
or  should  be   contracted.     But  the  poverty  of  the 
country  rendered  it  impossible  to  provide  the  basis 
of  a  solid  fund,  which  would  have  ensured  a  faithful 
redemption  of  the  bills. 

Although  the  officers  and  soldiers  depended  on 
these  bills  to  provide  for  the  support  of  themselves 
and  their  families,  and  suffered  more  than  any  other 
class  of  citizens  from  their  continual  depreciation, 
yet  they  were  the  last  who  hesitated  to  accept  them, 
or  to  complain  under  the  difficulties  and  privations  to 
which  they  were  subjected.  The  whole  pay  of  an 
officer  or  soldier  could  not  furnish  him  with  comfort- 
able clothing.  A  month's  pay  would  not  purchase  a 
pair  of  shoes.  Such  was  the  state  of  things,  when 
a  meeting  was  held  by  the  officers  of  the  Massachu- 


LIFE  OF    GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


173 


setts  line  of  the  rmy,  to  consult  on  the  subject. 
The  discussion  w  s  temperate  and  patriotic.  It  re- 
sulted in  preparinL'  a  petition  to  the  Legislature, 
stating  the  circumstances  and  praying  for  relief,  in 
such  manner  as  their  wisdom  and  justice  should  dictate. 
Before  it  was  sent,  it  was  submitted  to  General  Wash- 
ington, and  by  him  approved.  He  was  requested  to 
permit  three  officers,  chosen  for  the  purpose,  to  re- 
pair to  Boston  and  present  the  petition.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Hull  was  selected  as  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners. 

When  the  petition  was  presented,  a  disposition 
was  manifested  to  do  the  most  perfect  justice  ;  but 
there  was  no  money  in  the  treasury,  and  only  pro- 
mises could  be  given.  A  Committee  of  the  Legisla- 
ture was  appointed  t'>  <^onfer  with  the  Commissi^  ^ers, 
and  it  was  admitted  that  gold  and  silver  was  the 
standard  on  which  the  pay  of  the  army  had  been  es- 
tablished ;  but  owing  to  the  depreciation  of  the  bills 
of  credit,  the  army  had  not  been  paid  according  to 
the  original  intention. 

It  was  advised  that  the  Legislature  should  estab- 
lish a  scale  of  depreciation,  to  regulate  the  value  of 
the  bills  which  at  different  times  had  been  paid  to 
the  troops.  The  Committee  admitted  that  such  bal- 
ance as  was  due  ought  to  be  paid.  As  there  was  no 
money  in  the  treasury,  it  was  finally  decided  that  the 
Treasurer  should  give  to  each  officer  and  soldier  a  cer- 
tificate, bearing  interest  on  such  sums  as  were  actu- 
ally due.  The  prices  of  the  most  necessary  articles, 
such  as  corn,  beef,  wool,  and  sole-leather,  were  made 


m 


HHVOMITIONARY  SHRVICKS  AND  CIVIf, 


the  Standard  hy  wliicli  tlunr  value  was  to  bo  doter- 
niiiM'd.  Tliis  plan  lu'ing  reported  to  tlu;  Legislature, 
it  was  ado|)ted,  the  accounts  settled,  and  the  certiH- 
cates  issued. 

(ireat  ellbrts  were  niade  to  give  credit  to  these 
eertilicates;  notwithstanding  which,  they  consid<;ra- 
h\y  dej)r(!(iat(>d  in  value.  This  was  owing  to  the 
nec(>ssity  the  ol'licers  and  soldiers  were  luider,  of  of- 
fering them  in  market,  to  procure  ne(H.»ssaries  for  the 
suj)j)ort  of  th(!mselves  and  their  families. 

These  eertilicates  were;  afterwards  paid,  accord- 
ing to  the  nominal  value  e\])ressed  on  the  face  of 
them  ;  and  those  who  had  juucliased  and  held  them 
at  lh(!  tinu;  thej  were  fimdcd  and  paid,  received  the 
beuelit. 

When  Colonel  Hull  returned  to  the  arm)'  on  the 
Highlands,  he  made  a  report  to  the  oflicers,  who  ex- 
pressed their  a|)probation  and  tendered  their  thanks 
to  the  Conmiissioners,  for  the  manner  in  which  the 
trust  committed  to  them  had  been  executed. 

During  ilie  can)])aign  of  J7»0,  the  attention  of 
Colonel  Hull  was  devoted  to  the  discipline  of  the 
division  of  the  army  commanded  by  Major-General 
Howe,  of  which  he  was  aj)pointed  Deputy  Inspector 
under  Baron  Steuben.  These  duties  were  peculiarly 
interesting  to  him,  and  he  remarks  :  "  Could  any 
thing  have  induced  me  to  have  left  this  dej)artment 
at  that  time,  it  was  an  appointment  then  offered  me. 

"  General  Parsons  called  one  moming,  and  in- 
formed me,  that  he  was  requested  by  General  Wash- 
ington to  inquire,  if  it  would  be  agreeable  to  me  to 


LIFE  OF  GHNFRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


176 


come  into  his  family,  as  one  of  his  aids,  and  i/  so, 
thi:  apijointmcut  woiihl  bv.  made. 

"  I  r(;|)lied  to  General  Parsons,  that  I  felt  deeply 
im|)ressed  for  this  proof  of  confuhMice  placed  in  me 
by  the  Commander-in-chi(!f,  and  that  I  woidd  give 
an  ans  r  the  following  day.  I  mentioned  to  Baron 
Steuben  tlie  a|)|)ointm(!nt  offered,  and  that  I  had  but 
on(!  obj(!etion  to  its  acc(!ptanee ;  the  regret  I  should 
feel  in  heaving  his  department.  He  kindly  observed, 
'The  regret  would  be  mutual.'  He  said,  that  he 
was  sensible  of  the  honoiu-  of  the  station  to  which  I 
was  invited,  but  hoped  1  would  see  lit  to  contiinie  in 
my  j)resent  situation.  That  the  discipline  of  the 
army  had  commenced  on  a  new  system,  and  great 
l>rogress  had  been  made,  and  he  soon  hoped  to  render 
it  as  j)erfect  as  the  discipline  of  the  European  armies. 
That  we  should  soon  be  called  to  act  witli  the  French 
under  Count  Rochambeau  ;  and  that  it  was  his  ardent 
desire,  that  our  army  should  not  be  found  inferior  to 
his  in  the  knowledge  and  application  of  military  tac- 
tics. That  I  had  been  associated  with  him  since  the 
commencement  of  his  duties ;  was  acquainted  with 
his  system  and  mode  of  teaching  it.  That  if  his 
assistants  were  constantly  changed,  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  bring  the  system  to  that  degree  of  perfec- 
tion which  he  believed  would  finally  insure  success 
to  the  American  arms,  and  terminate,  on  our  j)art,  so 
distressing  a  war.  He  concluded  by  saying,  that  I 
would  l/e  more  useful  in  the  oflice  of  Inspector  than 
in  any  other  situation,  and  ho[)ed  that  such  consider- 
ation would  influence  my  decision. 


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176 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


'f  1  replied,  that  I  had  not  pledged  myself,  and 
when  I  considered  the  subject,  I  felt  it  a  duty  to  re- 
main where  I  could  be  of  most  service,  however  much 
I  might  desire  distinction,  or  however  great  my  at- 
tachment to  the  Commander-in-chief. 

"Baron  Steuben  then  remarked,  that  if  I  had 
no  objection,  he  would  himself  see  General  Wash- 
ington, and  state  to  him  his  views. 

"  When  General  Parsons  called  for  my  answer, 
I  informed  him  of  the  conversation  which  had  passed 
between  Baron  Steuben  and  myself,  and  his  wishes 
in  regard  to  the  arrangement ;  that  if  it  was  true, 
that  I  could  do  more  for  my  country  in  the  discharge 
of  my  present  duties,  I  felt  compelled  to  decline  the 
honour  of  an  appointment,  so  gratifying  to  my  feel- 
ings, and  so  well  calculated  to  elevate  me  in  the  eyes 
of  my  countrymen. 

"  I   requested,  that  when  my  answer  should  be 
given  to  General  Washington,    that  all  my   views 
should  be  stated  to  him.     I  then  observed  to  General 
Parsons,  that  he  knew  the  character  and  situation 
of  our  mutual  friend.  Colonel  Humphreys  ;  that  he 
had  served  as  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Putnam,  who  on 
account  of  age  and  bodily  infirmities  would  not  again 
be  called  into  active  service.     That  Colonel  Humph- 
reys still  ranked  as  a  Captain,  and  would  now  return 
to  the  command  of  his  company.     Being  satisfied 
with  his  qualifications,  I   would  take  the  liberty  to 
recommend  him  to  General  Washington  for  the  ap- 
pointment with  which  he  had  intended  to  honour 
me. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  J77 

m  that  situation  unt.l  the  end  of  .he  war.     I  have 
been  induced  to  narrate  ,he  oircu^seances  of Thi! 
transaction  beeause  I  perceived  in  a  newspaper,  at 
the  death  of  Colonel  Humphreys,  a  statement  made 

*h.ch  I  allude.  It  ,s  mentioned,  that  Major  Alden 
and   Colonel  Hull   were    candidates   with   cIne" 
Humphreys  for  the  appointment,  and  that  the  pr  fer 
cnce  was  given  to  Colonel  Humphreys." 

The  whole  of  this  campaign  of  1780,  Colonel 

.me  ,n  the  Highlands,  performing  the  duties  of  In- 
spector.  It  was  at  this  period  that  the  distress  "tr 
events  of  General  Arnold's  treason  and  th  c";  1  f 
and  execution  of  Major  Andre  took  place.     The  "s 


12 


178 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

State  of  the  Cukrency. — Mutinies  in  the  Pennsylvania  and  Jersev 
Lines. — Expedition  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull  against  Morrissania. 
— Marriage  of  Colonel  Hull. 


1781. 

Late  in  the  autumn  of  1780,  the  main  body  of 
the  army  was  concentrated  at  West  Point  and  its 
vicinity  in  the  Highlands,  for  winter  quarters. 

The  Pennsylvania  line,  under  the  command  of 
General  Wayne,  was  stationed  at  Morristown,  and 
the  Jersey  troops  at  Pompton,  in  New  Jersey.  When 
this  arrangement  was  made,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull 
was  ordered  with  a  detachment  of  four  hundred  men 
towards  the  White  Plains,  to  form  the  most  advanced 
post  of  the  army  and  protect  the  country  lying 
between  the  Highlands  and  the  enemy's  post  at 
Kingsbridge.  His  principal  station  ris  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Croton  river,  near  Pine's  bridge.  He 
established  the  same  regulations  and  encountered  the 
same  arduous  duties,  which  he  had  performed  in  the 
winters  of  1778  and  1779. 

The  condition  of  the  army  at  this  time  was  truly 
distressing.  The  continental  bills  of  credit,  which 
had  been  the  funds,  not  only  to  pay  the  troops,  but 
to  furnish  them  with  subsistence  and  clothing,  had 
become  almost  entirely  worthless.     They  had  depre- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  179 

ciated  in  such  a  manner,  that  it  was  no  uncommon 
thing  to  give  a  month's  pay  for  a  breakfast.*     The 
country  ^yas  inundated  with  these  bills,  and  they  were 
of  so  httle  value,  that  Congress  had  ceased  to  make 
further  emissions,  and  had  called  on  the  Legislatures 
ot  the  States,  to  furnish  specific  articles  for  the  sub- 
sistence and  clothing  of  the  army.     The  States  were 
slow  in  complying  with  these  requisitions,  and  the 
soldiers  suffered  all  the  calamities  which  cold,  hunger 
and    nakedness   could   produce.      Both  officers  and 
nien  severely  felt  their  wretched  condition,  and  com- 
plaints were  heard  from  every  quarter.     Each  succes- 
sive day  increased  the  excitement,  and  a  fearful  cri  1, 
seemed  approaching. 

The  most  fatal  consequences  were  predicted,  and 
the  States  adopted  no  measures  to  prevent  the  evil. 
On  the  first  of  January,  1781,  the  Pennsylvania  red- 
ments  at  Morristown,  under  the  command  of  General 
Wayne,  rose  in  a  state  of  mutiny. 

They  assembled  under  the  directions  of  their  non- 
commissioned officers,  for  the  purpose,  they  declared, 
of  marchmg  to  the  seat  of  government,  to  obtain  re- 
dress  ot  their  grievances. 

General  Wayne  and  the  officers  attempted  to  ex- 
ercise their  authority.  In  making  the  effort.  Captain 
Billing  was  killed,  and  several  officers  wounded  So 
great  was  the  fury  of  these  men,  that  had  not  Gene- 

ccuea  of  ]„outenant-Colonel  Wil-  (Si„„ed)    Jo«.xhan  Fowlh." 


180 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


ral  Wayne  desisted,  the  sacrifice  of  himself  and 
his  officers  would  most  probably  have  been  the  con- 
sequence. 

The  excitement  increased,  and  the  mutineers 
marched  to  Princeton.  They  were  followed  by  Ge- 
neral Wayne,  and  a  number  of  the  most  influential 
officers,  who  did  all  in  their  power  to  dissuade  them 
from  their  purpose.  Their  efforts  were  unavailing. 
A  Committee  of  Congress,  the  President  and  Execu- 
tive Council  of  Pennsylvania,  immediately  repaired 
to  Princeton,  and  opened  a  treaty  with  the  mutineers. 

When  General  Washington,  who  was  at  West 
Point,  received  information  of  this  revolt,  he  delibe- 
rated what  course  it  was  expedient  to  take.  He  was 
sensible  that  there  was  too  much  truth  in  the  griev- 
ances complained  of,  and  that  the  whole  army  was 
in  the  same  unhappy  condition,  in  equal  want  of  the 
necessaries  of  life.  As,  however,  the  civil  authorities 
of  the  State  had  opened  a  negotiation,  he  determined 
not  to  interfere,  but  leave  the  adjustment  of  the  busi- 
ness with  that  body. 

The  Committee  of  Congress  shortly  retired,  and 
the  non-commissioned  officers  negotiated  with  the 
authorities  of  the  State. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  considering  this  defection  as  a 
most  auspicious  event,  immediately  sent  three  per- 
sons as  spies,  from  New-York,  with  instructions  to 
invite  the  disaffected  to  march  within  his  lines,  and 
to  offer  them  the  most  liberal  rewards.  But  Ameri- 
can blood  rose  at  these  degrading  propositions ;  the 
emissaries  were  made  prisoners,  and   the  men  de- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


181 


Glared  that  thej  had  no  intention  of  deserting  the 
standard  of  their  country.  After  the  terms  of  accom- 
modation were  settled,  they  removed  to  Trenton,  de- 
livered up  the  spies,  who  were  tried  and  executed. 

The  negotiation  ended  in  a  discharge  of  all  who 
had  enlisted  for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  and 
had  actually  served  three  years. 

The  indefinite  manner  in  which  the  enlistments 
were  expressed,  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war,  left  the  soldier  at  liberty  to  demand  his  discharge 
at  the  end  of  three  years,  while  the  officer  claimed  his 
services  to  the  end  of  the  war. 

Another  source  of  discontent  arose  from  the  fact, 
that  such  soldiers  as  were  not  bound  by  previous  en- 
listments, received  great  bounties  ;  while  those  who 
had  served  three  years,  were  required  to  continue 
without  a  bounty ;  neither  had  they  been  remunerated 
for  the  services  they  had  already  rendered.  Under 
all  these  irritating  circumstances,  insubordination  be- 
came ascendant,  and  the  mutineers  obtained,  with 
arms  in  tlieir  hands,  every  thing  they  demanded. 

A  part  of  the  Jersey  line,  stationed  at  Pompton, 
perceiving  how  easily  the  Pennsylvania  troops  had 
succeeded  in  the  attainment  of  their  object,  followed 
their  example,  and  at  once  arose  and  asserted  their 
rights. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  detached  a  part  of  his  army 
into  New  Jersey,  under  the  command  of  one  of  his 
Generals,  to  invite  the  Jersey  troops  to  join  the  Brit- 
ish standard ;  endeavouring  to  seduce  them  from 
their  allegiance,  by  rewards  similar  to  those  which  he 


182 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


had  proffered  to  the  Pennsylvania  line.  But  they 
exhibited  the  same  patriotic  indignation  as  their 
brethren,  and  turned  vvitli  disdain  from  his  insidious 
proposals. 

General  Washinfi;ton,  though  extremcily  mortified 
at  the  result  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania 
line,  was  yet  fully  aware,  that  the  Executive  Coun- 
cil could  make  no  better  terms.  He,  however,  viewed 
the  example  as  extremely  dangerous;  and  on  the 
rising  of  the  Jersey  troops  an  opportunity  was  given 
him  to  act  with  that  energy  and  decision,  which, 
while  it  sustained  military  authority,  convinced  the 
enemy  and  his  country,  that  disaffection  and  mutiny 
had  not  pervaded  the  whole  of  the  American  army. 

A  detachment  was  immediately  formed  under  the 
command  of  Major-General  Howe,  with  orders  to 
march  against  the  nmtinous  troops,  and,  by  force,  to 
reduce  them  to  submission. 

The  prompt  and  able  manner  w'ith  which  Gene- 
ral Howe  performed  the  duty  assigned  him,  by  the 
execution  of  several  of  the  ringleaders,  crushed  the 
threatened  mutiny,  and  every  effort  of  the  British 
General  to  encourage  and  increase  it,  was  thereby 
entirely  defeated. 

Colonel  Hull,  with  a  detachment  of  four  hundred 
men,  was  at  this  time  at  his  station  on  the  ri"ht  bank 
of  the  Croton  river,  for  the  protection  of  the  inhabit- 
ants in  the  county  of  West  Chester. 

When  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  line  com- 
menced, he  was  directed  to  obtain  all  possible  infor- 
mation respecting  the  enemy's  posts  at  and  about 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


183 


Kingsbridge,  on  tho  east  side  of  Harlem  river,  and 
as  low  down  as  Morrissania.  General  Washington 
was  not  only  anxious  to  suppress  this  spirit  of  insub- 
ordination, but  also  of  striking  a  blow  which  would 
give  a  new  direction  to  public  opinion,  and  awaken 
the  enemy  to  a  more  just  appreciation  of  American 
patriotism.*  After  obtaining  all  the  information  in 
bis  power.  Colonel  Hull  made  a  communication  lo 
General  Heath,  in  which  he  described  the  fortifica- 


*  Geiipral  Wasliington  to  Mnjor- 
Geiiernl  Ileatli : — 

"  jVcw  H'inilsor,  7th  January,  1781. 

"  Dear  Sir— You  will  bo  pleased 
to  observe,  oa  the  subject  of  your 
letter  of  last  nijrlit,  that  although  I 
am  not  very  sanguine  in  my  expec- 
tation of  tho  success  of  the  enterprise 
proposed,  yet  I  think,  in  our  jjresont 
circumstances,  it  will  be  advisable 
to  encourage  it.     Colonel  Hull  may 
therefore  have  permission  to  make 
the  attempt,  in  conjunction  with  tho 
militia :  hut  I  would  not  advise  the 
destruction  of  any  houses,  except 
the  temporary   huts,  built   by  the 
Refugees.     Colonel  Drake  may  bo 
supplied    with   five  thousand   car- 
tridges  for  the   militia:   he  to  bo 
accountable  for  the  expenditure  of 
them. 

"  By  a  letter  from  General  Wayne, 
I  am  informed  the  Pennsylvania  lino 
still  continued  in  the  same  state  at 
Princeton,  and  that  he  liad  received 
intelligence,  that  the  enemy  were 
j)roparing  to  make  a  movement  into 
Jersey,   1  lieir  attention  being  drawn 


that  way,  may  possibly  make  the  plan 
in  contemplation,  more  practicable. 
I  wish  the  guard-boats  to  keej)  a 
vigilant  look-out,  and  the  officers  to 
give  you  tho  earliest  information  of 
any  movement  below.  Colonel  Hull 
iind  the  militia  Colonels  should  he 
strongly  iinpressed  with  the  idea, 
that  the  whole  success  depends  ab- 
solutely upon  tho  secrecy  and  rapid- 
ity of  tlie  movement.  It  will  also 
be  well,  to  give  a  reinforcement  of 
an  hundred  men,  from  the  New 
Hampshire  line." 

Note  by  Jared  Sjjarks :  "  Colonel 
Hull  was  now  .stationed  at  Pine".- 
bridge,  near  the  lines,  and  the  plan 
referred  to,  was,  that  of  an  attack 
upon  the  Refugees  of  Delancey's 
corps  at  Morrissania,  in  conjunction 
with  a  party  of  militia  under  Colonels 
Drake  and  Crane.  The  project  had 
been  communicated  by  Coionolllull 
to  General  I. 'rath,  with  a  request  to 

ho   fa-.oured   with   his   opinion." 

Writinixsrf  ir«,s/j /'/y/,^;;,  Vol.  VII., 
page  35G. 


184 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


tions  on  the  east  and  north  side  of  Kingsbridge,  and 
the  number  of  troops  which  formed  the  garrisons. 
Likewise  a  fortification  four  miles  below,  on  the  east 
side  of  f laricm  river,  established  for  the  pur|)ose  of 
protecting  a  pontoon  or  floating  bridge,  to  preserve 
the  communication  with  Fort  Washington. 

He  expressed   the  opinion   that   the  parapets  of 
these  works  were  so  high,  the  ditches  so  deep,  and 
the  pickets  so  strong,  that  they  could  not  be  stormed 
without   a  great   sacrifice,  and    this   could  only    be 
avoided   by   taking  them   by  surprise.     He  further 
stated,  that  there  was  a  British  post  four  miles  below 
the  pontoon  bridge  at  Morrissania,  in  which  was  a 
force  consisting  of  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
commanded   by    Colonel    Delancey.     That   it  was 
composed  of  barracks,  without  regular  fortifications. 
Delancey  had  also  a  company  of  about  forty  men, 
stationed  farther  east,  at  Frog's  Neck  ;  a   point  of 
land  projecting  into  the  East  river,  near  West  Ches- 
ter, and  not  far  from  that  part  of  the  river  Bronx, 
over  which  a  retreating  party  must  pass. 

This  post  at  Morrissania  had  been  in  that  situa- 
tion for  several  years,  and  being  eight  miles  in  the 
rear  of  the  fort  at  Kingsbridge,  and  four  miles  in  the 
rear  of  a  large  part  of  the  British  army  stationed  at 
and  about  Fort  Washington,  no  enterprise  had  ever 
succeeded  against  it.      To  break  up  such  an  estab- 
isment,  was  an  object  of  much  importance  :  it  being 
garrisoned  by  a  partisan  corps,  which  was  constantly 
committing  depredations  on  the  inhabitants  between 
the  two  armies,  and  likewise  in  the  State  of  Connec- 
ticut. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


185 


It  was  sui^gested,  that  a  body  of  men  might  be 
marched  to  Moriissania  in  the  night,  and  be  success- 
ful in  the  attack,  but  the  difficulty  would  be  in  the 
retreat,  as  the  firing  would  give  the  alarm  at  Forts 
Washington  and  Independence,  and  the  other  British 
posts  in  the  neighbourhood.  To  obviate  this,  so  as 
to  retard  the  ap[)roacli  of  the  enemy,  he  stated  that 
the  pontoon  bridge  might  be  cut  away  by  the  assailing 
party,  and  thus  prevent  the  British  advancing  from 
Fort  Washington.  Finally,  in  covering  the  retreat 
of  the  troops,  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  a  strong 
detachment  posted  at  East  Chester,  or  on  the  road 
leading  from  Kingsbridge  to  that  place. 

After  this  report  was  made  to  General  Washing- 
ton, he  expressed  great  doubts  as  to  the  success  of 
the  enterprise.  If  the  detachment  should  reduce 
Morrissania,  the  troops  would  be  exposed  to  great 
hazard  in  retreating ;  as  the  distance  from  Fort  In- 
depence  to  East  Chester  was  four  miles,  and  the  dis- 
tance from  Morrissania  was  eight ;  and  the  American 
corps  would  be  also  greatly  fatigued,  after  a  march  of 
thirty  miles,  while  the  British  would  be  fresh  from 
their  post.  He  considered,  however,  that  the  crisis 
called  for  decisive  action  ;  that  in  justice  to  the 
great  body  of  the  army  he  commanded,  still  faithful 
and  unrelaxing  in  duty,  an  opportunity  should  b(; 
embraced  by  which  they  might  manifest  their  patriot- 
ism and  their  bravery,  both  to  their  friends  and  their 
enemies. 

As  soon  therefore  as  the  revolt  took  place  in  the 
Jersey  line,  he  determined  to  make  a  simultaneous 


186 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


movement  against  the  mutineers  on  his  right,  and  the 
enemy's  post  at  Morrissania  on  his  K^ft.  The  suc- 
cess obtained  by  Major-General  Howe,  has  l)een  re- 
lated. It  now  remains  to  give  a  narrative  of  the 
enterprise  against  Morrissania.  The  i)hm  suggested 
by  Colonel  Hull  having  been  approved,  the  execution 
of  it  was  committed  to  that  oflicer.  His  detachment, 
consisting  of  four  hundred  men,  was  reinforced  with 
one  hundred,  under  the  command  of  Major  Maxwell, 
and  by  a  company  of  militia  cavalry,  consisting  of 
nearly  one  hundred  more,  from  New-York,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Hunnewell.  General  Washing- 
ton ordered  likewise  a  small  body  of  cavalry,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Humphreys,  his 
Aid-de-camp,  to  join  these  troo])s  ;  but  the  state  of 
the  ice  would  not  permit  their  crossing  the  Hudson. 

^  The  twenty-second  of  January  was  the  day  ap- 
pointed to  commence  operations,  at  the  same  time 
that  General  Howe  marched  into  New  Jersey  to 
reduce  the  mutineers  to  submission.  Three  regi- 
ments from  the  army  under  General  Parsons  w^ere 
ordered  to  take  a  position  at  East  Chester,  at  day- 
light  on  the  twenty-third ;  to  observe  the  motions  of 
the  enemy,  and  cover  the  retreat  of  the  American 
corps. 

On  the  twenty-first  there  was  a  very  heavy  rain, 
which  continued  during  the  night.  The  morning  of 
the  twenty-second  was  fair,  and  about  sunrise  the 
line  of  march  was  formed.  The  distance  to  Morris- 
sania was  thirty  miles,  and  the  intention  was  to  ar- 
rive  there  a   little    before     daylight    the   following 


LIFE  OF  GENRRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


187 


morning. 


'1^1 


The  roads  were  excessively  bad,  and  the 
small  streams  were  swollen  in  such  a  manner  that  it 
was  diflicult  to  pass  them. 

The  troops  marched  in  one  column.  Hunncwell's 
cavalry  in  front  and  on  the  Hanks  ;  to  secure  the  in- 
habitants from  giving  information  to  the  enemy. 
Two  companies  of  New- York  militia  had  previously 
been  des])atched  from  the  country,  to  take  possession 
of  Williams'  bridge,  over  the  13ronx ;  the  object  of 
which  was  to  prevent  the  British  from  passing  in  that 
direction  to  East  Chester.  They  were  commanded 
by  Captains  Dennit  and  Benton. 

About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  detach- 
ment had,  undiscovered,  passed  Fort  Independence 
and  Kingsbridge,  and  reached  a  point,  as  low  down 
as  Fort  Washington,  which  covered  the  pontoon 
bridge  over  Harlem  river.  Here  it  halted,  when  the 
detachment  was  first  made  acquainted  with  the  ob- 
ject of  the  expedition. 

Arrangements  were  then  made  for  the  plan  of 
attack.  Major  Maxwell,  with  one  hundred  men,  was 
to  approach  a  little  before  daylight,  as  near  the  fort 
which  covered  the  floating  bridge  as  possible,  and  the 
moment  he  heard  the  firing  at  Morrissania,  to  rush 
down,  under  the  walls  of  the  fort,  and  cut  away  the 
bridge  in  such  a  manner  that  it  would  float  down  the 
stream.  The  intention  here  was,  to  obstruct  the 
enemy's  passage  from  Fort  Washington,  and  oblige 
them  to  go  round  by  Kingsbridge.  After  this  duty 
was  performed.  Major  Maxwell  was  directed  to 
march  and  take  a  position  on  the  road,  leading  from 


188 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Morr 


•issania  to  Delancej' 
ihere  remain,  until  the  main 


bridge 


over  the  Bronx, 

idy  returncju  from 
Morrissania. 

On  the  route  he  was  to  take,  there  was  a  small 
compact  fort,  garrisoned  with  sixty  men  ;  and  it  vvas 
left  to  the  discretion  of  Major  Maxwell,  to  attempt  to 
carry  it  by  storm,  should  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed  seem  to  justify  such  an  assault. 

Two  other  detachments  were  formed  ;  one  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Pritchard,  of  sixty  men,  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  Frog's  Week,  and  attack  the 
company  at  that  place.  He  was  directed  not  to 
make  the  assault  until  he  heard  the  firing  at  Mor- 
rissania, or  until  daylight.  The  other  of  thirty 
men,  commanded  by  Captain  Williams,  was  to 
take  possession  of  Delancey's  bridge,  over  the 
Bronx,  and  to  maintain  il,  until  the  vna'm  body  re- 
turned from  Morrissania.  Each  party  now  com- 
menced the  march  to  its  appointed  destination.  The 
main  detachment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Hull,  was 
reduced  to  a  little  over  four  hundred  men. 

The  British  force  at  Morrissania,  under  Colonel 
Delancey,  consisted  of  about  the  same  number,  in- 
cluding the  company  ?t  Frog's  Neck.  The  expecta- 
tion was,  to  take  the  enemy  by  surprise  ;  but  an  un- 
expected obstacle  interposed,  within  ,i  small  distance 
of  their  cantonment.  The  heavy  rain,  the  day  be- 
fore, had  so  greatly  swollrn  a  small  creek,  that  the 
passage  of  it  could  only  be  effected  by  mounting  the 
infantry  behind  the  cavalry.  This  required  time; 
and  it  was  daylight  before  the  whole  body  advanced 


5»* 


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LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


189 


from  the  creek.*  A  rapid  march  was  then  made  in 
column,  but  the  assailants  were  fired  on  by  the  out- 
guards,  at  some  distance  from  the  barracks. 

As  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  receive  them 
Colonel  Hull  ordered  the  line  to  be  formed,  with  the 
cavalry  in  its  rear.  A  firing  commenced,  which  lasted 
but  a  few  minutes,  before  the  enemy  retreated.  The 
cavalry  were  directed  to  charge,  and  the  infantry  to 
advance  to  their  support.  The  Americans  were  soon 
masters  of  the  field,  the  loyalists  flying  in  every  di- 
rection. Fifty-two  prisoners  were  taken,  and  a  num- 
ber of  beef  cattle  ;  and  as  the  enemy,  being  partly 
cavalry,  had  not  time  to  mount  their  horses,  sixty  of 
them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

Without  waiting  to  pursue  the  fugitives,  fire  was 
set  to  the  barracks,  and  to  a  great  quantity  of  forage, 
which  had  been  deposited  there  for  the  army  in  New- 
York,  After  collecting  the  prisoners,  horses  and  cat- 
tle, a  retreat  was  commenced  on  the  road  to  Delan- 
cey's  bridge. 

When  the  firing  commenced  at  Morrissania,  there 
followed  a  tremendous  roar  of  cannon  and  musketry 
from  the  fort,  near  the  pontoon  bridge.  As  the  flames 
ascended  from  the  barracks,  the  alarm  guns  were 
fired  fi-om  Fort  Washington  and  New- York  ;  and  sky- 
rockets were  sent  in  quick  succession   from  all  the 


*  In  the  maps  of  Marshall's  Life  map.     If  there  was  but  one,  the  de- 

of  Washington,  two  creeks  are  laid  tachmcnt  must  have  come  down  on 

down  and  Morrissania  between  them,  the  eastern  side,  crossed  to  Morris- 

I  think  that  my  father  directed  me  sania,  and  re-crossed,  after  the  as- 

lo  put  two    on  the  accompanying  sault.— Editor. 


190 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


enemy's  posts.  The  detachment,  with  all  its  incum- 
brances, now  forded  the  creek  on  the  eastern  side  of 
Morrissania.  Colonel  Hull  directed  a  halt  for  a  few 
minutes  to  refresh  his  troops.  They  heard  the  roar- 
ing of  the  enemy's  cannon,  while 'the  sky-rockets, 
flaming  through  the  air,  were  furiously  though  vainly 
spending  their  rage  on  the  too  successful  little  band, 
which  had  scattered  devastation  and  desolation  where, 
but  a  few  hours  before,  quiet  and  security  reigned. 
Sublime  and  imposing  was  the  scene,  yet  it  was  too 
replete  with  danger  to  leave  room  for  enjoyment. 

These  gallant  troops  had  marched  thirty  miles, 
through  deep  and  heavy  roads— had  bravely  faced 
and  subdued  the  foe.     For  twenty-four  hours,  they 
had  neither  rest  nor  sleep,  and  at  this  moment  were 
four  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  main  body  of  the  British 
army,  which  was  then  exerting  its  strength  to  wrest 
the  wreath  of  victory  from  their  brows.     Incumbered 
as  they  were  with  prisoners,  horses,  and  cattle  ;  and 
knowing  that  they  must  contend  over  eight  miles  of 
ground,  for  every  step  of  the  way,  while  a  fresh  and 
ever-increasing  foe  was  assailing  their  rear  and  flanks  ; 
it  seemed  beyond  human  power  to  escape  the  perils 
which  on  every  side  threatened  their  destruction.  But 
victory  had  crowned  their  eflbrts,  and  stimulated  to  re- 
newed exertion;  they  resolutely  prepared  to  persevere 
and  surmount  the  yet  greater  dangers,  which  stood 
between  them  and  safety.    Surely  they  must  have  felt 
that  a  blessing  rested  on  their  arms,  and  that  a  mer- 
ciful Providence  was  their  shield  and  their  strength. 
After  advancing  a  short  distance,  the  detachment 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


191 


was  joined  by  Major  Maxwell.  He  reported,  that  he 
had  completely  effected  his  object,  and  that  the 
bridge  was  floating  down  the  river,  and  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  enemy  at  Fort  Washington  to  pass  at 
that  station. 

As  the  corps  proceeded,  a  fire  of  musketry  was 
heard  in  the  direction  of  Delancey's  bridge.  Colonel 
Hull  rode  forward  to  the  high  ground,  and  perceived 
Captain  Williams  and  the  enemy  contending  for  the 
bridge.  He  made  a  disposition  of  the  troops  to  as- 
sist him.  The  enemy  soon  retreated  towards  Fort 
Independence,  after  sustaining  some  loss.  The  fugi- 
tives were  about  twenty  in  number,  but  this  was  no 
time  to  pursue  them.  The  maich  continued  for  a 
short  time  without  interruption,  until  the  head  of  the 
column  arrived  near  a  stone  church  and  a  jail.  Our 
troops  were  fired  on  from  the  windows  of  the  church. 

Major  Maxwell's  detachment  having  a  number  of 
axes,  used  in  cutting  away  the  bridges,  Colonel  Hull 
ordered  him  to  form  a  column,  with  his  axemen  in 
front,  and  open  a  passage  for  the  troops  to  enter  with 
the  bayonet.  This  he  did,  but  the  enemy  retreated 
from  the  windows  on  the  other  side  of  the  buildins:. 
The  jail  was  then  broken  open,  and  thirty-two  Amer- 
ican prisoners  released,  who  had  been  captured  by 
Delancey's  regiment,  and  there  confined.  A  number 
of  other  prisoners,  belonging  to  the  British,  were  set 
at  liberty,  who  were  confined  for  different  crimes.* 


*  Tlierc  was  among  the  Aincri-  jail  to  Colonel  Hull,  whom  ho  pcr- 
can  prisoner.^!,  a  iipjrro  man,  by  coivctl  to  bo  tlir  •MiuindiT  of  the 
name  Tillo.     He  rushed  from  the    corps,  and  falling  on  his  knees,  said. 


I: 


192 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Here  the  main  body  was  joined  by  Captain  Pritchard, 
who  had  fought  hard  with  the  enemy  at  Frog's  Neck  ; 
had  been  successful  in  routing  him,  and  taken  a  num- 
ber of  prisoners.  Ensign  Thomson  of  his  company 
was  kilhid,  and  five  or  six  men  killed  or  wounded. 
The  stores  and  forage  collected  at  that  station  were 
destroyed. 

The  different  detachments  being  united,  there 
was  a  weary  and  hazardous  march  to  perform,  before 
we  could  expect  to  meet  the  reinforcement  under 
General  Parsons,  to  cover  our  retreat.  The  fatigue 
of  the  men  was  so  great,  having  had  neither  rest  nor 
sleep  for  thirty  hours,  that  it  seemed  almost  impossi- 
ble to  advance  further.  Colonel  Hull  urged  upon 
them  the  necessity  of  proceeding.  He  told  them,  if 
they  now  came  to  a  halt,  the  whole  corps  would  in- 
evitably be  cut  to  pieces  or  made  prisoners  ;  but  by 
advancing  a  few  miles  farther,  they  would  be  rein- 
forced and  soon  find  the  relief  they  so  much  needed. 


"  Massa,  save  my  life  and  I'll  serve 
yon  forever."  Colonel  Hull  told 
hiin  not  to  fear,  they  were  all  safe. 
The  man  continued  faithful  in  the 
service  of  his  chosen  master,  until 
the  end  of  the  war,  when  he  retired 
to  his  small  farm  in  West  Chester, 
and  gave  his  young  son  Tillo,  a  boy 
of  six  years  of  age,  to  Mrs.  Hull,  to 
retain  until  he  was  of  age.  The 
young  Tillo  proved  e(iually  faithful, 
as  his  father  had  been,  though  not 
possessed  of  such  bright  talents.  He 
was  always  kind  and  willing.  Gen- 
eral Hull  informed  him,  when  ho 


became  of  age,  that  he  was  then  at 
liberty  to  hire  himself  into  any  other 
ftuiiily,  or  go  wherever  he  pleased. 
But  the  simple-hearted  f;!llow  pre- 
ferred never  to  leave  General  Hull 
or  his  family,  so  long  as  they  woidd 
keep  him.  He  has  remained  with 
them  ever  since  the  war  of  the  Rev- 
olution, and  is  now,  in  1845,  at  the 
old  homestead,  in*  Newton,  Massa- 
chusetts, the  grounds  of  which  were 
first  occupied  by  the  ancestors  of 
Mrs.  Hull  in  1630,  and  are  still  in 
possession  of  her  descendants. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


193 


They  persevered  ;  and  never  did  men  bear  a  tryin- 
situation  with  more  firmness  and  a  better  spirit.  "^ 
As  an  attack  was  apprehended  before  a  junction 
could  be  formed  with  the  covering  party,  Colonel 
Hull  selected  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  strongest 
and  least  fatigued  men,  and  formed  them  in  the  r^ear 
and  on  the  flanks,  taking  the  command  himself.  He 
ordered  Major  Maxwell  to  march  on  with  the  main 
body  the  prisoners,  cattle,  and  other  incumbrances. 

Alter  advancing  about  a  mile,  light  parties  of  the 
enemy  appeared  in  the  rear  and  flanks,  and  com- 
menced  a  loose  and  scattering  fire.  They  were  soon 
reinforced,  and  their  fire  increased.  Colonel  Hull 
formed  a  solid  body  of  the  rear  guard,  and  directed 
the  officer,  if  the  horse  charged  on  him,  when  they 
arrived  very  near  to  give  one  well-directed  fire,  and 
then  to  remain  in  a  solid  body  and  depend  on  the 
bayonet.  The  cavalry,  observing  this  disposition  of 
our  troops,  did  not  advance  to  the  charge. 

As  the  infantry  of  the  enemy  were  increasing  in 
the  rear,  it  was  apparent  that  they  had  proceeded 
h-om  Fort  Independence,  having  been  reinforced  from 
Fort  Washington.  Instead,  therefore,  of  passing  di- 
rectly to  East  Chester,  over  Williams'  bridge,  they 
had  filed  to  the  right,  and  crossing  the  river  Bronx 
at  Delancey's  bridge,  had  gained  the  rear  of  the 
American  troops  in  that  direction. 

A  heavy  fire  had  now  commenced  by  the  enemy 
but  was  constantly  returned  from  our  rear  and  flank 
guard,  without  the  least  disorder,  though  still  movin- 

13  "^ 


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194 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


on  their  march  as  fast  as  their  fatigued  condition 
would  admit. 

When  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  station 
where  General  Parsons  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  re- 
treating corps,  Colonel  Hull  received  from  him  a  mes- 
sage by  his  aid-de-camp,  saying  that  a  column  of  the 
British  were  advancing  from  Kingsbridge,  and  urged 
Colonel  Hull  to  hasten  his  march. 

He  replied,  that  he  would  proceed  as  expeditious- 
ly as  possible.  The  enemy  were  now  pressing  on 
him  with  increased  force ;  but  meeting  the  same  res- 
olute resistance  from  the  rear  and  flanks,  a  temporary 
check  was  given  to  their  movements. 

Thus  situated,  another  message  came  to  Colonel 
Hull  from  General  Parsons,  pressing  him  to  march 
with  more  celerity,  as  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 
were  rapidly  approaching,  and  he  feared  that  both  de- 
tachments would  be  cut  off.  Colonel  Hull  replied, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  move  with  more 
rapidity ;  that  if  he  attempted  it,  his  detachment 
would  be  thrown  into  confusion,  and  its  capture  would 
be  inevitable  ;  that  should  General  Parsons  consider 
the  risk  too  great  to  remain,  he  had  better  retreat 
and  save  his  troops ;  while  his  own  detachment,  if 
overtaken,  would  make  the  best  defence  it  could. 

Colonel  Hull  now  ordered  a  hundred  men  to  re- 
inforce his  rear  and  flank  guards,  by  which  means  the 
fire  was  increased,  and  the  enemy  fell  back  a  little, 
but  soon  returned  to  the  charge,  and  the  conflict  be- 
came extremely  severe. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  195 

At  this  critical  moment,  Colonel  Hazen,  who  com- 
rnanded  a  regiment  under  General  Parsons,  eame  to 
Colonel  Hull,  and  informed  him,  that  his  regiment 
was  advanced,  and  lay  concealed  behind  a  long  stone 
wall,  which  ran  along  the  road  on  both  sides.     The 
tront  of  the  corps  had  then  almost  reached  the  wall 
where  the  men  were  posted.     Colonel  Hazen  imme- 
diately rode  forward,  and  gave  orders  to  his  regiment 
when  to  rise  and  fire.     Colonel  Hull,  in  his  turn,  di- 
rected the  detachment  to  march  on,  until  the  rear  was 
near  the  wall,  and  then  to  cease  firing,  and  retreat 
with  as  much  rapidity  as  possible.     The  plan  sue- 
ceeded      The  British  pressed  on  ;  when  reaching  the 
wall,  the  regiment  rose  up,  on  each  side  of  it,  and 
poured  upon  them  such  a  volley  of  musketry,  that 
they  mstantly  retreated.     In  a  short  time,  and  with- 
out  further  molestation,  the  detachment  joined  the 
troops  at  East  Chester,  and  the  command  of  the  whole 
then  devolved  on  General  Parsons.     The  number  of 
his  troops,  including  our  detachment,  did  not  exceed 
two  thousand. 

This  insulated  corps  was  more  than  thirty  miles 
distant  from  any  post  of  the  main  army,  or  any  other 
support;  and  both  officers  and  men  were  worn  down 
with  the  fatigue  and  hardship  they  had  already  en- 
countered. "^ 

A  large  body  of  the  enemy  were  near,  and  all  the 
British  army  stationed  at  Fort  Washington,  and  at 
the  north  part  of  York  Island,  distant  not  more  than 
nve  or  six  miles. 

Under  these  circumstances,  and  the  object  of  the 


196 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


I 


expedition  having  been  obtained,  General  Parsons 
did  not  think  proper  to  pursue  the  advantage  which 
had  been  gained  hy  Colonel  Hazen's  regiment,  or  to 
oppose  the  column  that  was  advancing  from  Kings- 
bridge. 

His  position  was  so  critical,  that  it  was  unsafe  to 
halt  a  sufficient  time  to  give  the  troops  refreshment ; 
and  under  a  severe  storm  of  hail  and  snow,  he  commen- 
ced his  march  on  the  Mamaroneck  and  New  Rochelle 
road,  and  continued  it  until  twelve  o'clock  at  night, 
when  the  troops  halted  on  the  borders  of  Connecti- 
cut, after  advancing  twenty  miles  from  East  Chester, 

The  storm,  which  beat  heavily  on  our  path,  was 
a  new  source  of  gratitude  for  an  escape  from  so  many 
dangers.  It  was  viewed  as  a  merciful  interposition  of 
Providence,  to  shield  our  weary  and  nearly  exhausted 
band  from  the  superior  strength  of  an  enemy,  who, 
fresh  and  eager  in  pursuit,  might  soon  have  over- 
powered us,  and  in  their  turn  have  become  the  con- 
querors. The  rain,  as  it  fell  in  torrents,  was  like  the 
wall  of  waters  in  the  Red  Sea,  standing  between  the 
Egyptians  and  the  Israelites.  General  Parsons  stop- 
ped one  day  at  Horseneck,  in  Connecticut,  to  re- 
fresh the  troops.  He  then  marched  them  to  their 
cantonment  in  the  Highlands.* 

Colonel  Hull  proceeded  to  his  former  station  on 
the  Croton  river.  He  made  his  official  report  to  Gen- 
eral Washington.  The  Commander-in-chief,  in  his 
general  orders,  expressed  his  thanks  to  Colonel  Hull 


*  See  Appendix,  No.  IV. — Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Hull  to  one 
of  her  daughters. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


197 


for  the  judicious  arrangements  which  he  had  made  in 
planning  the  expedition,  and  for  the  gallant  and  in- 
trepid manner  in  which  it  was  executed. 

General  Washington  reported  to  Congress  the 
circumstances  and  success  of  the  enterprise,  and  Co- 
lonel Hull  received  the  thanks  of  that  bodj,  for  his 
good  conduct  on  that  occasion. 

The  troops  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Hull, 
being  established  in  their  quarters,  he  applied  to  Gen- 
eral Washington,  in  February,  1781,  for  permission 
to  pass  the  residue  of  the  winter  in  Boston. 

He  had  now  served  in  the  war  six  years,  and  this 
was  the  first  time  that  he  had  asked  leave  of  absence. 
The  six  preceding  campaigns,  he  had  been  constantly 
at  his  post,  excepting  while  attending  on  public  duty 
in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 

During  three  winters  he  was  in  the  field,  com- 
manding the  most  advanced  station  towards  the 
enemy,  and  constantly  exposed,  at  that  inclement 
season,  to  fatigue,  hardships,  and  dangers.  So  severe 
was  the  duty,  that  it  is  seen  by  the  original  orders,  that 
half  of  his  detachment  was  exchanged  every  fort- 
night. His  fine  health  and  energetic  spirit  enabled 
him  to  meet  every  exposure,  uninjured ;  and  there 
was  not  a  day  that  sickness  disabled  him  from  the 
performance  of  duty.  He  had  taken  an  active  part 
in  all  the  battles  which  were  fought,  where  he  was 
present,  and  they  were  numerous,  obstinate,  and 
bloody. 

He  says :  "  At  this  distant  period  (1822)  all  my 
recollections  are  alive  on  the  subject ;  and  I  should  do 


198 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


violence  to  the  best  feelings  of  my  heart,  were  I  to 
omit  to  offer  the  warmest  and  most  fervent  expres- 
sions of  gratitude  to  tlie  Supreme  Disposer  of  human 
events,  that  during  this  highly  interesting  epoch,  my 
health  was  enjoyed,  amidst  numerous  dane^ers,  while 
so  many  of  my  brave  companions  in  arms  were  con- 
stantly falling  by  my  side." 

Colonel  Hull  having  obtained  leave  of  absence  for 
the  remainder  of  the  winter,  he  repaired  to  Boston, 
and  was  shortly  after  married  to  the  only  daughter  of 
the  Honourable  Judge  Fuller,  of  Newton,  Massachu- 
setts. 

In  referring  to  this  connexion,  he  writes :  "  It 
was  a  reward  for  all  the  toils  and  dangers  which,  for 
six  years,  I  had  encountered.  It  has  continued  for 
nearly  forty  years,  and  my  beloved  companion  has 
not  only  sailed  with  me  down  the  stream  of  life,  en- 
joying its  prosperous  gales,  but  has  steadily  and 
affectionately  supported  me  in  gloomy  periods,  as 
well  as  in  the  last  most  trying  storm,  which,  by  faith 
in  an  overruling  Providence,  I  have  met  and  borne 
in  all  its  fury." 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


199 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Colonel  Hut,,  rESFArruED  »v  Generai.  Washington  to  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau.-Plan  of  -ttack  on  New- York  and  other  roiNTs—CiiANOE  or 

THE   SCENE  OF     OPERATIONS    FROM     NeW-YoRK    TO     YorKTOWN.-CaPTURE 
OF  THE    ARMY  OF  CoRNWALLIS.-WASHINaTON   TAKES  LEAVE   OF  THE  ArmT. 

1781. 

In  July,  the  French  army,  under  the  command  of 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  arrived  in  the  western  part 
of  the  State  of  Connecticut,  on  its  way  to  join  Gene- 
ral Washington,  then  at  Peekskill  on  the  North 
river. 

At  this  time  Colonel  Hull  received  a  message 
from  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  repair  to  his  quar- 
ters, that  he  might  explain  to  him  his  plan  of  attack 
on  the  enemy,  and  give  him  orders  as  to  the  part  he 
was  to  perform,  in  carrying  it  into  execution. 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  Washington  to 
commence  operations  the  following  morning  at  day- 
light. His  object  was  to  take  by  surprise  the  ene- 
my's posts  on  the  north  end  of  York  island,  at  Kings- 
bridp;e  Tnd  Morrissania. 

General  Lincoln,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops, 
was  to  proceed  down  the  Hudson,  below  Spuyten- 
devil  creek,  land,  and  attack  the  works  at  and  about 
Fort  Washington,  and  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  with 
his  regiments   of  horse  and  infantry,  consisting   of 


200 


RiiVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


about  six  hundred  men,  joined  by  Colonel  Sheld. 
regiment  of  cavalry,  and  a  detachment  from  the  lines^ 
under    General   Waterbury,    to   attack    Delancey's 
regiment  at  Morrissania. 

if  General  Lincoln  succeeded.  General  Washing- 
ton with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  joined  by  Tjunt 
de  Rochambeau,  would  assail  the  forts  on  the  east 
and  north  side  of  Kingsbridge.  Those  divisions  were 
to  make  a  simultaneous  attack,  at  daylighi,  the  next 
morning.  Should  circumstances  prevent  General 
Lincoln  from  landing  on  York  island,  near  Fort 
Washington,  he  was  directed  to  land  above  Spuyten- 
devil  creek,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  passing  Kings- 
bridge  and  attacking  the  right  flank  of  the  Duke  de 
Lauzun  at  Morrissania. 

General  Washington  despatched  Colonel  Hull  to 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  who  was  then  at  Bedford,  for 
the  purpose  of  explaining  to  him  their  situation,  and 
the  plan  of  operatioi^s,  and  directed  Colonel  Hull  to 
attend  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  in  his  attack  on  Morris 
saiiia. 

Colonel  Hull  was  received  by  Count  de  Rocham 
beau  with  that  easy  politeness  and  courtesy,  the  uni- 
form characteristic  of  the  Frenchman,  whatever  be  his 
birth  or  circumstances  in  life. 

After  the  Count  had  read  his  letters,  he  remarked, 
that  he  was  extremely  happy  that  General  Washing- 
ton had  sent  one  of  his  oflicers  to  attend  him,  and 
especially  one  who  was  acquainted  with  the  countiy, 
and  the  enemy's  position.  He  then  remarked,  that 
his  troops  were  very  much  fatigued   by  their  long 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


201 


long 


march  from  Newport;  that  the  weather  was  extreme- 
ly warm,  and  he  had  then  halted  to  refresh  them ; 
and  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  cook  the  provisions^ 
before  the  march  was  resumed.  Colonel  Hull  stated 
to  him  the  distance  he  then  was  from  Kingsbridge 
and  Morrissania,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  march 
at  a  certain  time,  to  arrive  at  those  points  at  the  hour 
General  Washington  had  designated.  The  Count 
laid  his  maps  on  the  table,  when  Colonel  Hull  ex- 
plained to  him  the  whole  plan  of  operations,  as  Gen- 
eral Washington  had  that  morning  communicated 
them  to  him. 

Count  de  Rochambeau  seemed  revolving  the  sub- 
ject, and  continued  to  ask  a  great  number  of  questions. 
He  then  ecnt  for  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  who  shortly 
after  an   introduction  requested  Col.  Hull  to  attend 
him  to  his  quarters.     The  Duke  was  very  particular 
in  his  inquiries.    He  was  informed  of  the  distance  he 
had  to  march,  and  how  important  it  was  for  him  to 
arrive  at  Morrissania  by  daylight  in    the  morning. 
He  replied,  that  both  his  men  and  horses  were  ex- 
ceedingly fatigued,  r.nd  that  they  must  have  a  little 
time  for  refreshment.     Colonel  Hull  urged,  as  much 
as  politeness  would  permit  in  his  situation,  the  neces- 
sity of  marching  earlier.     But  t'^e   fatigue  of    the 
troops  and  the  heat  of  the  weather  prevented  the  line 
being  formed  until  sunset.      Colonel  Sheldon    had 
joined  them,  and  General  Waterbury  was  waiting  at 
the  White  Plains,  when  the  corps  arrived  about  one 
o'clock  in  the  morninir. 

At  this  point  Colonel  Hull  wrote  to  General  Wash- 


202 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


ington,  by  the  Duke's  desire,  stating  the  ^.ime  of  their 
arrival,  and  that  he  could  not  reach  Morrissania  until 
after  sunrise,  unless  he  should  proceed  with  his  cav- 
alry alone  and  leave  the  infantry  to  follow  him.  That 
such  proposition  had  been  made  to  him,  but  he  had 
objected  to  it,  as,  should  the  attack  prove  unsuccessful 
he  could  not  justify  himself  for  so  doing. 

General  Washington,  it  was  supposed,  was  at 
that  time  equally  as  far  advanced  on  the  North  river 
road.  The  Duke  de  Lauzun  made  a  halt  at  the 
White  Plains,  and  shortly  after  Count  de  Rochambeau 
joined  him.  The  Duke  then  proceeded  rapidly,  with 
both  cavalry  and  infantry.  When  arrived  within  a 
short  distance  of  Delancey's  bridge,  he  observed  to 
Colonel  Hull,  that  as  it  would  soon  be  daylight,  and 
they  were  so  near  the  point  of  attack,  he  would  pro- 
ceed with  his  cavalry,  and  the  infantry  would  be  able 
to  march  in  time  to  his  assistance.  He  then  made  a 
rapid  advance,  but  it  was  after  daylight  before  he 
reached  Delancey's  bridge,  which  was  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  the  enemy's  post. 

A  heavy  fire  of  musketry  was  now  heard.  The 
Duke  de  Lauzun  ascended  the  high  ground,  and  per- 
ceived General  Lincoln's  division  and  the  enemy  in 
full  view  and  closely  engaged.  The  Duke  halted. 
A  regiment  was  seen  advancing  to  reinforce  the  Bri- 
tish troops.  Colonel  Hull  said  to  the  Duke,  "  that 
he  knew  them  by  their  uniform  ;  that  it  was  Delan- 
cey's troop  irom  Morrissania."  The  Duke  asked, 
"  What  course  do  you  think  I  had  best  pursue  ?" 
Colonel  Hull  replied,  "  that  as  he  was  a  little  in  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


203 


rear  of  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  perhaps  he  was 
in  a  good  situation  to  make  an  attack  in  that  quarter." 
He  answered,  «  that  General  Lincohi  was  his  supe- 
rior officer,  and  he  did  not  think  himself  justified  in 
doing  it  without  his  orders."  Colonel  Hull  said,  «  that 
if  the  Duke  would  furnish  a  small  escort  of  cavalry, 
he  would  pass  round  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,' 
and  inform  General  Lincoln  of  his  situation,  and  ob- 
obtain  his  orders."     To  this  he  consented.     When 
Colonel  Hull  met  General  Lincoln,  the  enemy  had 
been  reinforced,  and  were  pressing  hard  on  him.    He 
Slated  the  situation  of  the  Duke,  and  that  it  was 
altogether  favourable  to  advance  on  the  right  flank  of 
the  enemy  and  co-operate  with  him.     General  Lin- 
coln replied,  « that  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  had  received 
his  orders  from  General  Washington,  and  was  not 
under  his  command."    Colonel  Hull  answered,  "  that 
the  senior  officer  in  the  field  commanded,  of  course." 
General  Lincoln  said,  «  not  to  countermand  the  orders 
of  the  superior."     Colonel  Hull  then  remarked,  "  that 
the  enemy  had  left  Morrissania,  and  reinforced  the 
troops  he  was  now  engaged  with  ;  that  consequently 
there  was  no  force  for  the  Duke  to  act  against.  Will 
you,  sir,  give  your  advice  under  the  circumstances  ?" 
General  Lincoln  replied,  "  that  he  should  not  in  any 
way  interfere  with  the  orders  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief." 

Colonel  Hull  returned  to  the  Duke  de  Lauzun, 
and  informed  him  of  the  result.     He  said  «  he  would 
immediately  send  an  express  to  General  Washington 
r^^^  Commander-in-chief  directed  him. 


5J 


204 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


to  join  the  main  army,  which  having  now  reinforced 
General  Lincoln,  the  enemy  was  compelled  to  retreat 
over  Kingsbridge. 

When  General  Washington  heard  the  circumstan- 
ces, he  highly  applauded  the  spirit  and  strong  desire 
the  Duke  de  Lauzun  had  manifested,  to  participate 
in  the  action,  but  at  the  same  time  expressed  his 
opinion,  that  General  Lincoln  had  conducted  on 
strictly  military  principles. 

Both  enterprises  having  failed,  and  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  being  yet  some  distance  from  the  American 
army,  it  was  advised  that  he  should  halt  several  miles 
from  Kingsbridge,  and  refresh  his  troops.  General 
Washington  marched  to  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  here  a 
junction  was  formed,  for  the  first  time,  between  the 
American  and  French  armies.  But  the  theatre  of  the 
war  was  now  to  be  changed  from  the  north  to  the 
south,  by  the  determination  of  the  Count  de  Grasse 
to  sail  for  the  Chesapeake  instead  of  Sandy  Hook. 
He  was  at  this  time  in  the  West  Indies,  and  wrote 
General  Washington,  in  August,  that  he  should  sail 
immediately,  and  be  prepared  to  co-operate  with  his 
army.  His  land  troops  consisted,  he  said,  of  three 
thousand  two  hundred  men,  besides  his  naval  arma 
ment,  but  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  remain  longer 
than  the  middle  of  October. 

The  siege  of  New-York  was  therefore  abandoned, 
and  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  in  Virginia,  where 
Lord  Cornwallis  commanded,  became  the  object  of 
the  united  strength  of  the  combined  armies.  About 
two  thousand  Americans,  and  all  the  French  troops 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


205 


under  Count  de  Rochambeau,  were  ordered  to  march 
southwardly. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  ignorant  that  the  Count  de 
Grasse  had  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake,  could  not  pen- 
etrate the  designs  of  Washington,  who  still  endea- 
voured to  keep  up  the  idea  that  New- York  was  the 
point  of  attack.  He  therefore  sent  troops  down  to- 
wards Staten  Island,  had  houses  for  forage  erected, 
and  baking  ovens  built  on  the  Jersey  shore.  Letters 
were  intentionally  written  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,  and  keep  up  the  deception:  and  so  well 
djd  the  feint  succeed,  that  the  main  body  of  the  army 
had  arrived  at  Philadelphia  before  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
suspected  the  designs  of  the  American  Commander. 

Twenty  regiments  were  left  in  the  Highlands 
under  the  command  of  General  Heath,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  northern  posts.  The  third,  to  which 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull  was  attached,  was  in- 
cluded. 

It  had  been  the  fortunate  lot  of  the  Massachusetts 
regiments,  to  be  employed  against  the  army  of  Bur- 
goyne  ;  and  as  they  had  shared  in  the  glory  of  an 
event,  with  which  an  overruling  Providence  had  fa- 
voured  the  American  cause,  and  likewise  in  the  bat- 
tles of  Trenton,  Princeton,  and  Monmouth,  the  as- 
sault on  Stony  Point  and  other  fortunate  occasions. 
It  was  but  just  that  the  present  opportunity,  which 
presented  prospects  of  the  most  brilliant  success, 
should  devolve  on  that  part  of  the  army  whose  for- 
tunes in  the  south  had  been  less  auspicious  than  those 
of  their  northern  brethren. 


206 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


General  Washington  had,  with  reason,  the  most 
unshaken  confidence  in  the  troops  which  he  selected 
for  the  southern  campaign ;  and  the  issue  of  their 
meeting  with  Cornwallis  showed,  that  their  zeal  and 
ability  were  equal  to  any  and  every  emergency. 

Colonel  Hull  was  now  appointed  Adjutant  and 
Inspector-General  of  the  army  at  West  Point,  and  the 
neighbouring  posts  in  the  Highlands.  The  duties  of 
these  offices  he  performed  until  the  summer  of  1783, 
when  General  Washington  had  returned  from  the 
south,  after  the  capture  of  the  army  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis, and  resumed  his  command  in  the  Highlands. 

At  this  period,  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace 
were  signed,  and  hostilities  between  Great  Britain 
and  America  ceased.  Colonel  Hull  was  ordered  to 
repair  to  West  Chester,  with  the  command  of  eight 
companies  of  light  infantry,  as  the  civil  government 
had  not  as  yet  been  organized.  The  object  of  this 
corps  was,  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  the  preda- 
tory incursions  of  the  Refugees,  which  were  made 
with  the  authority  of  the  British  commander. 

The  presence  of  a  military  force  was  therefore 
necessary  for  the  safety  of  this  people,  who  had  for  so 
many  years  been  the  victims  of  suffering,  from  the 
Skinners  and  Cow-boys. 

Colonel  Hull  remained  on  this  station,  until  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  announced  to  General  Washington  that 
he  was  prepared  to  embark  and  deliver  up  to  him  the 
city  of  New- York. 

On  the  22d  of  November,  General  Washington, 
accompanied  by  General  Knox,   Governor  Clinton, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


207 


and  a  large  number  of  civil  and  military  officers,  ar- 
rived in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kingsbridge.  General 
Washington  directed  Colonel  Hull  to  march  his  de- 
tachment of  light  hifantry  the  next  morning,  at  day- 
light, to  the  heights,  near  Kingsbridge,  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  forts,  as  soon  as  they  were  evacuated 
by  the  British.  Before  the  sun  arose,  the  American 
troops  were  in  motion,  and  as  they  advanced  the 
British  troops  retired.  Having  proceeded  below  Har- 
lem, Sir  Guy  Carleton  gave  notice,  that  he  would 
not  be  able  to  complete  his  embarkation  until  the 
next  day.  On  that  day  it  rained  incessantly,  and  the 
British  were  not  prepared  to  evacuate  until  the  fol- 
lowing day. 

On  the  memorable  morning  of  the  25th  Novem- 
ber,* when  the  corps  of  light  infantry  commanded  by 
Colonel  Hull  was  paraded  to  escort  the  Commander- 
in-chief  into  the  city,  he  rode  up  in  front  of  the 
troops,  and  remarked,  that  he  felt  peculiarly  happy 
in  witnessing  the  excellent  appearance  and  high  state 
of  discipline  of  that  part  of  his  army  which  was  ap- 
pointed to  attend  him  in  the  last  interesting  mo- 
ments of  his  military  command.  Colonel  Hull  had 
commanded  this  corps  for  five  months,  and  anticipat- 


*  The  25th  of  November  has 
ever  since  continued  a  day  of  Na- 
tional Jubilee  in  tfic  city  of  New- 
York.  For  nearly  thirty  years  after 
this  period,  whenever  General  Hull 
happened  to  be  in  '  .0  city  on  that 
day,  he  was  invited  to  the  public 
dinner,  and  received  distinguished 


honours,  being  seated  on  the  right 
of  tlie  Mayor. 

It  is  not  certain,  tliat  any  historian 
of  the  Revolution  mentions  tiie  fact, 
that  Colonel  Hull  commanded  the 
troops  on  this  occasion.  But  the 
grateful  New-Yorkers  never  forgot 

It. 


208 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


ing  the  satisfaction  of  performing  so  grateful  a  ser- 
vice, he,  with  the  faithful  co-operation  of  his  officers 
and  men,  had  devoted  constant  attention  to  make  it 
as  perfect  as  possible,  in  the  very  qualities  which  Gen- 
eral Washington  had  commended. 

To  render  this  service  to  their  beloved  Com- 
mander ;  to  hear  his  approving  words ;  to  gather,  for 
the  last  time,  in  military  array  around  his  honoured 
person,  was  a  full  reward  for  our  long,  severe  trials. 
The  countenance  of  every  officer  and  soldier  was 
lightened  up  by  the  liveliest  expressions  of  joy,  and, 
for  the  moment,  the  thought  of  a  final  separation 
from  the  object  of  our  love,  respect,  and  gratitude, 
was  forgotten.  As  the  procession  advanced,  crowds 
of  citizens  met  us,  hailing  our  approach  and  welcom- 
ing our  entrance  into  their  city.  Vast  bodies  of  pa- 
triots, who  for  seven  years  had  exiled  themselves 
from  their  homes,  were  now  re-occupying  their  de- 
serted dwellings,  and  the  streets,  the  tops  of  houses, 
and  the  windows,  were  filled  with  men,  women  and 
children,  waving  plumes  and  garlands  of  greens  and 
flowers,  and  cheering  our  path  with  every  expression 
of  joy  and  gratitude,  to  which  the  occasion  gave  rise. 

Colonel  Hull  was  directed,  on  the  fourth  of  De- 
cember, to  form  his  detachment  of  light  infantry  at 
the  hotel  near  Whitehall,  where  a  barge  was  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  convey 
him  to  Paulus  Hook.  The  corps  was  formed,  its 
right  wing  at  the  hotel,  the  left  extending  to  the 
barge. 

The  last  aifecting  interview  between   General 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


209 


Washington  and  his  officers,  is  thus  described  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  referred  to  by  Colonel 
Hull,  as  a  correct  and  touching  description  of  that 
interesting  scene.* 

"  At  noon,  the   principal  officers  of  the  army  as- 
sembled at  Francis'  tavern  ;  soon  after  which  their 
beloved  Commander  entered  the  room.    His  emotions 
were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.     Filling  a  glass,  he 
turned  to  them  and  said :  '  With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you  :  I   most  de- 
voutly wish,  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosper- 
ous and  happy,  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glorious 
and  honourable.'     Having  drank,  he  added  :  '  I  can- 
not come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall 
be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take 
me  by  the  hand.'      General   Knox,  being  nearest, 
turned  to  him.     Incapable  of  utterance,  Washington 
grasped  his  hand  and  embraced  him.     In  the  same 
affectionate  manner,  he  took  leaveof  each  succeeding 
officer.     In  every  eye  was  the  tear  of  dignified  sensi- 
bility ;  and  not  a  word  was  articulated,  to  interrupt 
the  m;ijeslic  silence  and  the  tenderness  of  the  scene. 
"  Leaving  the  room,  lie  i)assed  through  the  corps  of 
light   infantry  and  walked  to   Whitehall,   wiierc;    a 
barge  waited  to  convey  him  to  Paulus   Hook.     The 
whole  company  followed,  in   mute  and   solemn  pro- 
cession, with  dejected  countenances,  testifying  feel- 
ings   of   delicious  melancholy,  which   no   language 
can  describe. 


*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  IV.,  page  677. 

14 


210 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


"  Having  entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  com- 
pany, and  waving  his  hat,  bade  them  a  silent  adieu. 
They  paid  him  the  same  affectionate  compliment, 
and  after  the  barge  had  left  them,  returned  in  the 
same  solemn  manner  to  the  place  where  they  had 
assembled." 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


211 


CHAPTER   XX. 

DiSBANDINO  OF  THE   Ar.MY.— ESTABLISHMENT  OF   THE   SOCIETY   OF   CINCINNATI. 

— Mission  to  Quebec. 

1784. 

Before  General  Washington  retired  from  his 
command,  he  was  authorized  by  Congress  to  disband 
the  whole  army,  excepting  one  regiment  and  a  corps 
of  artillery.  This  regiment  was  composed  of  such 
officers  as  he  should  designate,  and  with  that  descrip- 
tion of  soldiers  which  had  enlisted  for  three  years, 
and  whose  term  of  service  had  not  yet  expired.  Co- 
lonel Hull  was  selected  by  the  Commander-in-chief 
as  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  ac- 
cepted the  appointment. 

These  troops  were  stationed  at  West  Point,  dur- 
ing the  winters  of  1783-4,  and  now  composed  the 
whole  of  the  peace  establishment ;  General  Heath 
being  first  in  command,  and  Colonel  Hull  second. 

Previous  to  disbanding  the  army,  the  officers  formed 
a  Society,  which  they  denominated  "  The  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati."  The  objects  of  the  institution  were 
to  commemorate  the  great  events  which  gave  inde- 
pendence to  the  United  States  of  North  America,  for 
the  laudable  puri)ose  of  inculcating  the  duty  of  laying 
down  in  peace  arms  assumed  for  public  defence ;  and 


212 


.REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


of  unitiiij;;  in  acts  of  brotlicrly  afTection  and  bonds  of 
peipotual  friendship,  the  nicnihors  constituting  the 
same.  Each  officer  deposittul  a  montli's  pay,  for  the 
establishment  of  a  fund,  tlio  interest  of  which  was  to 
be  ap[)lied  to  the  relief  of  sucli  unfortunate  oflicers 
and  their  families,  whose  necessities  should  require  it. 

General  Washinjiton  was  elected,  and  accepted 
the  appointment  of  President  of  the  Society.  Besides 
the  Parent  Society,  the  officers  of  each  State  were 
formed  into  a  separate  Society,  as  a  branch  of  the 
Parent  Society,  and  it  was  decided  that  once  in  three 
years,  each  State  Society  should  tl:oose  delegates,  to 
meet  in  Convention,  to  regulate  the  concerns  of  the 
general  Society  ;  and  that  the  President  of  the  Pa- 
rent Society  should,  ex  officio,  be  a  member  of,  and 
preside  at  the  general  conventions. 

The  first  general  meeting  was  held  at  Philadel- 
phia, in  May,  1784.  General  Knox,  Colonel  Mull, 
and  Major  Serjeant,  afterwards  Governor  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi Territory,  were  ap|)()inted  delegates  to  attend 
the  meeting,  After  the  interesting  business  which 
had  called  them  together  was  finished.  Colonel  Hull 
returned  to  his  station  at  West  Point. 

By  the  definitive  Treaty  of  Peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  which  was  ratified  in 
the  year  1783,  the  boundary  line  was  drawn  and 
described  between  the  British  dominions  and  the 
United  States.  The  forts  Niagara,  Detroit,  Michi- 
limackinac,  and  several  smaller  posts,  garrisoned  by 
British  troops,  were  situated  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States.     It  was  stipulated  in  the  treaty  that 


ILIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


213 


these  forts  should  be  delivered  into  our  possession, 
without  unnecessary  delay,  not  specifying  any  par- 
ticular time. 

A  year  had  passed,  and  they  were  still  garrisoned 
by  British  troops.  The  possession  of  these  posts 
being  of  great  importance  to  the  United  States, 
Colonel  Hull  was  commissioned  by  the  Government 
to  repair  to  Quebec,  and,  by  virtue  of  the  treaty,  to 
make  a  formal  demand  of  the  Governor-General  of 
that  province,  that  they  should  be  surrendered. 

In  the  event  of  a  compliance  with  the  demand, 
he  was  directed  to  visit  each  of  them,  and  authorized 
to  negotiate  for  the  cannon  and  munitions  of  war 
which  they  contained,  for  an  equal  quantity  in  value, 
to  be  delivered  to  the  British  Government,  on  the 
seaboard,  or  on  any  navigable  waters,  where  it  would 
be  convenient  for  delivery  to  both  parties. 

Colonel  iriull  writes :  "On  my  arrival  at  Quebec, 
I  was  received  by  General  Haldimand  with  great  po- 
liteness. After  communicating  to  him  the  object  of 
my  mission,  under  the  authority  of  my  Government, 
he  invited  me  to  a  conference.  He  stated  that  he 
had  received  no  instructions  from  his  Government  to 
comply  with  my  demand.  I  inquired  if  he  had  re- 
ceived the  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  ratified  by  his 
Government.  He  answered,  that  he  had  not,  but 
expected  every  day  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from  Eng- 
land, which  probably  would  bring  it.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  days  the  ship  arrived.  He  then  invited  me 
to  another  conference,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  had 
received  the  treaty,  but  no  instructions  to  deliver  up 


214 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CmL 


the  posts.     I  asked  him  whether  the  treaty  was  not 
sent  to  him  officially,  and  ratified  by  his  Government. 
He  replied,  it  was.    I  again  asked  whether,  as  the 
representative  of  his  Government,  he  did  not  consi- 
der that  it  was  his  duty  to  execute  such  regulations 
and  stipulations  as  had  been  made,  and  such  as  it 
might  be  considered  he  was  delegated  to  carry  into 
effect.     His  answer  was,  not  without  particular  in- 
structions.    I   then  observed,  that  my  views  of  the 
subject  v/ere  different.     That  I   could  imagine    no 
reason  why  his  Government  should  send  him  the 
treaty,  without  an  intention  of    his  carrying    into 
effect  that  part  of  it  which  related  to  his  province. 
That  treaties  were  considered  as  laws,  and  were  to 
operate  as  such  ;  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  practice 
of  all  nations,  after  laws  were  made  and  published, 
with  all  the  formalities  attending  them,  for  the  fra- 
mers  to  give  particular  instructions  for  their  execu- 
tion ;  it  became  at  once  the  duty  of  the  judicial  and 
executive  officers  to  see  them  carried  into  effect ;  that 
if  any  regulation  on  the  subject  of  the  Indian  De- 
partment, or  the  commerce  of  the  province  was  offi- 
cially sent  to  him,  duly  authenticated,  he  certainly 
would  consider  that  it  was  his  duty  to  carry  it  into 
operation,  without  waiting  for  particular  instructions 
on  the  subject. 

"  I  concluded  by  saying,  that  it  was  of  great  im- 
portance on  our  part,  that  the  stipulations  of  the 
treaty,  with  respect  to  the  posts  within  our  territory, 
should  be  carried  into  effect,  and  I  was  bound  to  say, 
that  I  could  see  no  good  reckon  why  there  should  be 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


215 


to 


further  delay,  consistent  with  that  good  faith  which 
characterized  his  nation. 

"  The  Governor  replied,  that  this  reasoning  did 
not  satisfy  him  that  it  was  his  duty  to  deliver  up  the 
posts.  That  if  it  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Bri- 
tish Ministers  that  he  shou'd  do  so,  they  would  have 
given  him  specific  instructions  for  the  purpose ;  that 
he  was  a  military  officer  and  a  foreigner,  adopted  into 
the  British  service ;  and  the  rule  of  his  conduct  ever 
had  been,  and  would  continue  to  be,  to  follow  the 
clear  and  particular  orders  of  the  Government  he  had 
the  honour  to  serve. 

"  Perceiving  there  was  not  the  least  prospect  of 
accomplishing  the  object  of  my  mission,  I  expressed 
my  regret  and  apprehension  that  disagreeable  conse- 
quences might  result ;  and  that  my  continuance  at 
Quebec  would  be  of  no  further  use ;  I  had  only  to 
demand  my  passport  to  return  through  the  province 
to  the  United  States.  I  proceeded  to  Philadelphia 
and  made  my  report  to  the  President  of  Congress. 
As  the  regiment  to  which  I  had  been  appointed  was 
discharged,  I  now  returned  to  enjoy  the  tranquil  and 
happy  scenes  of  civil  and  domestic  life. 

"  From  information  obtained  in  Canada,  I  was 
satisfied  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  British 
Government  at  that  time  to  deliver  up  these  posts." 

As  soon  as  the  manner  in  which  the  boundary  line 
established  between  the  United  States  and  the  Can- 
adas  was  published,  very  strong  remonstrances  were 
made  by  the  members  of  the  Northwest  Fur  Com- 
pany, and  other  influential  characters  in  those  prov- 


216 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


inces.  It  was  stated,  that  a  vast  region  had  been 
ceded  to  the  United  States,  to  which  before  they  had 
no  claim,  and  to  which  they  had  obtained  no  title  by 
conquest ;  that  this  country  comprehended  the  best 
soil  for  cultivation  and  settlement ;  was  situated  in  a 
temperate  climate,  inhabited  by  numerous  tribes  of 
Indians ;  where  the  Northwest  Company  had  estab- 
lished their  trading  houses,  and  from  which  their 
principal  wealth  was  derived.  It  was  further  added, 
that  the  British  Commissioners  who  made  the  treaty 
were  either  ignorant  of  the  immense  value  of  the 
country,  and  its  importance  to  the  Canadas,  or  were 
not  disposed  to  pay  that  attention  to  the  interests  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  subjects  residing  in  those 
provinces,  which  the  spirit  and  loyalty  they  had 
manifested  during  the  war  had  merited. 

Another  view  given  was,  that  the  numerous 
tribes  of  savages,  who  inhabited  those  extensive  re- 
gions, were  equally  dissatisfied,  and  were  determined 
not  to  submit  to  the  superintendence  of  the  United 
States,  or  suffer  their  traders  to  come  into  their  coun- 
try. It  was  asserted  that  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany 
rivers  ought  to  have  been  the  boundary,  and  that 
this  could  now  be  effected  by  encouraging  the  In- 
dians to  hostility.  This  policy  was  adopted  ;  the 
posts  were  retained,  and  the  tragical  wars  which  sub- 
sequently took  place,  were  carried  on  by  the  Indians, 
at  the  expense  of  the  British  Government. 

This  state  of  things  continued,  until  the  hostile 
tribes  experienced  a  total  defeat  by  our  army  under 
General  Wayne  in   1793.     The  following  year,  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


217 


posts  were  surrendered,  after  the  ratification  of  a 
new  treaty  with  England,  made  by  Mr.  Jay.  The 
British  Government  never  admitted  that  the  object 
of  holding  these  posts  was  to  aid  the  Indians  in  the 
prosecution  of  their  wars.  Other  causes  were  as- 
signed, such  as  legal  impediment  in  the  payment  of 
debts  due  to  British  subjects,  confiscation  of  the  pro- 
perty of  loyalists,  and  prosecuting  them  for  the  part 
they  had  taken  during  the  war. 


218 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XXI. 


Shays'  Rebellion. 


1786. 


The  regiment  to  which  Colonel  Hull  was  at- 
tached, on  the  peace  establishment,  being  disbanded, 
he  retired  from  the  army,  and  established  his  resi- 
dence in  Newton,  Massachusetts.     He  commenced 
the  practice  of  the  law,  and  was  engaged  in  the  per- 
formance of  such  public  duties  as  from  time  to  time 
fell  in  his  way,  and,  as  a  public-spirited  man,  gave 
him  pleasure  to  perform.    In  politics  he  held  enlarged 
views.     He  neither  contended  alone  for  sectional  in- 
terests, nor  for  the  exclusive  advancement  of  a  parti- 
cular party,  but  solely  for  such  principles  as  he  be- 
lieved to  be  consistent  with  the  genius,  and  would 
most  promote  the  happiness  of  a  people  just  emerged 
from  the  thraldom  of  monarchical  systems,  and  who 
had  severely  struggled  to  obtain  their  rights. 

Before  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  in  1789, 
like  many  others,  he  feared  there  was  a  tendency  to 
form  a  government  of  a  more  consolidated  character 
than  was  necessary,  and  which  would  prove  unac- 
ceptable to  the  people  at  large,  by  producing  that  in- 
equality of  rights  observable  in  European  States. 

To  oppose  this,  his  talents  and  his  influence  were 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


219 


exerted  ;  and  no  persecution  or  ill  treatment  from  the 
men  whom  he  had  assisted  lo  elevate  to  power,  could 
betray  him  into  inconsistency  of  conduct,  involving  a 
compromise  of  principles,  for  which  he  had  ever  and 
earnestly  contended.  The  same  policy  marked  his 
conduct  in  the  suppression  of  Shay's  rebellion,  fifteen 
years  previous  to  the  elections  of  1801,  when  he 
urged  and  assisted  to  exact  obedience  to  the  powers 
that  be,  and  a  patient  waiting  for  the  only  legitimate 
mode  of  redress,  the  elective  franchise. 

Though  he  went  with  a  party  on  leading  princi- 
ples, he  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  bend  every  man 
to  his  own  views,  to  obtain  office,  but  conferred  ap- 
pointments wherever  he  found  talent  and  merit  to 
deserve  them.  Such  was  his  practice  while  Governor 
of  the  Michigan  Territory.  He  never  admitted  the 
doctrine,  that  because  there  existed  a  difference  of 
political  sentiment,  a  man  was  therefore  disqualified, 
however  honest  and  able,  from  the  performance  of 
public  duty.  In  the  commencement  of  the  war  of 
1812,  he  was  authorized  by  the  Government  to  nom- 
inate such  persons  as  his  judgment  approved,  for  ap- 
pointments in  the  army.  He  only  desired  to  be  in- 
formed if  the  candidate  was  a  faithful  supporter  of 
the  Constitution  of  his  country,  and  qualified  to  serve 
her  interests.  He  asked  not  whether  he  was  a  re- 
publican or  a  federalist. 

Soon  after  peace  was  established,  a  disaffected 
spirit  was  perceptible  among  the  people.  The  com- 
merce of  the  colonies,  previous  to  tlie  war  of  the  Re- 
volution, having  been  almost  exclusively  with  Eng- 


220 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


land,  large  debts  were  due  to  her  merchants.     From 
the  years  1775  to  1784-5,  no  part  of  these  debts  had 
been  paid.     The  treaty  of  peace  provided,  that  there 
should   be  no  legal  impediment  to  their  collection. 
Notwithstanding  this  provision,  the   Jz-^Qislature   of 
Massachusetts  had  passed  laws  whicl   •.    :  -  led  the 
debtors  from  paying  the  interest  which  i  A  accrued 
during  the  war.     This  being  justly  viewed  by  the 
British  Government  as  a  violation  of  the  treaty,  and 
represented  to  Congress  as  such,  these  laws  were  re- 
pealed, and  the  course  of  justice  was  open.     British 
agents  were  sent  over,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
these    debts.      The  merchants   who    had   imported 
goods,  being  called  on,  were  under  the  necessity  of 
calling  on  the  traders  in  the  country,  to  whom  they 
had  sold  them  on  credit.     The  traders,  in  their  turn, 
were  compelled  to  demand  payment  of  the  people, 
who  had   been  the  consumers   of  the  goods.     The 
consequence  was,  that  lawsuits  were  multiplied  be- 
yond all  former  example.     In  addition  to  this,  taxes 
were  very  heavy ;  specie  was  scarce  ;  and  that  alone 
was  received  in  payment.     Much  real  distress  was 
produced  by  this  state  of  things.     As  the  difficulties 
daily  increased,  the  excitement  became  great,  and 
the  oppressed  felt  that  it  was  necessary  to  examine 
the  cause,  and  make  exertion  for  relief.     It  was  im- 
possible for  them   to   be  unmindful  how  cheerfully 
they  had  devoted  their  personal    services,  and   the 
fruits  of  their  industry,  to  the  support  of  the  war. 
That  having  thus  aided  in  securing  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  independence,  they  hoped  and  expected  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


22 


have  participated  in  the  enjoyment  of  them.    In  their 
new  situation,  they  experienced  nothing  but  embar- 
rassment, oppression,  and  distress.     Such  reflections 
convinced  them,  that  there  was  some  radical  defect 
in  the   Government.      From   individual  complaints, 
neighbours    began     to    assemble,    to  discuss    their 
grievances.     These  small  bodies  were  increased  to 
town  meetings,  and  then  into  county  conventions. 
There  the  oppressive  system  was  painted   by  their 
leaders   in    the    most  gloomy   colours.     In    Au'^^ust, 
1786,  the  selectmen  of  Newton,  Massachusetts,  re- 
ceived a  letter,  signed  by  Captain   John  Nutting, 
chairman  of  a  committee  from  the  towns  of  Groton, 
Pepperell,  Shirley,  and  Ashley,  inviting  the  town  to 
send  delegates  to  a  county  convention  at  Concord,  to 
discuss  their  grievances,  and  devise  measures  for  ob- 
taining redress.    In  these  meetings,  it  was  represent- 
ed, that  the  difficulty  was  the  want  of  a  circulating 
medium ;  that  this  evil  could  easily  be  removed  by 
issuing  paper  money,  and  making  it  a  legal  tender  for 
the  payment  of  debts  and  taxes  ;  that  the  courts  of 
justice  ought  to  be  closed,  until  the  c' -culating  me- 
dium could  be  increased,  and  flicilities  thus  furnished 
for  the  relief  of  debtors.     Courts  and  lawyers  were 
denounced  as  the  instruments  of  oppression,  and  they 
shared  largely  in  the  popular  resentment.     A  pam- 
phlet had  been  written  with  great  art  and  address, 
and  circulated  under  the  signature  of  "  Honestus.^^  It 
was  read  and  commented  on  in  the  public  meetings, 
and  contributed  much  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the 
people.     Even  moderate  and  substantial  men  began 


222 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


to  think  that  evils  existed  in  the  Government,  and  the 
spirit  of  disaffection  was  spreading,  more  or  less,  over 
every  part  of  the  State.  The  malcontents,  trusting 
in  their  strength,  from  the  increase  of  their  numbers, 
and  the  unanimity  of  their  views,  felt  that  the  time 
for  action  had  arrived  ;  and  the  first  step  taken  was, 
to  prevent  in  the  several  counties  the  sittings  of  the 
Courts. 

In  the  autumn,  the  period  having  arrived  for  the 
Courts  of  Common  Pleas  to  hold  their  sessions,  the 
insurgents  assembled  in  arms,  and  took  possession  of 
the   court-houses.     When  the  judges  went  to  take 
their  seats,  bayonets  were  presented  to  their  breasts, 
and  they  were  informed,  that  it  was  the  will  of  their 
sovereign  lords,  the  people,  that  the  Courts  should  be 
adjourned  sine  die.     No  force  having  been  ordered 
for  the  support  of  their  authority,  they  were  obliged 
to  comply,  and  the  sittings  were  prevented.     Such 
were  the  violent  and  lawless  proceedings  that  took 
place  in  the  counties  of  Berkshire,  Hampshire,  and 
Worcester,  that  the  rebels  succeeded  in  expelling  the 
lawyers  and  judges  from  their  seats  in  the  General 
Court.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  and  the  partisans 
of  the  cause  continually  increasing,  they  formed  the 
bold  design  of  calling  a  general  convention,  for  the 
purpose  of  overturning  the  Government,  and  estab- 
lishing a  new  one  on  its  ruins. 

There  were  now  three  parties  recognized,  the 
friends  of  the  Government,  the  wavering,  and  the  in- 
surgents. 

Governor  Bowdoin,   of  Massachusetts,  was  in 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


223 


favour  of  taking  strong  and  decisive  measures.  Pre- 
viously to  the  meeiing  of  the  Court  in  Concord,  it 
was  known  to  be  the  intention  of  the  insurgents  to 
oppose  by  arms  their  proceedings.  The  Legislature 
not  being  in  session,  the  Governor  invited  the  repre- 
sentatives of  Boston,  and  some  gentlemen  from  the 
country,  into  his  Council. 

Colonel  Hull  was  a  member  of  this  Council.  The 
question  was  considered,  whether  it  was  expedient  to 
call  out  the  militia  to  protect  the  Court  in  its  sessions 
at  Concord.     A  large  majority  was  in  favour  of  sus- 
taining the  civil  powers  by  a  military  force.     The 
Governor  accordingly  gave  orders  to  General  Brooks, 
who  commanded  the  militia  of  the  county,  to  march 
a  detachment,  the  day  before  the  Court  met.     Some 
of  the  judges  and   influential   characters  hearing  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  Governor  to  send  a  military 
force  to  sustain  the  civil  authority,  repaired  to  Boston 
two  days  before  the  session  of   the  Court.     They 
made  such  a  representation  of  the  temper  and  feelings 
of  the  people,  as  induced  him  to  countermand  his 
orders  to  the  militia. 

At  the  same  time  the  expedient  was  recommend- 
ed of  sending  expresses  to  the  different  towns  ;  de- 
siring them  to  send  delegates  to  meet  in  Convention, 
on  the  morning  of  the  session  of  the  Court.  The 
object  was  to  open  a  negotiation  with  the  insurgents, 
and  endeavour  to  dissuade  them  from  their  purpose. 

On  the  morning  of  the  assembling  of  the  Court, 
the  judges,  the  lawyers,  and  other  constituent  mem- 
bers of  the  Court,  with  the  members  of  the  Conven- 


221 


RKVOLUTIONARY  RI^RVICF'.S  AND  ClVIfi 


tion  and  \\\v.  iiismji^iMits,  v/vn)  all  procccdinf;  by  dif- 
i'ercin  i()iiU;s  to  the  town  of  Concord.  A  short  linu; 
previously  to  the  nieelinf;  of  the  Court,  a  body  of 
armed  insurgents  arrived  from  tht;  north,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  court-house,  and  instead  of  negotiating 
with  the  Convention,  which  had  assembled  in  the 
nuM^tinghouse,  mad(?  its  miMnbers  prisoners. 

Soon  after,  a  reinforcement  arrived  from  the  west, 
and  formed  a  Junction  with  their  brethren  from  the 
north.  The  Judges  had  met  at  the  hotel,  and  were 
prej)ariug  to  j)roceed  to  the  comt-house. 

Colonel  Hull  and  some  other  gentlemen  were 
present,  it  was  not  long  before  a  body  of  armed 
men,  with  several  officers,  came  to  the  house,  and 
in({uir(Hl  for  the  Judges.  The  officers  informed  the 
judges  that  they  were  a  committee  from  the  great 
body  of  the  people  in  arms,  and  were  iustrucled  to 
inform  them  that  they  had  tak(!n  possession  of  the 
court-house,  with  a  determination  to  prevent  the 
session  of  the  Court. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  reason  with  them.  They 
replied,  that  they  had  no  authority  to  enter  into  dis- 
cussion, but  only  to  deliver  their  message.  They 
then  retmned  to  the  main  body,  it  was  decided, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  adjourn,  and  the  Judges, 
and  their  associates  in  public  duty,  returned  to  their 
homes. 

The  insurgents  remained  in  the  town  until  the 
following  morning,  and  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Court,  released  from  prison  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vention. 


dgos, 


T.ii-i;  (H-  (;i;ni;ral  \vii,mam  iii'm, 


Lat(!  ill  flu;  aiitiiinii  tlii'  Lciilsl; 


ini;  that  tl 


ittin;  incl.     I'liid- 


:''(;il(.s  Ii;i(l   l)(!cil  ol" 


i(!  iin|)iis()iiiii(Mit  oi"  a  iiiiinhcr  (.f  tli 


«!  iiisiir- 


i<()  avail,  and  tlic  iilinost  ("I'lijiis  dI' 


vain  (i.vcricd  to  crusli  || 


tlid  civil  atiilioriiy  won;  i 

spirit  or  n;l),;||i„„  n.pidjy  spiradin^'  ()V(>r  llu^  land,  it 

A  liody 


was  now  rrsolvcd  lo  (alu;  Mioi 


ol   niilii 


iir  nicasuirs. 


la,  consisdni; ol  lour  (luMisaiid   liuir  Inindnul 


men,  laidv  and  lilc,  wcc  ordered  to  be  read 
ijor-d'einnal    neiijaniin    Mncol 


in  Jannar 


J\I 


y  to  act 


aj)poiMled  Connnander-in-eiiier.      (.'eneral  linlns  1' 


n  was 


nam  and  Colonel  iJiiH 


aeeoiDjKinied   liini,   as   vol 


tools.     General    .Sliepl.erd,    widi    a    defaci 


iit- 
liii- 


inilitia,    consisting-   ol"  hotw 
hundred 


inient   of 
ceil    el(!veii    and     twelve 


men,   was   ord(;red   to   .Spring/ield,   Tor  ll 


protection  of  the  arsenal 


10 


r 


by  tl 


10  insMr-^ents  had  chosen  for  their  lead 


10  name  ol 


!); 


or  a  man 


"iiiol  Shays,  who   had  served 


caj)tain  in  tht;  war  of  the  Ui^vohit 


ion.      Il(,'  had 


as  a 
risen 


j)roniotion 


nm 


to  t'lat  rank  in  tlu;  ordinary  routine  ol 
but  had  never  |)(-rrormed  any  service  that'  i;av(;  I 
distinction  as  an  ollicer.  iJefore  th(>  war  ended,  he 
was  ol.li:;ed  to  leave  tlu,  army,  for  some  dishonourable 
conduct.  The  force  collected  by  Shays  amount.-,!  to 
about  two  thousand  men.  When  Jio  heard  of  the 
iippi-oach  of  General    Lincoln's  army,  be  decided  to 

10  coidd   bo  rein- 


attack    General   Shepherd,  before  I 


orcod  by  General  Lincoln.     General  Shepherd  had 
thrown  up  some  sli-ht  redoubts  on  the  risin- ground, 
security  of  tlio  arsenal.     On  these  he  placed 


for  tl 


sevo 
vanco 


d  pieces  of  cannon.     When  the 


an  aid-de-camp  was  sent  by  General  Shop 


insurgents  ad- 
en  en 


15 


226 


IU:VOI,rTlONARY  SRRVICriS  AND  CIVIL 


herd,  to  i(i(|iiiro  the  ohjoct  of  tiicir  movomont.  Shays 
repliod,  that  tliey  iiiten(h>(l  to  tak(;  possossion  of  the 
arsenal,   and   contlimed   to  advance.       They   were 
wanu'd  to  stop,  or  they  woiiM  in^   fired  npo»».     This 
havin<r  no  effect.  General    Shepherd  orch'rcd  a  few 
shot  to  he  fired  over  tlieir  heads.     Instead  of  takin"- 
the  ahirm,  they  advanced  with  still  more  ])ertinacity. 
The  column  was  now  near,  and   tlie   hatteries  were 
ordered  to  he  opened  upon  it.     Several  were  killed, 
some  wonndcul,  and  the  whole;  hody  was  thrown  into 
confusion.     Without  attempting;  to  rally,  they  imme- 
diately retreated  up  the  Connecticut  river,  and  took 
a  position  on  the  opposite  hank,  at  West  Springfield. 
General  Lincoln  having  arrived,  formed  his  de- 
tachment, and  gave  to  General  Putnam  the  command 
of  the  right  and  Colonel  Hull  the  command  of  the 
left  wing.      We  immediately  passed  the  river  on  the 
ice,  hut  heforc  wc  could  come  in  contact  with  the  in- 
surgents, they  retreated.     We  pursued,  until  darkness 
arrested  our  progress.     We  took  a   numher  of  j)ris- 
oners.     They  retreated  as  far  as  the  town  of  Hadley, 
where  they  fell  off  to  the  right,  and   took   a  position 
in  the  defiles  of  the  mountains  at  Pelham,  twelve 
miles  from  East  Hadley.     General  Lincoln  advanced 
as  far  as  this  place,  where  he  halted  a  few  days. 
While  here,  many  of  Shays'  adherents  came  in,  and 
availed  of  the  pardon  General   Lincoln  was  author- 
ized to  grant.     The  main  body  still  continued  with 
Shays,  in  a  strong  position  at  Pelham. 

General  Lincoln  commenced  the  pursuit  in  the 
evening,  and  making  a  forced  march  through  a  violent 


LIFK  OF  (;r;NKRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


227 


'S 


snow-storm,  siirprisod  thn  Insiir^rpnts  in  tliclr  camp; 
wlio  lied  ill  (;v(;r)  (lir(!(;tion.  No  lives  wen;  lost,  but 
more  than  one  luindnMJ  men  wcjre  taken  prisoners. 
The  residue  retreated ;  some  into  the  State  of  Ver- 
mont, others  info  the  baek  part  of  the  State  of  New- 
York;  while  many  returned  to  their  homes,  and 
asked  the  clemency  of  the  Government. 

On  the  tenth  of  March,  the  General  Court  ap- 
pointed three  Commissioners  ;  Cieneral  Lincoln,  the 
Honourable  S.  I'hilips,  Jun.,  and  the  Honourable  S.  A. 
Otis,  to  proceed  to  the  western  counties,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  granting  amnesty  to  the  insurgents,  on  their 
making  submission  and  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance. 
Seven  hundred  and  ninety  persons  took  the  benefit  of 
the  commission.  Shays,  Wheeler,  Parsons,  Luke, 
Day,  and  a  few  others,  were  excepted.  Fourteen 
were  arrested,  and  convicted  of  high  treason.  The} 
received  the  sentence  of  death,  but  were  all  ulci 
mately  pardoned. 


228 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  SriKiT  of  Disaffection  contixues.— Ixstkuctioxs  to   the    RErnESE.T- 

TATivE  of  the  Town-  of  Newton,  Massachusetts,  rREVARED  ev   Colo- 
nel Hull. 


1787. 

Notwithstanding  all  opposition  to  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  put  down  by  the  force  of  arms,  yet 
an  uneasy  and  dissatisfied  spirit  among  the  people 
was  still  apparent.  The  policy  adopted  was,  to  clas- 
sify the  citizens,  and  each  class  was  required  to  fur- 
nish a  recruit  at  the  enormous  exjjense  of  three  or  four 
hundred  dollars.  This  regulation  involved  many  in 
debt,  and,  among  other  causes,  was  a  source  of  the 
])rcsent  embarrassment.  At  the  ensuing  election  for 
Governor,  Mr.  Hancock  was  a  candidate,  in  opposi- 
tion to  Mr.  Bowdoin,  and  was  elected  by  a  large  ma- 
jority. In  the  choice  of  Senators  and  ]iei)resentatives 
great  efforts  were  made  to  select  j)ersons  favourable 
to  the  plans  of  the  insurgents,  which  were  successful 
in  many  instances. 

In  Newton,  where  Colonel  Hull  resided,  there 
was  a  manfest  disposition  to  oppose  the  Government. 
The  people  succeeded  in  electing  a  man,  by  name 
Edward  Fuller,  who  had  openly  Justified  the  conduct 
of  the  insurgents.  When  this  choice  was  announced 
at  the  town  meeting,  some  surprise  was  expressed. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLLVM  HULL. 


229 


and  it  was  moved,  that  the  town  should  jrive  him 
instructions,  and  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare 
them.  This  motion  was  carried.  Colonel  Hull  was 
a  member  of  the  committee,  and  was  requested  to 
prepare  the  instructions.  It  was  accordingly  done,  and 
the  report  was  handed  in  and  was  accepted  by  a  lar^e 
majority.  It  is  curious  to  remark  the  inconsistency 
of  this  proceeding  of  the  people,  who  had  elected  a 
man  professing  sentiments  entirely  opposite  to  those 
contained  in  his  instructions,  as  follow  : 

"March  18,  17S7.     Lislruclions  to  Captain  Edward  Fuller,  Representa- 
lii-cjortlie  Tuini  of  Xnc/on. 

"  Sir — Chosen  to  represent  this  town  in  the  next 
Legislature  at  this  solemn  period  of  our  public  affairs, 
you  will  soon  be  called  on  to  reflect  and  decide  upon 
principles  and  measures,  on  u  hicli  will  depend  the 
happiness,  the;  dignity  and  the  perj)etuity  of  our  gov- 
ernment. As  the  part  you  are  to  act  is  of  such  im- 
portance, and  as  we  are  dee])ly  interested  in  the  re- 
sult of  yoin-  dcjiiberations,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  fur- 
nish you  with  every  information  in  our  power  ibr  the 
regulation  of  youi  conduct. 

"  We  must,  in  the  first  place,  take  upon  ourselves 
to  observe  to  you,  that  the  oHice  of  legislation  is  an 
elevat(Hl  trust,  in  ^vhich  the  general  good  should  be 
the  sole  object  of  attention.  As  the  influence  of  pas- 
sion, of  private  interest,  or  party  views,  would  be 
contrary  to  your  oath,  and  subversive  of  the  very 
design  of  your  appointment,  we  must  expect,  in  mat- 
ters that  may  conic  before  }()u,  that  you  will  incjuirc 


mo 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


with  candour,  think  with  coolness,  and  decide  with 
sobriety,  firmness,  and  magnanimity. 

"  On  taking  a  view  of  the  several  important  acts 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  past  year,  you  will  find  that 
a  late  unnatural  and  unprovoked  rebellion,  which  has 
convulsed  the  country,  has  been  the  subject  of  their 
paiticular  attention  ;  and  that  their  adoption  of  de- 
cided measures  has  arrested  its  progress,  and  restored 
to  the  country  the  blessings  of  peace. 

"  These  measures  we  consider  to  have  been  ne- 
cessary to  the  salvation  of  our  country.  But  while 
we  congratulate  you  on  the  wisdom  which  suggested, 
and  the  success  which  attended  them,  we  are  con- 
strained to  say,  that  much  remains  to  be  done.  The 
same  energetic  arm  must  fall  on  the  untamed  spirit, 
or  it  will  be  found  that  the  interests  of  the  best  mem- 
bers of  the  community  will  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the 
lawless  views  of  the  worst.  That  this  will  be  the 
case,  the  rise,  progress,  and  present  state  of  our 
civil  commotions,  afford  the   most  unequivocal  proof. 

"  Although  the  object  of  the  rebellion  was,  at 
first,  thought  by  many  to  be  the  total  destruction  of 
our  present  Government,  yet  the  Legislature,  imput- 
ing to  delusion  what  we  have  since  had  reason  to 
believe  was  the  result  of  a  most  malignant  spirit  of 
faction,  gave  a  general  pardon  to  characters  whose 
crimes,  under  an  administration  less  mild,  would 
have  destined  them  to  an  ignominious  death. 

"  That  the  great  body  of  the  people  at  this  period, 
suffered  real  grievances,  is  as  true  as  that  the  mea- 
sures they  adopted  to  obtain  redress  were  improper 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


231 


and  unjustifiable.  During  a  long  war,  their  com- 
merce had  been  cut  off,  and  their  fishery,  a  great 
source  of  their  wcialth,  annihilated.  The  most 
healthy  and  able  young  men  had  been  taken  from 
agriculture  and  attached  to  the  army. 

"  The  last  years  of  the  war,  the  bills  of  credit  hav- 
ing entirely  failed,  the  people  had  been  classed,  to 
furnish  the  military  service.  They  had  paid  heavy 
taxes  each  year  of  the  war,  and  in  addition  to  this, 
they  had  sustained  their  proportion  of  loss,  of  about 
two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  by  the  depreciation 
of  paper  money,  which  had  sunk  to  nothing  in  their 
hands.  Now,  when  peace  was  restored  and  military 
duty  ended,  they  found  their  resources  exhausted  ; 
but,  nevertheless,  they  were  required  to  pay  their 
taxes  in  specie,  and  likewise  their  debts,  which  had 
been  nearly  doubled  by  the  accumulation  of  interest 
during  the  war. 

"Men  who  had  considered  themselves  indepen- 
dent, were  now  oppressed  by  poverty  and  debt.  But 
deplorable  as  their  condition  was,  they  lived  under  a 
government  of  their  own  choice,  and  should  have 
considered,  that  violent  and  unlawful  measures  would 
only  recoil  on  themselves.* 


*  The  aiitliority  to  govern  and  the 
duty  to  obey,  are  directly  taught  I)y 
Rcvohition.  Government  is  not  of 
rcan"ri  invc  ntion ;  it  \va,s  given  by 
God.  That  it  receives  tlic  sanction 
of  reli(.fion,  gives  wisdom  and  energy 
to  its  acts.  Certainly  the  very  men, 
whose  sufferings  and  jjassions  over- 


ruled for  a  time  their  reason  and 
tiieir  sense  of  diit\',  must  in  the  end 
liave  been  thankful,  that  there  was 
a  strong  arm  in  the  land,  that  could 
stay  them  from  the  excesses  and 
ruin  into  which  they  were  plunging. 
— Emxoii. 


KRVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVFL 


"  Law  was  nccossarj  to  the  ])rot(;c(i(iii  of  their  per- 
sons and  (heir  i)roiH!rty.  Tlicy  chosen  their  h-^islators 
for  a  sliort  period,  and  eonhl  dismiss  them  at  the  pro- 
])er  time,  if  th(>y  heli(>ved  them  iun\ orthy  of  their  eoii- 
iidence.  Uehictaiilly  did  the  rulers  of  the  State 
draw  tile  sword,  as  the  hist  resort.  IJiit  its  energy 
and  deeision,  no  l{>ss  tiian  the  conciliatory  course 
pinsned  by  the  Commander-in-chief  of  its  army, 
cnisiied  the;  insurrection,  and  j)ea(;e  was  restored 
•without  the  liorrors  and  bhmdslu'd  incident  to  civil 
war. 

"  TJic  virtue  of  tlni  higlicn-  classes  preserved  the 
State,  perhaps  the  Union.  A  feelini^-  of  irritation  ex- 
isted among  the  peojjle,  which,  iiad  it  been  fostered, 
and  their  cause  sustained  by  men  of  talents,  inlluenco, 
and  military  experience,  would  have  [)roduced  incal- 
culable misery,  and  long  hindered  a  restoration  to 
peace  and  order,  which  was  so  ha])pily  and  speedily 
cstablisluui  But  in  the  true  spirit  of  dej)ravity, 
mercy  was  construed  to  be  weakness;  and  the  ilames 
of  insurrection  s])reading  with  accelerated  fiuy,  the 
courts  of  justice  were  interrupted,  tin;  laws  laid  |)ros- 
trate,  the  rights  of  j)roperty  put  afloat,  and  all  per- 
sonal securitv  at  an  end. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  a  military  force  was  the 
only  alternative.  Called  to  act  at  a  most  timely  pe- 
riod, and  exercised  with  a  happy  combination  of 
mercy  and  severity,  co;  biess  and  spirit,  opposition 
from  the  rebels  ceased,  and,  apparently,  order  and 
good  faith  were  restored.  The  arm  of  mercy  was 
again  extended,     liut  what  appears  to  be  the  conse- 


LIFP;  OF  ORNERAL  WILLIAM  HULL 


233 


qunnco  ?  Not  a  rotiirn    to  tlioir  allrjrinncn,  l)nt  still 
ciicrlsliin^-  tlie  spirit  of  ichcllion,  threaten  hostilities, 


an 


1(1  tritiniph  in  their  escape  from  Justice 


Tl 


lis  s|)nit 


must  be  siilxliied.  The  nieasur(;s  adopted  hy  the  hist 
Legislature,  have  met  onr  highest  approbation  ;  and 
we  (!xp(!ct  that  you  will  exert  jour  influence  to  secure 
leir  ])erni;inencj,  so  long  as  tlu;  necessity  exists. 


tl 


"  IVfuch  has  been  said,  oi"  late,  in  regard  to  the 
(!missions  of  paper  money,  to  relieve  the  bintliens,  or, 
in  the  hmguage  of  the  factious  and  disorderly,  to  re- 
dress the  grievances  of  the  people.  We  must  say  to 
you,  sir,  that  the  measure  would  not  only  be  produc- 
tive of  certain  ruin  to  individuals,  but  to  the  connnu- 
nity. 

"Money  being  the  representative  of  transferable 
])roperty  in  every  part  of  the  world,  to  which  tlu;  use 
of  it  ext(!nds,  tin;  precious  metals,  which  the  whole 
commercial  world  has  ado|)ted  as  a  medium,  in  the 
])rinciples  of  their  (;iiculation  resemble  a  iluid,  ever 
striving  for  an  equilibrium.  When  money  is  scarce, 
property  at  n>arket  will  ever  be  cheap.  Cheajiness 
of  markets  will  always  bring  [lurchasers,  and  pinrlia- 
sers,  cash.  When  money  is  too  jilenty,  prices  will 
rise  in  proportion,  and  purchasers  will  send  their 
money  to  other  markets,  where  similar  articles 
will  be  bought  at  a  cheaper  rate.  Long  experience 
has  established  the  truth  of  this  position,  that  money 
cannot  long,  in  any  jilace,  be  too  plenty  or  too  scarce, 
but,  in  commercial  countri(!S,  must  bear  the  same  pro- 
portion to  the  projierty  at  market. 

"  The  evils,  therelbre,  which  we  now  experience, 


234 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


in  the  nature  of  things  must  work  their  own  cure. 
Patience  and  industry,  united  to  honour  and  integrity 
in  our  dealings,  are  the  only  remedies  to  be  applied. 

"  To  seek  relief  by  paper  money,  would  be  a  poli- 
tical empuicism,  founded  in  fraud,  which  Avould  in- 
volve individuals  in  ruin,  and  eventually  beggar  our 
country.  However  paradoxical  it  may  seem,  the  in- 
jury the  State  would  receive  from  a  paper  medium, 
would  be  in  proportion  to  its  credit.  The  reason  is 
obvious.  If  we  now  have  a  deficiency  of  specie,  and 
that  deficiency  is  supplied  by  bills  of  credit,  no  specie 
will  come  in.  Should  we  extend  the  emission,  so  as 
to  occasion  a  surplusage,  compared  with  other  com- 
mercial places,  that  part  of  the  medium  which  can, 
will  leave  us,  until  the  level  is  restored. 

"  Gold  and  silver  being  general  in  their  credit,  in 
their  credit  would  only  forsake  us.  In  case,  then,  of 
a  foreign  invasion,  where  would  be  our  resources  ? 
The  paper  money  would  at  once  fall  to  the  ground, 
and  wo  should  find  ourselves  poor  and  wretched  in 
the  extreme,  without  supplies,  without  money,  and 
without  credit. 

"A  paper  bill  can  be  of  no  value,  but  as  it  repre- 
sents specie.  The  notes  of  the  Massachusetts  Bank, 
for  instance,  circulate  freely,  because  it  is  believed 
they  will  always  be  redeemed  at  sight,  while  the 
State  securities  are  sold  at  a  large  discount,  as  the 
time  and  manner  of  their  payment  is  totally  uncertain. 

"  Thus  it  is  with  the  bank  bills  of  England  ;  they 
circulate  at  par ;  at  the  same  time,  the  paper  of  their 
public  funds  is  sold  at  a  discount  of  twenty-five  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


233 


thirty  per  cent.  That  our  bills,  if  emitted,  would  not 
be  a  representative  of  specie,  is  certain,  since  the  want 
of  it  is  the  only  reason  for  the  emission.  The  value 
of  such  a  medium,  therefore,  must  be,  at  the  moment 
it  is  issued,  less  than  it  promise?.  How,  then,  shall 
it  obtain  circulation  ?  Shall  we  tread  in  the  footsteps 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  discharge  with  it  our  public 
debt,  and  then  make  it  a  tender  in  all  private  con- 
tracts ?  Shall  we  then  bury,  in  one  common  grave, 
public  and  private  credit?  Would  not  this  render  our 
country  infamous  to  a  proverb  ?  And  here,  sir,  we 
may  be  permitted  to  express  our  belief,  that  a  gov- 
ernment which  suffers  the  rights  of  property  to  be 
thus  sported  with,  cannot  long  retain  its  tranquillity 
or  its  freedom. 

"  The  hard  earnings  of  industry,  are  almost  as  dear 
as  life  itself;  and  no  one  who  has  the  feelings  of  a 
man  about  him,  will  ever  yield  them  up  without  a 
strujide. 

"  The  first  article  in  our  Bill  of  Rights  declares, 
'  that  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  and  have  cer- 
tain natural,  essential,  unalienable  rights,  among 
which  may  be  reckoned  the  rights  of  enjoying  and 
defending  their  lives  and  liberties ;  and  that  of  ac- 
quiring, possessing  and  protecting  property.' 

"  As  the  discharging  of  debts  by  a  ])aper  medium 
would  be  a  high  invasion  of  the  rights  of  property, 
the  preservation  of  which  is  among  the  principal  ob- 
jects of  legislation ;  it  is  plain,  that  an  act,  authorizing 
a  measure  of  this  kind,  would  be  a  violation  of  dele- 
gated trust,  and  tend  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Govern- 


J.JfJ 


IfllVoM'TIONAUV   SKIJVICMH  AND  CIVII 


inciK.      Il    is   (licrcCon r  mosi  serious  oiiinion,  {Um 

wliciirvcr  Ic-isl.ilors  iillrin|)t  lo  l;ike  aw.iy  (nilrsdoy 
|)i'ivii((«   |)ro|iciiv,  ;ill(';-i.mc(>    is    no  l()ii<,.cr   ;i    \iiui('  ; 
;iii(l   (he   |M>o|il(>  ;iic   ;i«;.iiii  tlinmii  upon  il 
Jind  icscivcd  liulils. 


i(  n  n;ilni-iil 


liiil 


w 


<•  ic^icl  lorcinnrk,  ihiii,  onr  picscnl  coii- 
viilscd  si;ii(«  oC  sociciv  (;ikrs  i(s  rise  liom  ;i  |)i'iiici|)|(> 
o\  o|i|)osiiioii  licjwccn  dchiois  iiiid  cicdilors  ;  hv- 
Iwvcu  \Ur  licli  ;ind  lln>  poor:  ;i  soiiico  iVoni  wIkmk-c! 
h.is  iiriscr    inosi   of   those  civil   \v;irs,    wliieli,    nlier 


I-IViUi!    dill 


K  .;e< 


I    ill  hlood 


il  i;re;i(er  p;iil  of  (he  nii- 


<'it'nl  ;ind  in;niy  ol'  (lie  nu)d«>in  ri'imhlies,  Ii;i\e  occa- 
sioned (he  rnin  of  iheni  id!. 


Olijec'ions  will  ahvavs  »«\is(  (o  (he  l.mrs  of  7 


(11- 


((cr,  and  all  o\\\v\-  e\pedien(s  which  in(er('ere  widi 
l):iva((«  con(iac(s.  Tlu'  nionien(  a  government  as- 
snin(>s  (he  |)ow(M oC  anihori/in^  a  d(d»(or  (o  discliar-o 


his  dcl)( 


dl 


s  in  a  manner  dirH-renl  li-om  his  en"ai>(Mnen(s, 


pnva( 


e    CO 


niid 


ence    is 


los(, 


md  credit   is  a(    an 


iMid.      'I'h(>  money-holder  will  no(  only  ^\i(lllloId    his 
«n,  hiK  s(>n(l  il    lo  soiiu>  loreiiiii  cotiiKrv,  when;  (he 


o 


riiihis  ol  |iropenv  an>  held  more  sacred,  h  is  onr 
opinion,  (hat  ilu>  j)r(\s(<n(  scarcity  ol"  specie,  >\  Inch 
was  a(  (irs(  |)ar(ial,  hiu  now  imiversallv  pre\ails,  is 
jirinci pally  occasioned  by  (he  v(>iy  nuMsiiros  iniended 
as  a  rcmed\. 

"  \  »ni  will  (hortd'on^  use  all  your  endeavours  to  pri;- 
vciK  a  ron(innance  of  (he  Law  of  TeiuhM-,  and  all 
others  int(M'rcrinii-  widi  priva(e  cnuaiicMiUMits. 

is  a  mislorinne.  (ha(  corporale  bodies  will  iVe- 


l( 


(jucntly  sancdon  acts,  whiih  in  (heir  individual  capa 


! 


C( 

si 
tl 
t( 
tl 
tl 


'■'I'K  OF  (IKNKKAL  WllAAAM  llUf.L 


2,'37 


11   wo  wish   you 


riiics  ihcy  would  hlusli  to  avow.     \] 

•"  '»■'"■  '"  '"•'"'»  •'':'>  jiisli,;,)  is  iiivariaMc  in  all  l.or 
laws.  Slioiil.l  ;,„  aMrm|)(,  \h:  ti.ado  (o  slamp  a  do 
l"'"'"''"'""'  <»"  ''"•  |'"l'li''.  sccdiitjcs,  and  thrnd.y  to  do- 
''••"'<l  llioso  who,  in  ;i  day  of  ,,„hli,:  distress,  advaiuxd 


t.li(!ir  |)io|)(Mt y  and  dovoKul  their  I 


ivcs    to  th(j   service 


"'    ll'<'ir  comilry,  we  eonjnre  yon,  in  the  most  sol 
inann(!r,  lo  oppos,;   sneli   le-islation.      As    we   revei 
<''<■  |"i"<'i|'l<-sorjiisliceand  the  Ireiinus  of  oratilmh 


enin 


let.   i\u'  id 


ca    never   olxain    in    our  eoinieijs:   let   ll 


(lioii^lit  ntiver  find  utterance,  tli.it 
ol'a  conunnnity,  wIkmc  in<;rati(ud 
l)y  authority;   when;    injustice    is  sustained    hv  I 


h; 


we   are    ni(;nil)ers 
«'   is  countciuanced 


W 


ar(!  alike  subject  to  internal 


•y  law. 
<:oiuui()tions,  as  (!x- 


posed  lo  external  invasion.      The  saleiy  of  on 
tr.y  may  aj^ain  (;all  for  puhiic   credit    ;„,d   |,„h| 
vices;   it  is  ihercfore  important  that  laws  he  enacted, 
to  secure  con/idenc(!  in  tin;  faith  of  oiu"  ( 


r  coun- 
ic  ser- 


u 


Vl 


K-iu^-  the    suhjccf    on    th(!  hroiid  I 


tional  policy,  a  finu  idian 


"overnment. 
>asis  of  ua- 


ernmenl  shoidd  lu'ver  he  shal 


<MM)n  the  integrity  of  (iov 


U)  he  cancelled  until  Cully  paid. 


ken.      J)('|)t  ounht 


never 


"  l5eror(>   tl 


H!  e.vpiralion  of  the  pn.-stMit  year,  the 
attention  of  lh(>L(-ishitme  will  ju-ohahly  he  called  to 
consider  the  report  of  the  F(«d.>ral  Convention,  now 
sittui-  in  Philadelphia.     Experience  has  tau-hl,  that 


tl 


u)  |)()W(>rs  ol   the  l)resent  coidederacy  are  in,>de,|uate 
to  the  !i;reat  ohjects  of  its  institnt 


tl 
tl 


ion.     We  look  to 


le  ll 


'PP'K'st  results  from  the  inte-rity  and  ahility  of 
^  le  characters  who  conij)ose  this  august  assembly. 
They  are  men  wholiavo  uniformly  been  distinguished 


238 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


as  tho  firm  patriots  of  our  country,  and  the  illustrious 
Wasiiingtoii  is  one  of  their  nuLuber.  Should  this  body 
present  to  the  Legislature,  as  we  doubt  not  they  will, 
a  system  which  promises  a  firm,  efficient  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, founded  on  the  equal  principles  of  civil  lib- 
erty, you  will  not  hesitate  to  vote  for  it. 

"  You  will  consider,  sir,  that  government  is  insti- 
tuted for  the  benefit  and  happiness  of  the  people. 
You  will  therefore  avoid  attempting  to  lay  any  other 
burthens,  excepting  those  which  a  solemn  regard  to 
public  faith  and  public  justice  render  necessary.  In 
your  inquiries  on  these  points,  we  think  you  will  find 
that  taxes  on  lands  and  on  polls  are  too  high.  Use 
your  endeavours,  therefore,  to  draw  the  necessary 
revenue  from  a  different  quarter  ;  a  much  larger  pro- 
portion, we  conceive,  should  be  derived  from  impost 
and  excise  on  the  luxuries  of  life.  By  adhering  to 
such  a  system,  the  burthens  will  lie  on  those  who  are 
able  and  willing  to  bear  them,  and  afford  support 
and  encouragement  to  the  temperate  and  frugal. 

"  As  the  public  burthens  and  embarrassments  are 
heavy,  it  is  important  that  the  greatest  economy  be 
introduced  into  every  department  of  Government. 
We  would  wish  to  have  the  salaries  of  all  public  offi- 
cers as  low  as  is  consistent  with  the  dignity  and 
honour  of  their  station.  If  money  has  become  more 
valuable  than  when  the  salaries  were  established,  a 
reduction  of  them  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  oriiiinal 
principle  on  which  they  were  granted. 

"  In  fine,  sir,  you  will  use  your  constant  endeav- 
ours, that  a  sacred  regard  should  be  had  for  public 


J 
f 
r 

2 

s 
h 


II 

P 


LIKE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


239 


nnd  private  faith  ;  that  the  rights  of  debtor  and  cred- 
itor  1)0  equally  secured  ;  that  J.istico  be  the  polo-star 
of  all  join-  public  movements;  in  order  that  Govern- 
ment  may  find  it  easy  to  enforce  it  among  our  citi- 
zens.  Let  agriculture  and  manufactures  be  encour- 
aged, and  there  cannot  bo  a  doubt  imt  that  we  shall 
soon  rise  superior  to  presfMit  evils,  and  become  a 
nappy  and  prosperous  p(;ople." 


(( 


^otcd^Thdt  tho  foregoing  proceedings  and 
instructions  be  certified  by  the  Town  Clerk,  and 
printed  in  some  public  newspaper." 


niginal 


240  IMIVOI-UTIONAR^'  SHRVICFW  AND  CIVIL 


CIIArXEU    XXIIl. 

Petition  to  C'o.v(inns.s  rou   Pav  of  ()nici;ns  am;  SoM)ii:r.s  of  tim;  I{i;vo- 

LUTIO.NAIIY    An.MY. 

In  the  formation  of  tlio  Con.slitiilioii  of  tin;  Uni- 


ted States. 


lowers  \V(Mc  granted  to  Coiif!;ivss  to  make 


provision  for  tlu;  public  debt,  contracted  durinii'  the 


war. 


The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Revohitionnry 
Army  were  liie  hist  class  of  creditors  who  a])plied  for 
that  indemnity  to  which  their  w(;ll-earned  services 
had  e.itilh'd  them.  For  a  lonj^'  time  it  was  considered 
that  no  api)licati()n  was  .necessary.  They  relied  on 
the  justice  of  their  claims.  Their  services,  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  had  been  renunierated,  were 
inscribed  on  the  liecords  of  Coni^rcjss.  Not  more 
than  one-eighth  part  of  the  consideration-money  had 
been  paid  them.  Under  these  circumstances,  they 
felt  assured  the  satisfaction  of  their  claims  would  have 
been  among-  the  first  oljjects  of  the  Government. 
They  were  disappointed.  Waiting  three  years  after 
the  organization  of  the  Constitution  for  a  disburse- 
ment of  their  claims,  the  officers  could  wait  no 
longer,  without  a  dereliction  of  duty  they  owed  them- 
selves and  the  soldiers  who  had  served  with  them 
during  the  war. 

They  called  a  meeting  lo  consult  on  measures  for 


241 


ion  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

rcVw.i.    It  was  determined   to  present  a  petit „ 

Coiii,Mes.s,  and  to  prepare  a  eircular,  to  be  addressed 
to  the  ol/icers  of  the  other  States,  to  invite  their  co- 
operation in  the  measures  that  had  been  adopted. 

By  the  wish  of  the  officers  of  Massachusetts,  Co- 
lonel Hull   was  requested   to  rej)air  to  Philadelphia 


then  the  seat  of  Government,  to  explain  and  enforce 
their  petition. 

On  his  arrival  in  March,  he  found  no  a^roiits  from 
any  of  the  other  States,  and  believing  that  a  united 
apj)lication  would  have  more  elfect,  than  from  one 
State  alone,  he  did  not  present  the  petition  to  Con- 
gress. 

For  the  pm-pose  of  uniting  all  the  influence  of 
those  who  were  interested,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  senior  officer  of  each  State,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  copy  : 

CIRCULAR. 

Philaiklpli'ui,  April,  1792. 

Sir— In  conformity  to  an  appointment  and  in- 
structions from  the  officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line 
of  the  American  army,  I  Jjave  attended  at  the  seat 
of  Government  from  the  20th  of  March  to  the  present 
period.  The  object  of  my  commission  was  to  obtain 
a  decision  on  a  memorial,  which  they  had  heretofore 
presented  to  Congress,  on  the  subject  of  further  com- 
pensation for  themselves  and  the  soldiers  who  served 
during  the  war.  Although  in  the  first  instance,  sim- 
ilar api)lications  were  expected  from  those  in  the 
different  States  who  were  interested,  yet  expectation 
was  defeated  by  a  delay  of  the  communication,  con 

16 


242 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


taiiied  in  the  Circular  Address  of  28tii  February,  and 
an  idea  that  an  earlier  adjournment  of  Congress  would 
have  taken  place. 

Finding  myself  thus  situated,  and  considering 
that  the  officers  and  soldiers  through  the  United  States 
were  equally  interested  in  the  question,  I  deemed  it 
a  mark  of  respect  and  attention,  due  to  them,  not  to 
propose  a  consideration  of  the  subject,  until  they  had 
an  opportunity  of  becoming  applicants  in  the  mea- 
sures we  had  adopted,  and  of  affording  us  the  aid  of 
their  advice  and  assistance. 

As  a  proper  investigation  and  decision  of  this 
question,  is  of  the  highest  importance  ;  affording  re- 
lief to  a  large  number  of  our  companions  of  the  war, 
whose  distresses  are  only  equalled  by  their  patience ; 
and  as  a  union  of  sentiment  and  measures  will  be 
most  likely  to  effect  the  object  of  our  reasonable 
wishes  ;  I  have  particular  instructions  from  the  offi- 
cers of  Massachusetts,  to  request  a  co-operation  of 
the  officers  of  your  line,  at  the  opening  of  the  next 
session  of  Congress.  They  will  attend  at  that  time 
by  their  agent  or  agents,  and  a  final  decision  will 
doubtless  be  obtained.  As  my  brother  officers  in 
Massachusetts  have  intrusted  this  business  to  my 
care,  and  as  1  have  devoted  some  attention  to  the 
consideration  of  the  subject,  I  flatter  myself  you 
will  not  deem  it  improper  in  me,  in  this  communica- 
tion, to  make  some  general  observations  tiiereon. 
The  claim  of  the  army  on  the  public,  is  so  fixed  in 
the  unalterable  principles  of  justice,  that  they  ought 
to  feel  the  fullest  confidence  of  success. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


243 


The  people  of  America  know,  and  the  public  re- 
cords will  ever  perpetuate  a  recognition  of  the  ser- 
vices which  have  been  rendered,  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  have  been  remunerated.  An  attempt  to 
prove  that  a  demand  of  the  most  sacred  nature  still 
remains  uncancelled,  would  be  only  to  show  that  a 
part  is  less  than  the  whole. 

The  case  in  point,  indeed,  is  stronger  than  any 
that  can  be  adduced  in  its  su])port ;  and  the  feelings 
of  every  honest  heart  will  overcome  every  argument 
which  sophistry  can  devise  or  ingenuity  invent,  in 
opposition  to  the  claim. 

Were  I  to  attempt  an  investigation  of  the  subject, 
it  would  appear,  from  the  most  authentic  documents', 
that  the  public  engagement  to  the  army  was  for  a' 
specific  sum  in  specie.  That  certain  military  services 
were  to  be  rendered  in  consequence  of  this  engage- 
ment.    That  there  has  been  a  full  acknowledgment 
on  the  part  of  the   United  States,  that  the  services 
have    been    faithfully  performed.     That   the   public 
neither  discharged  the  demand  in  specie  nor  in  other 
property,  equivalent  to  specie.     That  the  certificates 
being  unsupported  by  funds,  had  no  other  value  than 
what  was  stamped  on  them  by  public  opinion.    That 
this  value  was  sanctioned  by  the  uniform  adjudication 
of  the    Courts,   throughout    the    United    States,    in 
causes  relating  to  this  kind  of  property.     That  the 
same  principle  has  been  recognized   by  the  Legisla- 
tures of  the  different  States,  in  a  variety  of  instances. 
That  Congress  itself,  under  the  Confederation,  was 
impressed  with  the  same  sentiments,  particularly  in 


244 


RKVOLIJTIONARY  SRRVfCFIS  AND  CIVIL 


the  instance  of  the  sale  of  tlu;  lands  in  tin;  Wostom 
Territory,  for  a  j)rice  greatly  enlianced,  in  conse- 
qnencie  of  payment  l)ein;^  made  in  certificates. 

From  these  facts,  it  most  co!ichisively  follows,  that 
the  claim  of  the  army  is  not  chimerical,  but  founded 
in  Justice.  From  these  facts,  and  the  conclusion 
Avhicii  follows,  what  possible  reason  can  be  given, 
why  we  should  not,  in  a  maidy  manner,  ask  for  our 
rights?  The  present  (Jiovernment  is  not  only  en- 
dowed with  the  ability,  but  was  formed  for  the 
exj)ress  jnirposc;  of  establishing  Justice.  While  the 
services  of  those  men,  who  cheerfully  endured  every 
toil,  hardship,  and  danger,  which  are  incident  to  a 
military  life  ;  wlio  persevered  in  the  service  of  their 
country,  until  peace  and  haj)piness  wen^  restored, 
remain  unrewarded,  it  can  never  be  said  that  this 
object  has  been  attained. 

The  pleasure  which  every  hoiiest  American  must 
feel,  from  a  rcllection  on  the  present  j)rosperous  state 
of  his  country,  must  necessarily  be  impaired  by  the 
consideration,  that  those  services  are  unrewarded, 
whicii  mod(;sty  need  not  blush  to  say,  greatly  contri- 
buted to  that  public  felicity  v>hich  is  now  enjoyed. 
Nor  is  this  all.  Many  of  the  men  who  performed 
these  services,  are,  from  the  want  of  the  Just  compen- 
sation which  was  promised  them,  now  pining  in  indi- 
gence, languishing  in  Jails,  or  compelled  to  seek  a 
subsistence  in  the  neighbourhood  of  savages,  upon 
the  frontiers  of  the  United  States  ;  while  every  thing 
they  eat,  drink,  or  wear  in  their  distressing  situations, 
is  taxed,  to  pay  the  difference   between  the  former 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


245 


low  and  proscnt  liigli  value  of  their  certificates,  to 

the  |)resent  hokh;rs  of  tliem. 

To  sliow  that  those  persons  who  are  entithxl  to 
public  consideration,  can  easily  be  distinj^uished  • 


th( 


that  a  furth 


(;r 


compensation  can  be  made,  by  paying 
only  the  debt  which  actually  existed  at  the  time  when 
tin;  funding  system  was  adopted;  and  that  in  doing 
it,  no  new  debt  will  be  created  ;  and  that  the  pur- 
chasers of  alicnat(Hl  s(>curitics,  will  not  be  affected, 
or  any  int(Mference  be  made  with  any  systems  which 
have  been  adopted  ;  I  beg  leave  to  present  the  fol- 
lowing statement. 

The  army  may  be  divided  into  four  classes  : 

First.  Those  whose  term  of  service  expired  first 
January,  177(). 

Second.  Those  whose  term  of  service  expired 
first  .January,  1777. 

Third.  Those  who  enlisted  in  the  year  1777,  for 
three  years  or  dining  the  war.  The  term  of  service  of 
those  who  enlisted  for  three  years,  expired  in  1780. 

Fourth.     Those  who  enlisted  in  1780. 

Th(!  first  and  second  classes  have  no  well  founded 
claims,  because  there  was  no  depreciation  of  the 
money  at  the  time  they  were  paid.  The  fourth  class 
l)erliaps  have  no  claim  in  equity,  because  the  lar^^e 
bouiiti(>s  thoy  received  were  a  full  erpiivalent  for  their 
services.  The  third  class,  with  the  ol'iicers,  remain 
only  to  be  considcM'ed.  They  depended  wholly  on  the 
stij)ulations  of  Congress.  This  class,  having  served 
during  the  principal  part  of  the  war,  received  certifi- 
cates in  paynjent,  the  valu..  of  which  has  been  con- 


246 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL" 


sidered.  They  returned  home  under  the  disadvan- 
tages of  having  the  habits  of  their  former  occupations 
impaired  by  their  military  pursuits;  their  property 
and  connexions  deranged  and  lost,  and  their  families 
involved  for  a  necessary  support.  Thus  circum- 
stanced, necessity  compelled  them  to  dispose  of  their 
certificates  for  the  current  price  in  the  market.  After 
the  present  Government  was  established,  provision 
was  made  for  these  certificates,  wherever  they  were 
found.  By  that  provision,  the  purchasers  received 
an  immense  advantage.  The  public,  however,  saved 
a  part  of  the  debt,  which  was  originally  due,  two  per 
cent,  for  ten  years  on  the  principal  of  the  whole 
debt,  and  half  the  interest  which  had  accumulated. 
This  remnant  now  remains,  and  in  paying  it,  no  more 
than  the  original  debt  will  be  discharged. 

The  rival  pretenders  to  this  remnant,  will  be  the 
original  ho'ders,  who  earned  the  whole  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow,  and  the  present  holders,  who  have  al- 
ready received  seven  or  eight  hundred  per  cent,  on  the 
money  which  they  advanced. 

In  the  name  of  justice,  equity,  and  good  con- 
science, which  claim  is  to  be  })referred  ?  Every  man 
will  answer,  that  of  the  soldier,  unless  his  feelings  are 
steeled  against  the  principles  of  honour,  good  faith, 
and  gratitude. 

This  remnant,  therefore,  so  far  as  it  extends  to 
our  own  oiiMial  claims,  may  be  appropriated  with 
great  propriety,  to  relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  fore- 
going description  of  men.  In  addition  to  this,  there 
can   be  no  doubt  but  Congress  will  be  disposed  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


247 


make  a  liberal  gram  of  land  in  the  Western  Territory, 
for  the  same  purpose ;  for,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten 
that  those  vast  possessions,  on  which  has  been  found- 
ed the  pleasing  expectation  of  sinking  the  whole  of 
the  public  debt,  are  the  fruits  of  those  toils  which  the 
Government  is  now  called  upon  to  compensate.  I 
have  only,  sir,  to  request  you  to  take  the  earliest  op- 
portunity to  make  this  communication  known  to  the 
officers  of  your  line,  and  f  sincerely  hope,  at  the 
opening  of  the  next  session  of  Congress,  they  will 
think  proper  to  make  this  a])plication. 

I  am,  with  sentiments  of  respect,  in  behalf  of  the 
officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line  of  the  late  army, 
you  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  William  Hull. 

^  Washington  writes  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  in  1788: 
^'  I  feel  mortified  that  there  should  have    been    any 
just  ground  for  the  clamour  of  the  foreign  officers  who 
served  with  us ;  but  after  having  received  a  quarter 
of  their  whole  debt  in  specie,  and  their  interest  in  the 
same,  for  some  time,  they  have  infinitely  less  reason 
for  complaint  than  our  native  officers,  of  whom  the 
suffering  and   neglect  have    been  equalled  only  by 
their  patience  and  patriotism.     A  great  proportion  of 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  American  army,  have 
been  compelled,  by  indigence,  to  part  with  their  se- 
curities for  one  eighth  of  their  nominal  value  ;  yet 
their  conduct  is  very  different  from  what  you  repre- 
sented the  French  officers  to  have  been."* 

*  LiifaynttP  was  not  ono-l,-  rnmr-     rnmi>en=ation  ;  b.si.lcs  often  supply- 
as  a  volunteer,  and  served  without    in-,  from  his  own  private   fortune, 


218 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


Colonel  Hull  was  elected  the  agent  to  attend  the 
next  Congress,  in  the  year  1793. 

Agents  had  assembled  from  a  number  of  the 
States,  but  not  from  the  whole,  with  petitions  similar 
to  the  one  from  the  officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line. 

After  an  interesting  debate  in  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, it  was  resolved,  that  the  prajer  of  the 
petitioners  should  not  be  granted. 

In  the  discussion,  little  was  said  against  the  jus- 
tice of  the  claims  ;  the  arguments  were  rather  in  fa- 
vour of  them.  But  the  leading  members  of  the  ma- 
jority in  Congress  thought  it  necessary,  from  motives 
of  policy,  and  to  preserve  their  consistency,  to  oppose 
the  claim. 

A  system  had  been  adopted  for  funding  the  pub- 
lic debt.  In  its  operation,  it  was  contended  that  it 
was  not  founded  in  equity.  It  was  opposed  by  great 
talents  and  profound  reasoning. 

The  system  was,  in  addition  to  the  present  du- 
ties on  imports  and  tonnage,  to  provide  by  duties  on 
wines,  distilled  spirits,  including  those  made  in  the 
United  States,  teas  and  coffee,  a  fund  to  cancel  the 
national  debt,  both  foreign  and  domestic*  The  debt 
of  the  American  officers  and  soldiers  was  not  in- 
cluded. 

The  preservation  of  the  new  Constitution,  at  this 
early  period  of  its  operations,  was  highly  important ; 
and  this  system,  by  which  to  discharge  its  obligations, 

nocps?arios    for  thu   soldiers.     II.i  stow  It  on  suffering  America.— Ed- 

nover  askoil  for  reninncnition.     Ilis  itoi;. 

fortune  was  ample,  and  it  was  lux-         *  Hamilton's  Report  on  Public 

ury.  to  ilis  generous  heart,  to  b:-  Crci]it.—-"FcJmiiixl"  Vol.  I.,  p.  i.L 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLLVM  HULL. 


24.) 


was  viewed  as  essential  to  its  existence.  To  have 
admitted  other  claims,  not  provided  for  at  first,  would 
have  proved  a  dangerous  precedent,  and  been  consi- 
dered an  acknowledgment  of  the  defects  of  the  sys- 
tem, which  would  have  caused  its  destruction,  and 
with  it,  have  endangered,  if  it  had  not  produced  the 
dissolution  of  the  Government. 

The  rejection  of  the  petition  j)roduced  much  ex- 
citement, and  not  a  little  indignation.  It  was  consi- 
dered as  discarding  claims  which  the  country  was 
bound  to  provide  for,  by  every  principle  of  justice, 
equity,  and  gratitude.  I'he  services  which  were  the 
foundation  of  these  claims,  were,  "  the  price  of  liber- 
ty, without  wliich  the  nation  itself  could  never  have 
attained  an  independent  existence." 

Even  the  illustrious  Washington,  then  President 
of  the  United  States,  did  not  escape  censure.  It  was 
thought  by  many,  that  he  had  not  on  that  occasion 
redeemed  the  solemn  pledges  he  had  given  at  the  dis- 
banding of  the  army.  A  number  of  anonymous  es- 
says were  published  in  the  Philadelphia  papers,  con- 
taining severe  strictures  on  his  conduct. 

Colonel  Hull  being  the  j)rincip:il  agent  in  the  ap- 
plication to  Congn^ss,  was  suj)p()sed  by  some  to  be 
the  author  of  these  essays.     But  he  writes  : 

"  I  have  mentioned  this  circumstance  for  no  other 
purpose  than  that  the  truth  may  be  known,  that  I  was 
not  the  author,  and  had  no  agency  or  knowledge 
whatever,  either  in  writing  or  publishing  them.  Dur- 
ing my  attendance  on  Congress,  I  had  frequent  con- 
versations with  the  President,  on  the  subject  of  my 


250 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


mission.  He  observed :  '  I  know  the  claims  of  the  army 
to  be  just,  and  I  regret  they  have  not  been  provided 
for.  When  the  petitions  were  presented,  it  was  con- 
sidered by  a  majority  as  an  unfavourable  time.  To 
grant  them,  would  interfere  with  the  arrangements 
which  had  been  made  to  cancel  the  public  debt.  It 
is,  however,  a  business  of  legislation,  and  does  not 
belong  to  my  department ;  but  I  hope  the  time  will 
come,  when  the  claims  of  the  army  will  be  discharged  ; 
and,  while  1  live,  they  shall  always  have  my  sup- 
port.' "  ^ 

The  subject  has  since  been  been  frequently 
brought  before  Congress,  but  no  definite  measures 
adopted.  An  act  of  charity  has  been  passed,  grant- 
ing an  annuity  to  a  certain  description  of  officers  and 
soldiers  attached  to  the  revolutionary  army.  It  ex- 
tended only  to  those  who  were  paupers  by  misfortune, 
idleness,  or  intemperance.  This  class  must  have 
been  supported  at  the  public  expense,  had  they  never 
have  rendered  any  service  to  their  country. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL, 


251 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

lNDiA.«f  War. — Colonel  Hull  Ar?oi\TED  a  Commisstoxer  to  UrrER  Cana- 
da, TO  make  arrangements  for  a  Treaty  with  the  Indians. — Interview 
WITH  Governor  Simcoe. 

In  the  years  1792-3,  a  savage  war  desolated  the 
frontiers.  It  was  conducted  with  unusual  cruelty  and 
barbarity.  The  prisoners  taken  in  battle  were  tor- 
tured and  doomed  to  a  lingering  death.  More  than 
fifteen  hundred  persons,  men,  women,  and  children, 
while  emigrating  to  the  western  country,  fell  under 
the  tomahawk,  or  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  sava- 
ges. In  two  campaigns,  the  first  under  General 
Hurmar,  the  second  under  General  St.  Clair,  misfor- 
tunes attended  the  American  arms. 

In  the  battle  of  the  Miami,  where  St.  Clair 
commanded,  thirty-eight  officers  were  killed,  and  be- 
tween five  and  six  hundred  non-commissioned  officers 
and  soldiers  were  killed  and  missing.  General  Butler, 
of  Pennsylvania,  whose  valour  we  witnessed  at  Stony 
Point,  was  among  the  slain. 

General  St.  Clair  retreated  with  the  remnant  of 
his  army  to  Fort  Jefferson.  He  was  labouring  under 
a  painful  disease,  and  could  not  mount  or  leave  his 
horse  without  assistance.  But  his  orders  durinjr  the 
action  were  delivered  with  coolness,  intrepidity,  and 
judgment. 


252  KEVOLUTIONARY  SERVICRS  AND  CIVIL 

111  the  commencement  of  the;  engagement,  sixty 
of  the  militia  ran  aw;\.  ,\  regiment  was  sent  in 
jHiisiiit  of  them,  thai  others  might  he  deterred  Irom 
following  their  (>xaiii|)le.  These;  troops  were  all  ah- 
S(Mit  during  the  engagement,  which  greatly  reduced 
the  force  of  St.  Clair.  The  contest  was  severe,  and 
the  lives  of  the  officers  were  sacrili(((l  in  ilu  it  |)erse- 
vering  efforts  to  j)reserve  order,  and  com|)el  the  militia 
to  the  performaiKM;  of  duty  ;  so  great  had  been  the 
panic  at  the  first  onset. 

"  Generil  St.  Clair  requested  that  a  Court  Mar- 
tial should  sit  on  his  conduct.  But  this  request  could 
not  be  granted,  because  there  were  not  in  the  Amer- 
ican service,  officers  of  a  grade  to  form  a  Court  for 
his  trial  on  military  principles.  A  Committee  of  the 
House  of  Piepreseiuatives  Wcs  appointed  to  inquire 
into  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition,  whose 
report,  in  explicit  terms,  exculpated  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  More  satisfactory  testimony  in  favour  of  St. 
Clair,  is  furnished  by  the  circumstance,  that  he  still 
retained  the  undiminished  esteem  and  good  opinion 
of  General  Washiuiiton."* 

It  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  Indians  to 
have  kept  the  field  with  success,  without  the  aid  of 
the  British  Government ;  as  they  cannot  exist  in  a 
body  but  for  a  short  period,  unless  furnished  with  pro- 
visions and  the  munitions  of  war.  These  were,  it 
was  well  understood,  suj)plied  by  the  British.  They 
erected    forts   within    our  territories  to  favour  their 


*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  398. 


LIFE  OF  GKVRUAI,  WILLIAM  HULL. 


253 


plans,  and  still  retained  and    occupied  the  posts  on 
the  northwestern  frontier,  which  had   heen  c(Kled  to 
the   United  States,  in  direct  opposition  to  onr  treaty 
with  England.     All  this  was  considered  a  suflicient 
ground   for  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  j)art  of  the 
United  States;    but  such  was  the  condition  of  the 
countrj',  that  Congress  was  desirous  of  doing  what 
could  he  done  by  negotiation,  without  having  recourse 
to  arms.     The  savages  were  contending  for  what 
they  deemed  their  rights,  and  in  the  spirit  of  com- 
passion for  that  unfortunate  race,  the  Ciovernment 
exercised  toward  them  a  pacific  temper;  anxious  to 
put   an  end  to  the  contest  otherwise   than    by  the 
sword.     That  such  hapj)y  results  might  be  realized, 
Mr.  Jay,  our  Minister  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain, 
was  authorized  and  instructed,  if  jwssible,  to  nego- 
tiate and  settle  all  differences  existing  between  the 
two  Governments,  and  to  enter  into  a  treaty  by  which 
the  posts  held   by  the  British  within  the  territories  of 
the  United  States,  should  be  surrendered.     This  ol)- 
ject  was  (;ffected.     In   the  mean  time,  preparations 
were  made,  in  case  the  war  with  the  savages  should 
be  contimied  ;  which,  from  appearances,  seemed  most 
probable.     An  army  of  five  thousand  men  was  raised, 
and  the  command  given  to  General  Wayne ;  General 
St.  Clair  having  resigned. 

While  these  preparai  jus  were  making,  a  renewed 
effort  was  made  to  terminate  the  war,  by  a  direct 
communication  to  the  Indians  of  the  pacific  views  of 
the  United  States. 

Colonel  Harden  and  Major  Trueman,  worthy  cit- 


254 


RRVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


izens  and  oxcollunt  officers,  were  sent  as  envoys  into 
the  Indian  country,  with  propositions  of  peace.  They 
were  both  murdered  by  the  savages,  though  in  gene- 
ral they  respect  the  rights  of  public  messengers  as 
much  as  civilized  nations.  The  families  of  "  these 
valuable  citizens  who  had  thus  fallen  victims  in  their 
country's  service,  were,  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
President,  provided  for  by  the  National  Legislature. 

"  Iniolligence  that  the  pacific  overtures  from  the 
United  States  had  been  rejected  by  the  Indians,  did 
not  arrive  till  September,  1793.  It  was  then  too 
late  to  prosecute  the  objects  of  the  expedition.  Gen- 
eral Wayne  advanced  no  farther  than  the  ground  on 
which  St.  Clair  had  been  defeated.  There  he  erect- 
ed a  Fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of    Recov- 


»* 


ery 

In  January,  1793,  Colonel  Mull  was  appointed, 
under  tlie  authority  of  the  Government,  a  Commis- 
sioner, to  make  arrangemcmts  with  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, for  a  treaty  with  the  Indians  in  the  Western 
country,  with  whom  the  United  States  were  then  at 
war.  His  instructions  were,  to  explain  to  Governor 
Simcoe,  then  Governor  of  Upper  Canada,  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  savages  were  supplied  with  the  mu- 
nitions of  war,  provisions  and  clothing,  by  the  Agents 
of  Indian  Affairs,  and  the  commanding  officers  of  the 
British  garrisons  at  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and 
other  places  conveniently  situated  for  the  purpose. 
He  was  likewise  authorized  to  hold  treaties  with  the 


*  Ramsay's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  III.,  page  58. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


266 


Indians,  and  inform  them  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  would  appoint  Commissioners  the  next 
summer  to  meet  them  at  Sandusky  or  any  other  con- 
venient place,  with  full  authority  to  settle  all  differ- 
ences and  to  hury  the  hatchet,  lie  was  lurther  di- 
rected to  make  arrangements  with  Governor  Simcoe, 
that  there  should  be  no  impedime  n  in  the  passage 
of  the  Commissioners  over  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie, 
with  the  supplies  for  the  treaty. 

These  preliminaries  were  necessary,  as  the  British 
armed  vessels  commanded  the  waters  and  the  posts 
on  the  borders  of  the  Lakes,  within  the  territories  of 
the  United  States,  which  had  not  been  surrendered. 
On  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Hull  at  the  seat  of  Gov- 
ernment in  Upper  Canada,  he  was  received  with 
marked  attention  and  politeness.  Every  thiu"^  was 
done,  both  in  a  public  and  private  manner,  to  express 
the  respect  that  was  entertained  for  the  nation  he 
represented. 

After  communicating  the  object  of  his  mission, 
the  Governor  observed,  that  it  gave  him  great  plea- 
sure to  see  him,  and  particularly  to  act  with  him  in  the 
business  to  which  he  had  referred;  and  that  he 
would  do  all  in  his  power,  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  American  Commissioners,  and  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  treaty,  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  That  so  far  from 
any  impediment  in  their  passage  and  in  the  trans- 
portation of  the  necessary  supplies,  he  would  furnish 
them  with  British  vessels  and  boats,  if  desired!  He 
further  observed,  that  if  his  presence  at  the  treaty  ' 


250 


RrAOlJlTFOMARY  SHUVICIW  ANO  CIVFL 


could    hv  of  ;iny  use,  lie  would  cliccrriilly  altcMid  tlio 
CoinmissioiHMs,  ;md  miiko  uso  of  .ill  liis  iidliKMico  in 
tin;  attaiiiiiuMil  oC  \\n\  object.     C\)Ioiu;l  Null  roplicd, 
that  lie  was  j^ratifind  with  tlio  favourahlo  disposition 
expressed    hy  the  (Jovenior,  and  tlianked  him  for  his 
kind  olliMs  in  ariijidiii;;;    tlu;  aid   of  his  inllujMicc   in 
the  treat}'.     'I'iuit  as  to  his  attendiiiii  with  the  Com- 
missioners, he  had  no  anthority  on  the  snhject.     That 
the  Connnissioners  on  their  tour  would    probably  call 
an-!  ])ay  their  respects  to  him,  when  thej  wonid  mak(3 
sneh  arrangements  as  their  iiistriietions  should  em- 
brace.    Colonel  Hull  then  remarked,  that  truth  and 
plain   dealiiiii,-  were  the  safest  as   well  as  the  wisest 
basis  on  which  to  r(;st  a  cause,  and  that,  a:  ihorizc^d 
hy  his  Covernment,  he  should  e.\pr(^ss  the  views  lu^ld 
by  it,  in  relation  to  the  objects  of  his  mission.     Tha^ 
the  (lovernor  had  promised  more  than  was  asked  or 
even  desired. 

lie  then  observed,  that  th(;  President  of  the 
United  States,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  was 
obliged  to  make  a  request  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment in  regard  to  a  movement  on  his  part,  where 
our  rights  were  une(|uivoeally  established.  I3y  the 
treaty  of  ])eace,  the  line  ran  through  the  centre  of 
the  Lakes,  which  gave  our  country  ;in  equal  claim  to 
the  navigation  of  them.  We  had  been  for  ten  years 
dei)riv(ul  of  this  privilege.  At  the  pn^sent  mouKMit, 
to  j)oss(!ss  it  was  essential  to  our  success  in  carrying 
out  the  wishes  of  the  Government,  in  meeting  the 
proposition  of  the  Indians,  to  iiold  a  treaty  at  San- 
dusky.    Lake  Erie  was  the  only  channel  of  commu- 


LIFE  OF  OENFRAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


257 


nication  by  water  to  that  place,  by  which  the  neces- 
sary siij)j)li(;s  could  1)0  forwarded.     Colonel  Hull  was 
therefore   instructed  by  his  Government,  to  obtain  a 
definite  answer  to  the  question,  whether  there  ivould 
be  any  impedimeni  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  American 
Commissioners,  treating  with  the  Indians,  lohile  in 
the  execution  of  their  duly,     lie  was  now  \\<\\>\)y  to 
reflect,   that  a  satisfactory  reply   had   already  been 
given  by  the  Governor,  and  on  which  he  should  rely 
wilhout  further  remark.     With  regard  to  the  posts,  it 
was  not  necessary  to  enter  into  any  discussion,  as  a 
negotiation  was  then  ])eiiding  at  the  British  Court, 
and  it  was  hoped  it  would  terminate  in  giving  to  our 
country  peaceable  possession  of  them.     Colonel  Hull 
continued  to  observe,  that  in  justice   to  his  Govern- 
ment, no  motives  of  delicacy  should  oj)erate  in  a  full 
disclosure  of  facts,  too  well  established  to  be  withheld 
in  his  j)resent  communication.   That  it  was  generally 
understood,  to  enable  the;  savages   to  carry  on   the 
war,  they  had  been  supplied,   by  Indian  agents  and 
commanding  officers  of  the  garrisons  in  the  province 
where   Governor    Simcoe  commanded,   with   small- 
arms,  swords,  hatchets,  seal  ping-knives,  powder,  ball, 
clothing,  provisions,  and  all  olhfjr  necessaries.     Fur- 
ther, it  was  observed,  that   not  only  the    old  forts, 
guaranteed  to  us  by  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1783,  had 
been  held,  but  a  new  one  had  been   erected  on  the 
Miami,  far  within   our  territory,  and   in  a  favourable 
situation  to  supply  the  Indians  and  aid  them  in  their 
military  operations.     That  it  was  known,  that  these 

17 


I 


258 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVK    S  AND  CIVIL 


Indian  agents   and  British  offi<;ers  were  under    his 
superintendence,  and  acted  by  ais  orders. 

In  reply  to  these  plain  statements  of  facts,  Gover- 
nor Simcoe  remarked,  that  the  British  Government 
made  annual  presents  to  the  Indians,  in  considera- 
tion of  lands  n^hich  they  had  ceded.  That  it  furnished 
them  Ti'ith  such  articles  as  were  most  useful  and  ne- 
cessary. As  their  principal  support  is  derived  from 
hunting,  guns,  powder  and  lead  were  most  important. 
That  the  articles  named,  had  only  been  furnished  in 
the  usual  quantity,  and  for  the  purposes  which  he  had 
stated. 

It  was  answered,  that  whatever  the  intention 
was,  when  the  articles  were  delivered,  the  manner  in 
which  they  were  used  was  well  known.  That  it 
was  a  settled  axiom  of  the  laws  of  nations,  that 
for  a  neutral  to  supply  a  belligerent  with  warlike 
stores,  was  a  violation  of  neutrality.  The  British 
Government  well  knew  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Indians  to  carry  on  the  war  without  its  assistance  ; 
and  the  United  States  was  well  informed  that  this 
assistance  was  rendered,  and  was  now  the  only  im- 
pediment to  peace. 

Governor  Simcoe  then  said,  that  Lord  Dorches- 
ter was  the  Governor-general  of  all  the  British 
provinces  in  North  America,  and  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  King's  forces,  and  was  likewise  Superintend- 
ent-general of  Indian  affairs.  That  whatever  had 
been  done  in  the  military  or  Indian  departments,  had 
been  done  by  his  orders.     That  he  himself,  in  his  own 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


259 


I 


province,  was  independent  of  those  departments,  and 
they  acted  by  his  authority.  He  concluded  by  remarking 
that  he  presumed  the  authority  of  Lord  Dorchester 
had  been  exercised  in  a  correct  manner,  and  there 
could  be  no  well-founded  ground  of  complaint  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States. 

The  negotiation  here  terminated.  The  pledge 
received  from  the  Governor,  that  it  would  afford  him 
pleasure  to  extend  accommodation  to  the  United 
States  to  aid  them  in  the  prosecution  of  the  treaty 
with  the  Indians,  was  deemed  sufficient. 

The  events  of  the  year  were  highly  favourable  to 
the  condition  of  American  affairs.  The  happy  ter- 
mination of  the  treaty  with  the  British  Government, 
so  ably  negotiated  by  Mr.  Jay,  by  which  the  posts 
were  surrendered,  together  with  the  complete  victory 
over  the  Indians  by  General  Wayne,  gave  permanent 
peace  to  our  borders. 

Governor  Simcoe  was  a  man  of  talent  and  en- 
terprise. He  had  served  as  a  partisan  officer,  during 
our  Revolutionary  war,  and  was  highly  distinguished. 
He  had  various  plans  for  internal  improvement ;  and 
looked  to  the  extension  of  his  province  in  their  ope- 
ration. He  laid  out  a  city  in  Upper  Canada,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  London ;  intending  to 
make  it  the  scat  of  Government.  He  formed  the  pro- 
ject of  a  canal  from  Lake  Ontario  through  a  lake,  to 
which  he  gave  his  own  name,  to  unite  with  Huron. 
From  all  the  information  obtained,  it  appeared  that 
his  intentions  were,  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  his 
province  from  Lake   Erie  to  the  upper  branches  of 


260 


REVOTJTTrONARY  SMRVICES  AND  CTV/L 


the  Alleghany  river,  and  down  that  river  and  the 
Ohio,  to  the  Mississippi,  which  was  to  form  Jiis 
western  boundary. 

One  means  of  efTecting  this  great  ohje<;t  was,  by 
retaining  the  posts  and  providing  tlie  means  of  con- 
tinuing the  war  between  the  savages  and  the;  United 
States.  I'his  vast  territory,  being  principally  unset- 
tled, he  entertained  the  wild  opinion,  that  the  Onited 
States  would  be  willing  to  abandon  it,  and  give  it  in 
exchange  for  j)eace  with  the  savages.  The  siurender 
of  the  posts,  and  peace  with  the  Indians,  destroyed 
these  visionary  schemes.  He  resigned  his  govern- 
ment and  returned  to  England.* 


*  Soo    Apppiiilix,    No.  v.— Ex-    with  tlio   British,   umhr  (Governor 
tmct.s   from  a  Joiirniil  of  Cohiid     Siuicoc,  tuid  also  with  tho  ludiaus. 
Hull,  wliilo  a  Commissioner  to  treat 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


2S1 


CHAPTER   XXlV. 

€oL(mEi.  Uvu.  VISITS  ErnoPE.— Address  to  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  .Tuiin  Adams,  a.vd  his  answer,  in  eelation  to  the  Mi- 
litia OF  the  County  of  Middlesex. 

1798. 

Thr  winter  was  jiassed  by  Colonel  Hull  in  Lon- 
don, and  the  sprinj;  spent  in  France.  In  the  latter 
country  he  witn(>ssed  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and 
the  Revolutionary  Tribunals  of  that  .11-fated  country  ; 
visited  its  armies,  and  returned  to  America  with  a 
just  pride  in  the  superiority  of  his  own  country,  in 
virtue,  ])atriotism,  and  moderation. 

Soon  after  h..  r(;turn,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Governor  and  Council,  Judj^e  of  the  Court  of  Com- 
mon Pleas,  and  elected  by  the  third  division,  in  the 
place  of  G(!neral  Brooks,  to  whom  he  had  been  se- 
cond in  command  many  years,  both  in  the  Revolution- 
ary army  and  in  the  militia.*  He  was  likewise 
elected  Senator  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 
He  was  annually  elected  Senator,  and  continued  in 
other  public  situations,  until  he  voluntarily  resigned 

*^  Iii()<rrai)Iiicnl  Noticn  of  (Jcnoral  f\  <•■■  ;,,  thf  promotion  of  the  Federal 

Hull,  by  lii,s,s()ii.ii).|uw,  Doctor  Sum-  A   -iuitiou.       h\    1789    ho    was 

uel  Cliirko.      In  1787  ho  was  aji-  clio,.  ..i  to  succeed  his   follow  sol. 

pointed  to  the  couiinund  of  first  ori-  ij,.-,  General   Lincoln,   commander 

gadeorthis  division.     At  that  titno  of  the   '•  Ancient  and   Honourable 

he  wa-i  active  in  exerting  his  inflii-  Actillery." 


262 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


I 


them,  on  being  appointed  Governor  of  the  Michigan 
Territory. 

During  this  period,  a  strong  party-spirit  prevailed, 
and  it  was  well  understood  that  his  political  sentiments 
were  not  in  accordance  with  the  Government  of  the 
State. 

In  speaking  of  the  third  division,  he  writes :  "  I 
cannot,  without  doing  injustice  to  my  feelings,  and  to 
the  officers  and  soldiers  whom  I  for  so  many  years 
had  the  honour  to  command,  omit  to  express  the 
stroLg  attachm!.nt  which  to  this  moment  I  feel  to- 
wards them,  for  their  unceasing  and  'audable  exer- 
tions to  co-operate  with  me  in  every  measure  for 
their  improvement  in  military  d-'^cipline. 

"  The  public  records  of  our  State,  and  the  re- 
membrance of  many,  now  on  the  stage,  will  bear  tes- 
timony to  the  elevated  rank  of  this  portion  of  our  mi- 
litia, its  hif^h  t?\T  ct  discipline,  and  the  applause  it 
received. 

"The  div.sioxi  consisted  of  about  six  thousand 
men,  with  the  requisite  proportion  of  infantry,  caval- 
ry, and  artillery.  Although  the  men  were  not  fur- 
nished with  uniforms  by  the  Government,  and  there 
was  no  compulsion  by  law  for  their  being  thus  equip- 
ped, yet  every  non-commissioned  officer  and  soldier 
of  the  division  appeared,  at  their  own  expense,  h: 
complete  cloth  uniform,  and  every  way  equipped  for 
active  service. 

"  The  annual  reviews  were  visited  by  the  public 
officers  of  the  State,  and  vast  numbers  of  citizens, 
not  only  from  every  part  of  the  Commonwealth,  but 
from  the  neighbouring  States. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAiVi  HULL. 


263 


"  The  high  commendation  which  both  officers  and 
soldiers  received  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  and 
from  all  ranks  and  classes  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
gratified  their  ambition  and  rewarded  their  exertions. 

"In  this  division,  amidst  the  rage  of  parties, 
there  was  but  one  poHtical  sentiment:  the  defence  of 
the  country  againtt  any  of  its  enemies,  and  the  sup- 
port of  the  Constitution  under  any  administration 
chosen  by  the  people.  I  considered  it  of  the  highest 
importance  to  inspire  the  officers  and  soldiers  with 
these  sentiments  ;  and  that  military  discipline  without 
them,  would  be  worse  than  useless.  As  an  evidence 
of  this  fact,  I  will  close  these  remarks  by  the  follow- 
ing unanimous  address  of  one  brigade  of  the  division, 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  then  being  at 
his  residence  at  Quincy,  and  that  part  of  his  answer 
which  relates  to  the  division.  It  must  be  observed 
that  this  took  place  when  the  political  opinions  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  country  to  which  the  division 
belonged,  were  in  direct  opposition  to  those  of  Pres- 
ident Adams." 

To  John  Adams,  Prnident  nf  the  United  States  of  America  :■— 

Sir — In  -eviewing  the  history  of  our  country, 
and  comparing  it  with  the  convulsed  state  of  Europe, 
we  find  the  strongest  reasons  to  rejoice  in  the  local 
destination  assigned  us  by  Providence.  We  feel  a 
pride  in  the  name  and  character  of  Americans.  It  is 
our  glory  to  be  the  descendants  of  ancestors  who 
purchased  freedom  and  independence  by  their  wisdom 
and  valour ;  and  some  of  whom,  on  this  spot,*  ex- 

*  Lexington,  Massachusetts. 


2H4 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


hibited  to  the  vvorld  an  example  of  the  unconquerable 
spirit  of  freemen.  May  we  be  inspired  with  firmness 
to  imitate  tiieir  virtues,  and  maintain  the  inheritance 
purchased  by  their  valour.  It  is  impossible  sufficient 
Ij  to  estimate  the  Cjovernment  under  which  we  live, 
It  has  been  established  by  our  consent,  and  adminis 
tered  by  our  choice.  We  ought  to  make  it  the  po'.'- 
star  of  our  conduct,  and  it  will  prove  the  ark  of  our 
safety.  It  claims  our  reverence,  and  demands  o  ir 
support.  With  the  keenest  sensibility  we  feel  tfie 
insults  it  has  experienced,  and  as  American  soldiers, 
in  the  presence  of  our  standard,  we  here  solemnly 
declare,  that  we  will  ever  be  ready  to  be  the  guar- 
dians of  its  riijhts  and  the  avengers  of  its  wrongs. 

And  having  sworn,  when  we  accepted  our  com- 
mission, to  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
Stat(;s,  we  now,  on  this  memorable  ground,  rent  "v 
to  you,  sir,  and  our  country,  the  sacred  oath. 

We  offer  to  you,  agreeably  to  act  of  Congress, 
our  individual  services,  and  pledge  our  lives  and  dl 
that  is  dear  to  ns,  for  the  support  of  the  Govemmtut 
and  the  defence  of  the  Country. 

That  you  may  long  live  an  ornament  to  the  land 
which  gave  you  birth,  and  a  blessing  to  the  vvorld,  is 
our  sincere  wish. 

We  are,  in  behalf  of  the  officers  of  the  first  brigade 
and  third  division  of  the  militia  of  Massachusetts, 
Your  most  obedient  servants, 

WiLiJAM  Hull,  Major-Gencral. 
J.  Walker,  Brigadier-General. 

Lexington,  Miissachusotts,  October  -2,  1798. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


265 


To  the  Officers  of  (he  First  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  of  the  Mi- 
lilia  of  Massachusetts: — 

Gentlemen — I  have  received  from  Major  Gene- 
ral Hull  and  Brigadicr-Goneral  Walker,  jour  unani- 
mous address  from  Lexington,  animated  with  a  martial 
spirit,  and  expressed  with  a  military  dignity,  becom- 
ing your  character  and  the  memorable  plains  on  which 
it  was  adopted. 

An  address  so  animated,  and  from  the  officers 
commanding  two  thousand  eight  hundred  men,  com- 
posed of  such  substantial  citizens  as  are  able  and 
willing,  at  their  own  expense,  completely  to  arm  and 
clothe  themselves  in  handsome  uniform,  does  honour 
to  that  division  of  the  militia,  which  has  done  so 
much  honour  to  their  country. 

While  our  country  remains  untainted  with  the 
principles  and  manners  which  are  now  producing 
desolation  in  so  many  parts  of  the  world  ;  while  she 
continues  sincere,  and  incapable  of  insidious  and  im- 
pious policy,  we  shall  have  the  strongest  reason  to 
rejoice  in  the  local  destination  assigned  us  by  Provi- 
dence. But  should  the  people  of  America  once  be- 
come capable  of  that  deep  simulation  towards  one 
another,  and  towards  foreign  nations,  which  assumes 
the  language  of  justice  and  moderation,  while  it  is 
practising  iniquity  and  extravagance,  and  displays  in 
the  most  captivating  manner  the  charming  pictures 
of  candour,  frankness,  and  sincerity,  while  it  is  riot- 
ing in  rapine  and  insolence,  this  country  will  be  the 
most  miserable  habitation  in  the  world.  Because 
we  have  no  government,  armed  with  power,  capable 


I. 


266 


RKVOIJITrONARY  HKRVrCRS  AND  CIVIL 


of  contending;  with  human   passions,   unbridled   hy 
morality  and  religion. 

Avarice,  and)ition,  revenj^e  and  licentiousness  would 
break  ihe  stron^^est  cords  of  our  Constitution,  as  a 
whale  f;oes  throuf;h  a  net.  Our  Constitution  was 
made  only  for  a  moral  and  relif^ious  people.  It  is 
wholly  inadequate  to  the  government  of  any  other. 

Oaths  in  this  country  are  as  yet  universally  con- 
sidered as  sacred  obligations.  That  which  you  have 
taken,  and  so  solemnly  repeated  on  that  venerable 
ground,  is  an  ample  j)le(lge  of  your  sincerity  and  de- 
votion to  your  country  and  its  government. 

(Signed)  John  Adams. 

Quiiu-.y,  lull  ()dolM>r,  I7!>8. 

In  1805,  General  Hull  was  apj)ointed  by  Con- 
gress, Governor  of  the  Michigan  Territory.  The 
term  of  service  was  for  three  years.  He  was  re -ap- 
pointed two  successive  terms  by  his  Government  to 
this  oflice,  the  duties  of  which  he  performed. 


'APPi^NDIX. 


I. 

Colonel  Hulls  conversation  with  Governor  Simcoe,  respect- 
ing Washinirtons  escape  from  Cornwallis,  at  Trenton, 
New  Jersey. 

Ill  the  year  1793,  I  was  employed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  tile  United  Slates,  to  hold  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  and  at  that  time  became  acquainted  with 
General  Simcoe,  who  was  Governor  of  the  Province 
of  Upper  Canada.  At  his  table,  in  the  presence  of 
a  number  of  British  officers,  the  subject  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary War  was  introduced.  General  Simcoe  was 
a  Lieutenant-Colonel  at  the  time  rcjferred  to.  He 
commanded  a  partisan  corps,  and  was  with  Lord 
Cornwallis  at  Trenton.  I  stated  the  situation  of  the 
American  army  at  that  time ;  described  the  position 
we  had  taken,  and  our  full  expectation  of  being  im- 
mediately attacked ;  that  in  such  case,  we  had  no 
alternative  but  to  risk  a  general  battle  or  retreat  down 
the  river  to  Burlington.  If  the  latter  had  been  adopt- 
ed, the  enemy  being  in  the  best  possible  situation  for 
pursuit,  it  is  probable  that  we  should  have  been  over- 
taken and  forced  into  an  engagement.   On  the  other 


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APPENDIX. 


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hand,  if  we  had  been  compelled  to  meet  the  enemy 
in  a  general  battle  in  the  first  instance,  the  superior- 
ity of  their  numbers  would  have  given  them  such 
advantages  as  almost  to  have  insured  a  victory,  which 
would   have  nearly  annihilated  our  army. 

The  conversation  seemed  very  interesting  to  the 
young  British  officers,  who  were  present,  and  had  not 
been  actors  in  the  scenes  described,  and  in  which 
both  General  Simcoe  and  myself  were  personally  en- 
gaged. The  feelings  of  the  Governor  were  aroused 
by  past  recollections,  and  with  much  animation,  ris- 
ing from  his  chair,  replied,  that  as  soon  as  the  Amer- 
ican army  retreated  and  took  position  on  tlie  south 
side  of  the  Assanpink,  and  the  British  army  came 
into  possession  of  the  principal  part  of  the  town,  and 
the  grounds  on  the  north  side  of  the  creek,  he  in- 
quired of  Lord  Cornwallis,  whether  it  was  not  his 
intention  immediately  to  make  a  general  attack. 

His  Lordship  answered,  that  he  should  not; 
that  his  troops  were  ftitigued  by  a  long  march  ;  that 
he  wished  to  give  them  all  the  comforts  he  could 
that  night,  and  should  defer  until  morning  any  fur- 
ther operations. 

Governor  Simcoe  remarked,  that  there  was  then 
more  than  an  hour  of  daylight ;  that  by  crossing  the 
creek  high  up  on  General  Washington's  right,  he 
might  force  him  to  a  general  action,  and  the  event 
would  probably  put  a  close  to  the  war. 

In  answer  to  this,  it  was  urged,  that  the  Amer- 
ican army  could  not  pass  the  Delaware,  and  he  should 
be  sure  of  it  in  the  morning. 

Simcoe  closed  by  remarking  to  Lord  Cornwallis, 


to  the 


APPENDIX.  269 

that  in  some  way  Washington  would  escape  from 
him  ;  and  that  his  only  chance  of  a  victory,  was  to 
make  the  attack  that  evening. 

"Thus,"  observed  the  Governor,  «  was  lost  an  op- 
portunity of  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  in  which  case 
both  countries  would  now  have  been  happy,  in  form- 
ing one  great  and  powerful  nation." 

Governor  Simcoe  was  an  officer  of  high  distinc- 
tion in  the  British  army.  He  was  Governor  of  Up- 
per Canada,  and  was  afterwards  appointed  Governor- 
general  in  the  East  Indies.  He  died,  when  on  the 
point  of  embarking  for  that  important  command. 


II. 

Letter  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Binney,  of  Philadel- 
phia, to  a  daughter  of  General  William  Hull. 

Washington,  D.  C,  Janimry,  1835. 

My  Dear  Madam,— I  need  not  dissemble  the 
pleasure  it  would  give  me,  if  it  were  in  my  power  to 
supply  you  with  any  facts,  that  would  assist  your  fa- 
ther's family  in  their  contribution  to  the  biographical 
work,  of  which  you  do  me  the  favour  to  write.  My 
boyish  and  youthful  recollections  of  him  are  so  agree- 
able, and  my  impressions  at  a  later  day  so  strong,  of 
the  injustice  done  to  him,  in  a  principal  event  of  his 
Hfe,  that  it  will  give  me  a  very  high  degree  of  satis- 
faction, to  see  his  actions  and  character  described  as 
I  have  always  thought  they  deserved  to  be. 


270 


APPENDIX. 


Personally,  however,  you  will  be  aware,  that  1 
know  little  that  can  enter  into  such  a  work,  when  I 
bring  to  your  recollection,  that  I  removed  from  his 
vicinity  upon  leaving  College,  at  the  time  when  the 
great  political  parties  of  our  country  first  took  a  deci- 
ded shape,  and  that  for  several  years,  with  occasional 
exceptions  of  a  short  visit  to  Watertown,  I  saw  litde 
of  him,  and  thought  much  less  of  political  movements 
and  changes  then  in  progress,  than  of  acquiring  the 
profession  by  which  1  was  to  live.  It  is  possible, 
that  on  my  return  to  Philadelphia,  I  may  have  my 
recollection  refreshed  by  a  recurrence  to  letters  and 
other  papers  which  I  have  there,  and  I  will  imme- 
diately communicate  any  thing  which  they  may  fur- 
nish. 

There  is  one  anecdote  of  his  military  life  in  the 
Revolution,  which  the  late  Dr.  Rush  told  me  at  the 
time  when  the  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  De- 
troit first  reached  our  city,  that  I  will  give  you,  as 
soon  as  by  reference  to  my  papers  it  can  be  given 
with  accuracy.  It  recorded  an  effort  on  his  part, 
made  under  circumstances  in  which  a  generous  mind 
alone  would  have  thought  of  making  -t,  to  stem  the 
current  of  prejudice,  then  setting  ag«.nst  a  gallant 
though  unfortunate  officer,  the  late  General  St.  Clair, 
after  the  defeat  of  Ticonderoga. 

You  may  perceive  that  Dr.  Rush  repeated  it  in 
sympathy  with  the  then  similar  situation  of  your 
father. 

I  beg  to  be  assured  of  the  respect  and  friendship 
of,  dear  madam,  yours  truly, 

,,      ^  HORACE  BINNEY. 

Mrs.  Campbell. 


APPENDIX. 


271 


e,  that  I 
,  when  I 
from  his 
vhen  the 
k  a  deci- 
ccasional 
saw  little 
Dvements 
iring  the 
possible, 
have  my 
:ters  and 
11  imme- 
may  fur- 

e  in  the 
ie  at  the 
•  of  De- 
you,  as 
i)e  given 
his  part, 
)us  mind 
Jtem  the 
I  gallant 
St.  Clair, 

ted  it  in 
of  your 

iendship 

NNEY. 


Honourable  Horace  Binney  to  a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

PuiLADELrHIA,  April  lOtll,  1835. 

My  Dear  Madam,— It  is  with  unfeigned  regret 
that  I  do  not  find  among  my  papers  a  memorandum 
of  the  anecdote  communicated  to  me  by  Dr.  Rush  in 
regard  to  your  father.  General  Hull ;  and  without  such 
a  guide,  I  cannot  so  repeat  it  as  to  make  it  fit  for 
introduction  into  an  authentic  account  of  his  life. 
The  substance  was  this : 

Your  father,  I  understood,  was  with  General  St. 
Clair  at  Ticonderoga.  The  evacuation  of  that  post 
by  General  St.  Clair,  upon  the  approach  of  General 
Burgoyne,  was  the  occasion  of  almost  universal  sur- 
prise to  the  country,  and  of  bitter  reproaches  again.rf. 
General  St.  Clair.  The  feeling  extended  even  to 
General  Washington,  as  his  letters  now  disclose, 
though  his  great  prudence  prevented  him  from  impart- 
ing it  to  any,  but  persons  worthy  of  confidence.  The 
excitement,  I  learned  from  Dr.  Rush,  was  greater  than 
in  the  affair  of  Detroit. 

It  was  as  the  army  under  St.  Clair's  command 
was  retiring,  that  General  Hull  was  seen,  during  a 
halt,  writing  a  note  or  letter  on  the  stump  of  a  tree  ; 
and  being  asked  by  a  friend  upon  what  he  was  em- 
ployed, he  replied  :  «  I  am  writing  a  paragraph  for  a 
newspaper,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  unfounded  cen- 
sure already  begun,  against  a  brave  officer  who  has 
done  his  duty,  and  to  whom  the  resources  placed  at  his 
disposition  by  the  country,  and  the  character  of  the 
works  he  had  to  defend,  left  no  alternative  but  to 
retire.     I  cannot  be  happy  until  I  have  contributed 


272 


APPKNDIX. 


my  niitc,  to  (Icfi'iid  and  sixvc.  tlio  honour  of  a  brave 
and  acconiplislicd  ofliccr,  who  has  been  iinahh;  Vo  do 
what  his  (unuitry  wished,  and  fhoujL^lit  without  reason 
that  he  had  the  means  of  erre('tin"." 

'I'his  was  the  substances  of  Dr.  Husli's  eommuuica- 
lion.  It  may  be  interesting  to  yon  to  hear  of  it,  as 
It  was  lo  UK",  ])arti('ularly  from  tlie  coincidence  be- 
tween your  father's  situation  and  that  of  General  St. 
('hiir,  and  the  beauty  of  such  an  incident  in  tlie  life 
of  one  who  was  doouKul  to  experience  the  injustice 
wiiich  he  laboured  to  avert  from  his  commander. 
I  am,  dear  madant,  your  faithful  friend, 

HORACE  BINNEV. 

Ml!S.  Campbum-. 


Letter  from  the  Honounih/r.  Horace  Biniicy  to  a  ihtuifhtcr 
of  General  William  Hull. 

Piiri,Ai)Ki,i'iiiA,  Feb.  "JVtli,  1814. 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Camimu:!.!,, — I  have  received 
yom- lettcn- of  the  2.'3d  February,  and  the  newspaper 
containiuii;  Mr.  Clarke's  animadversions  upon  Mr. 
Hush's  letter  in  favour  of  General  Cass.  Consider- 
ing what  the  main  topic  of  that  letter  is,  it  is  quite  a 
coincidence,  to  recall  to  me  the  anecdote  I  had  from 
his  father.  I  recollect  it  more  vividly  than  if  it  had 
been  told  me  a  year  ago. 

i  give  you  free  |)ermission  to  use  the  extracts 
from  my  two  letters  of  Jantiary  and  April,  1835.  It 
appears  to  be  extracted  from  one  only,  and  not  hav- 
ing kept  copies,  I  am  unable  to  inform  myself. 

With   Mrs.  Binney's  regards,    and  my   compli- 


APPENDIX. 


a  brave 
)lo  to  do 
It  reason 

iinmnica- 
of  it,  as 
cnco  l)c- 
iicral  St. 
1  tlu;  life 
injustice 
der. 

;nnev. 


til,  181-1. 

received 
vv.sj)a|)er 
pon  Mr. 
onsider- 
5  quite  a 
lad  from 
if  it  had 

extracts 
?35.     It 
not  liav- 
f. 
com  pi  i- 


273 


ments  to  Mr.  Campbell,  1    remain,   my  dear   Mrs 
Camphell,  very  respectfully  and  sincerel 

Mus.  Mauia  ('AMi'ii>:i,r,. 

From  the  Conncciicul  C 


ly,  yours, 

I  toil.  BINNEY. 


Kxirdcl.   of  a   Irllcr  f 


Durniil  (Ilarlford),  July  28,  1777. 


North 


cm 


.  'rom    an  officer  of  distincUon  in  the 
Army,,latr4  Jul,,  17,  1777,  at  Moses'  Creek 
{<il>oul  Jour  miles  fro,,,.  IWt  VAunu-d,  on  the  Hudson, 
Jijly  miles  no,-th  of  Alhanij). 

"  Ti.e  n-treat  from  Ticondero^^a  will  be  a  matter 
of  speculation  m  (he  country,  and  the  accounts  differ- 
ent and  confused.  A  true  stat..  of  facts  will,  there- 
lore,  be  very  satisfactory,  without  doubt. 

"  We  were  deceived  with  resp.^ct  to  the  strength 
of  th(!  enemy  and  our  own  reinforcements :  tlic^  ene- 
my have  practised  a  piece  of  finesse  which  has  too 
well  answered  their  purpose  ;  they  have  so  conducted, 
that  all  hands  m  the  United  States  believed  (hey  had 
drawn   their  ibrces  from  Canada  to  the  soud.ward, 
and  designed  only  to  garrison  their  posts  in  the  north- 
ern world.      1  he  consequence  of  this  belief  has  be(>n 
the  ordering  of  cioht  regiments,  destined  for  Ticon' 
dc^roga  and  its  environs,  to  Peekskill ;  and  little  at- 
tention has  been  paid  to  this  department.     The  ene- 
my s  condition  in  Canada  has  been  represented  as 
miserable,  confused,  scattered,  and  sickly.     This  has 
been  the  general  opinion  in  camp  and  country  and 
our  situation  has  been  thought  perfectly  safe.     Our 
force  consisted  of  about  4000,  including  the  corps  of 
ar  illery  and  artificers,  who  were  not  armed ;  a  con- 
siderable part  of  which  were  militia.     We  could  brin- 
about  3000  fit  for  duty  into  the  field. 

18 


274 


APPENDIX. 


"  General  Burf>;oync  camo  against  us  with  about 
8000  healthy,  s|)iiite(l  ti-(H)|)s;  with  a  lake  force,  con- 
sisting of  three  [iftj-gun  ships;  a  thuiulerer,  mount- 
ing eighteen  brass  twenty-four  jjounders,  two  thirteen- 
inch  mortars,  a  number  of  howitzers,  several  sloops, 
gun-boats,  &:c.  Their  strength  being  so  very  supe- 
rior to  ours,  obliged  us  to  tamely  sit  still,  and  sec;  them 
erect  batteries  all  around  us,  without  Ija/arding  a 
sally.  Two  battcri(>s  were  elected  in  front  of  our 
lines,  on  higher  ground  than  ours.  Within  half  a 
mile  on  our  left,  they  had  taken  post,  on  a  very  high 
hill,  overlooking  all  our  works.  Our  right  would  have 
been  connnanded  by  their  shipping  and  batteries  they 
had  erected  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake,  so  that 
our  lin(;s  at  Ticonderoga  would  have  been  of  no  ser- 
vice, and  we  must  have  inevitably  abandoned  them 
in  a  few  days,  after  their  batteries  opened,  which 
would  have  been  the  next  morning.  We  then  should 
have  been  necessitated  to  retire  to  Fort  Indepen- 
dence, the  consequence  of  which,  I  conceive,  would 
have  been  much  worse  than  the  mode  adopted;  for, 
the  moment  we  had  left  Ticonderoga,  they  could  sail 
their  shipping  by  us,  and  prevent  our  communication 
with  Skeensborough  ;  then  the  only  avenue  to  and 
from  Fort  Independence  would  have  been  by  a  nar- 
row neck  of  land,  leading  from  the  Mount  to  the 
Grants.  To  this  neck,  they  had  almost  cut  a  road ; 
a  da}'  more  would  have  completed  it.  A  few  troops 
stationed  at  Ticonderoga  would  have  prevented  our 
communication  with  Lake  George,  as  our  own  works 
would  have  been  against  us.  Their  shipping  would 
have  destroyed  our  connexion  with  Skeensborough, 


APPENDIX. 


276 


til  about 
rco,  con- 
,  inoiiiit- 
tliiitocii- 
1  ;sloops, 
ny  supe- 
sco  tlicm 
irdiiig   a 
It  of  our 
n   half  a 
cry  high 
)uld  iuive 
lies  thoy 
,  so  that 
f  no  ser- 
icd  them 
d,  which 
m  should 
liulcpen- 
n-.,  would 
ted ;  for, 
could  sail 
unication 
le  to  and 
by  a  nar- 
it  to  the 
t  a  road ; 
!W  troops 
3nted  our 
vn  works 
ng  would 
s  borough, 


and  tlieir  main  body  might  have  been  placed  on  this 
neck  of  land,  which,  by  a  few  works  might  have  })re- 
vented  all  supplies  and  reinforcements.     VVc  mir^ht 
have  staid  at  the  Mount  as  long  as  our  provisions 
would   have   suj)ported  us.     We  had  flour  for  thirty 
days,  and   meat  sufficient  only  for  a  week.     Under 
these  circumstances,  General  St.  Clair  on  the  6th  in- 
stant called  a  council  of  war,  and  an  evacuation  was 
unanimously  agreed  upon,  as  the  o.dy  means  of  sav- 
nig  the  army  from  captivity.     It  was  necessary,  also, 
that  our  retreat  should  be  precipitate,  as  the  commu- 
nication was  almost  cut  off,  and  they  would  soon  be 
apprised  of  our  design.     It  was  therefore  determined 
to  send  the  baggage  and  sick  in  boats  to  Skeensbo- 
roiigh,  and   for  the  army  to  march  by  land  from  the 
Mount  to  Skeensboiough,  b(>ing  forty  miles.     At  the 
dawn  of  day  we  left  J^ort  Independence,  and  I  can- 
not say  the  march  was  conducted  with  the  greatest 
regularity. 

"  The  front,  which  was  the   main  body,  marched 
thirty   miles  to  a   place   called   Castle-town,   about 
twelve  miles  from  Skeensborough  ;  the  militia  halted 
three  miles  in  rear  of  the  front ;  and  the  rear--uard, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Francis,  being  joined  by  Col- 
onels Warner   and    Hale,  halted  at    Hubbart-town, 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  rear  of  the   militia.     As 
the  march  was  severe,  the  feeble  of  the  armv  had 
fallen  iu  the  rear,  and  tarried   at  Hubbart-towi/ with 
the  rear-guard.    This  body  in  the  rear  might  consist  of 
near  a  thousand  men.     Before   I  proceed  farther,  it 
may  be  necessary  to  give  you   the  enemy's  disposi- 
tions, after  they  were  advised  of  our  retreat.     A  large 


276 


AriMWIMX. 


body,  at  least  two  thousand,  \vor«i  detaclird,  to  pur- 
sik;  our  main  body  and  harass  our  roar.  All  tin;  gun- 
boats and  some  ol"  the  shipping,  were  sent  after  our 
baggage,  and  eame  u[)  with  it  at  Skeensborough  and 
took  it.  Tlu!  ninth  regiment,  eonnnanded  by  f  Jeii- 
tenant-Colonel  Hills,  was  ordered  to  run  down  South 
Bay,  and  land  an(i  mareh  a  by-road  to  Fort  Ann,  and 
take  that  before  our  trooj)s  could  reach  it.  The  re- 
mainder of  tiie  army  went  on  to  Skeensborough, 
except  a  garrison  at  Ticondcnoga.  The  body  of  the 
enemy  sent  to  harass  our  rear,  came  up  with  it  the 
next  mornini;  at  Hubbart-town,  which  was  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Warner.  By  the  exertions  of  the 
officers,  our  little  army  formed  and  gave  them  battle, 
which  continued  about  twenty-live  minutes,  very  se- 
vere, when  our  party  were  overpowered  with  num- 
bers, and  gave  way.  The  loss  on  both  sides  was 
considerable;  as  our  people  took  the  woods  and  are 
daily  coming  in,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  our  loss, 
Colonc^l  Francis,  a  worthy  and  brave  oflicer,  after 
signalizing  himself,  was  shot  through  and  expired 
instantly.  Colonel  Male  is  missing.  It  is  natural  to 
ask.  Why  was  not  Colonel  Warner  reinforced  ?  Let 
me  tell  you.  Orders  were  sent  to  Colonel  ****** 
who  commanded  the  militia,  to  go  to  the  assistance 
of  the  rear-guard,  but  before  they  arrived  the  action 
was  over  and  our  people  dispersed.  Our  main  body 
being  now  twelve  miles  from  Skeensborough,  and 
hearing  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had  arrived 
there,  and  knowing  that  a  large  body  was  in  our 
rear,  the  General  imagined,  if  we  pursued  our  route, 
that  we  must  engage   both  in  front  and  rear,  under 


APPENDIX. 


to  piir- 


277 


great  disadvantage ;  and  to  pursue  his  plan  in  first  re- 
treating,  winch  was  to  save  the  armj,  he  thought  it 
prudent  to  file  off  to  the  left,  and  hefoie  W(>  reached 
Hudson  river,  we  marched  1.50  miles.     In  this  march 
we   picked   up  ahout  thirty   ],risoners,   part   British, 
part  VV  aldeckers,  and  part  Canadians.     The  party  of 
our  men  who  wer(,  at  Ske.mshorough,   retreated  to 
l^ort  Ann.     Thej  were  twice  attacked   by  the  ninth 
regiment,  and  both  times  repulsed  them.     Tlwy  took 
a  Captain  Montgomery  and  a  Doctor,  and  would  pro- 
bably have    taken    the    whole   regiment,    had    their 
ammunition  held  out.    This  is  a  candid  state  of  facts 
and  lor  this  conduct  we  are  told  our  country  calls  us 
either  knaves  or  cowards.     I  conceive  they  ought  to 
be  grateful   to  our  General ;  for  had  we   staid,  we 
very  certainly  should   have  been  taken  ;  and  then  no 
troops  to  have  stood   between  the  enemy  and  the 
country.     Our  affairs  now  are  not  desperate  in  this 
(juarter,   as  they  certainly  would  have   been.     We 
have  destroyed  Fort  George  and  its  appendages,  and 
shall  soon  be  abh;,  I  hope,  to  make  head  against  our 
enemies,  as  W(!  are  gathering  strength  and  re-collect- 
ing  ourselves," 


III. 

IIkad-Quaktehs,  Peekskili,,  Marcli  11,  1779. 

Sir— I  received  last  night  a  letter  of  yours, 
without  date.  It  is  my  intention,  when  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Burr  leaves  the  lines,  you  are  to  command. 


270 


APPKNDIX 


and  to  remain  there  as  long  as  the  dut'uis  of  your 
oflicc  of  Inspector  will  permit,  witli  all  the 
power  with  which  Colonel  Burr  was  invtssted. 
These  I  wish  you  to  exercise  in  their  full  (!Xtent. 
Previous  to  his  leaving  you,  I  beg  him  and  you  to 
digest  in  ordi'r  all  those  directions  I  gave  him,  and 
what  has  appeared  to  him  necc^ssary  to  answer  the 
ohjects  of  his  command,  which  I  desire  may  be  ob- 
served by  you,  till  I  can  revise  them,  if  that  should 
be  found  necessary. 

1  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGAIJ.. 
To  Major  HuLt,  nt  the  Lines. 


"  Warrant  to  Major  Hull,  commanding  on  the  Lines. 

"  Whereas  a  certain  act  of  the  People,  Senate 
and  Assembly  of  the  State  of  New-York,  entitled 
An  Act  for  the  regulating  Impresses  of  Teams,  &:c., 
in  the  said  State,  passed  the  second  of  April  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-nine,  cannot  be  put  in  execution  on  and 
along  the  American  lines  in  the  County  of  West 
Chester,  through  the  inability  of  the  civil  officers  to 
execute  the  same  ;  and  whereas  also  the  public  ser- 
vicedoes  require  immediately,  that  a  munberof  Teams 
be  employed  on  and  along  the  Lines  aforesaid,  and 
the  impossibility  of  obtaining  the  Impressurc;  of 
Teams  as  aforesaid,  pursuant  to  the  said  Law  is  Im- 
practicable. These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and 
Impower  you  to  Impress  so  many  Teams  from  Time 
to  Time  as  the  Publick  shall  demand  of  and  from 
Disaffected  Persons,  if  so  many  Teams  can  be  pro- 


APPKNDIX. 


279 


of  your 
all  the 
iivtistod. 

extent. 
I  you  to 
\'\m,  and 
iwer  the 
y  be  ol)- 
it  should 


UGAIJ.. 


e  Lines. 

,  Senate 
,  entitled 
mis,  &c., 
il  in  the 
lied  and 

on  and 
of  West 
riieers  to 
ibiic  ser- 
)f  Teams 
said,  and 
;ssur(;  of 
vv  is  Im- 
irize  and 
)m  Time 
Hid  from 

be  pro- 


cured from  them,  otherwise  from  the  other  Inhabi- 
tants also  (they  being  also  to  be  included)  as  far 
North,  on  an  Kast  and  West  Line,  as  to  the  North 
Castle  Church.  And  you  are  to  <r\\o  the  Owner  or 
Owiu'rs  of  such  Teams  a  Certificate,  specifying  the 
Time  of  Service,  and  to  dire(;t  him  or  them  to  call 
for  the  Disciiarge  of  the  same.  You  are  to  see  that 
the  Owners  and  Teams  be  well  used,  and  to  make  the 
Service  as  easy  as  possibly  you  can,  by  calliiig  for  the 
Teams  on  the  own(>rs  in  rotation.  Given  under  my 
Maud  and  Seal  this  Twenty-Eighth  day  of  March,  In 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-nine.     Done  at  Head-Quarters,  Peekskill. 

'•  Af-KX.  M(  DOl'CALL,  M.  General. 
"  To  Major  Iln.i.,  ortlio  OiI'icit  (•oiMiimnilinn'  on  tlio  Lines  > 
in  the  County  of  Went  Chester,  lor  Ihe  time  l)eiiii,r."  ^ 

Gcnrra/  McDou gall's  Brph,  to  Major  Hull,  in  reference  to 
the  subject  of  Justice  Sherwooiis  letter  respecting  im- 
pressment, (J-f. 

IlEAD-qTTARTKns,  Peekskii.i,,  April  13,  1779. 

Sir — When  I  wrote  you  on  yesterday,  your  Aivour 
of  the  7th  was  overlooked  in  my  drawers. 

I  approve  your  conduct  in  ordering  the  horses 
stolen  to  be  returned  to  the  well  affected,  on  salvage. 
This  will  endear  the  army  to  the  distressed  inhab- 
itants. 

As  to  your  intended  position,  I  own  I  am  not  clear 
on  its  expediency,  especially  if  the  troops  on  your 
left  do  not  advance.  If  a  superior  force  to  your 
command  should  surround  the  houses  of  your  ad- 
vanced [)ickets,  they  will  be  lost.  However,  if  your 
intelligence  is  good  and  frequent,  I  have  no  objection 


280 


APPENDIX, 


to  your  taking  it.  In  a  little  time  you  can  change 
yoin  position  so  frequent  in  barns,  that  it  will  be 
extremely  difficult,  with  alertness,  for  the  enemy  to 
surprise  you,  or  any  of  your  parties. 

The  Carolina  Infantry  I  intended  lo  relieve.  One 
of  Nixon's  parties,  and  one  from  Poor's  is  ordered  to- 
day to  relieve  the  other  from  that  brigade.  Tiiese 
reliefs  are  designed  to  focilitate  a  review  of  Nixon's 
brigade,  so  that  I  desire  every  officer  and  man  from  it 
may  be  sent  up,  when  Poor's  detachment  reaches  you, 
1  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  jjower  for  the  exchange 
of  the  citizens  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

1  am,  in  haste,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 
To  Major  Hull,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 


West  Point,  April  19,  1779. 

Dear  Sir — I  received  your  favour  enclosing  some 
York  papers,  fcr  which  I  return  you  my  hearty  thanks. 
Agreeable  to  General  McDougall's  order,  received  last 
evening,  send  you  C^iptain  Drew,  who  I  think  is  an 
officer  calculated  for  an  advanced  corps.  Also  send  a 
sub.  from  General  Patterson's  brigade,  to  relieve 
Lieutenant  Morton,  of  the  first  Massachusetts  regi- 
ment, as  the  company  he  belongs  to  is  desritute  of  an 
officer.  Colonel  Bailey  desires  that  Lieutenant  Ila;,- 
wood  would  stay  for  the  present,  thv  re  being  now  an 
ffficer  to  that  coinjianv. 

Your  transmitting  to  this  garrison  the  York  papers 
when  there  is  an  opi)ortunity,  will  much  oblige,  sir. 

Your  iiumble  servant. 

»r  •    TT        ^  L.  BAILEY. 

Major  Hull,  Commaiiding  on  the  Lines. 


APPENDIX. 


281 


West  Citr.sTER  C()1':;ty, 


I 


SiM;  HiNd,  April  28tli,  1779. 

Agreeable  to  the  law  and  acts  of  the  Legislature, 
in  the  State  of  New- York,  for  the  impressment  of 
any  teams,  hors(  .s,  carriages,  or  drivers,  are  not  to  be 
made  on  any  pretenc*^  Avluttever,  without  the  leave  of 
the  law  of  this  State;  and  as  perj)etual  complaints 
are  made  from  time  to  time,  of  unlawful  taking  of 
teams  and  horses,  contrary  to  the  law,  I  do  therefore 
desire  these  or  such  unlawful  practices  may  be  stopped; 
and  as  they  have  an  evil  tendency  to  subverting  good 
order,  I  am  in  the  next  {)lace  to  desire,  that  your  Ho- 
nour will  be  pleased  for  to  return  the  horses  taken 
from  Jacob  Rider  and  Robert  McCord ;  1  ask  this  on 
account  that  these  horses  and  teams  of  Rider  and 
McCord  have  served  at  the  bridge  and  in  carting 
forage  to  that  part  of  the  army,  and  as  th^;  season  of 
the  year  is  come  that  something  must  be  carried  on 
in  the  field,  and  the  team  of  McCord  is  taken  from 
the  plough,  and  the  team  of  Rider,  to  my  knowledge, 
was  going  to  I'ishkiU  for  to  carry  something  to  his 
son,  and  inasmuch  as  these  teams  have  not  been 
granted  at  any  time  from  the  service,  I  ask  the  return 
of  these  horses,  and  desire  for  the  future  your  Honour 
will  be  pleased  to  take  the  ste})s  of  the  law,  whenever 
there  shall  be  occasion  for  an  impress  of  horses, 
teams,  or  drivers,  which  will  afford  the  same  supplies 
and  atop  the  clamour  of  the  people,  and  create  good 
order  ai,m  do  honour  to  ourselves  and  country. 
I  am,  sir,  in  all  respects, 

Vu,  ;  very  iiumble  servant, 

SOLOMON  SIIJUIWOOI),  Esq. 

Juslkr  vf  lite  Peace. 
To  r.Irjor  IIlll,  on  the  Linos. 


282 


APPENDIX. 


Head-qitarters,  Peekskill,  Feb.  2f),  1779. 

Sir— Your  three  favours  of  the  27th  inst.,  and 
one  of  28tli,  have  been  received.  I  am  sorry  to  hear 
of  Djkeman's  illness— hope  he  will  soon  recover.  I 
approve  your  plan  of  altering  your  position  in  the 
manner  you  mention  on  the  27th.  You  need  not 
send  up  the  express  every  day,  unless  you  have  advi- 
ces of  the  enemy's  movement,  either  by  land  or  by 
water,  on  the  river,  or  some  very  important  intelli- 
gence. Colonel  Greaton's  regiment  will  be  sent  down 
to  cover  your  left  as  soon  as  it  can  be  got  ready.  In 
the  mean  time,  cover  the  country  as  well  as  you  can. 
Your  letter  to  the  Commander-in-chief  shall  be  for- 
warded with  the  other  j)apers. 

Your  humble  servant, 

ALF.X.  McDOUGALL. 
Major  Hull,  Commanding  on  the  Linos. 


Head-Quarters,  Peekskill,  April  30,  1779. 

Sir — Colonel  Greaton's  regiment  will  march  from 
Crompond  to-morrow,  for  the  Purchase.  I  wish  you 
to  consult  and  arrange  with  the  commanding  officer 
as  to  the  best  mode  of  covering  the  country.  Let  him 
have  half  of  your  guides  and  horsemen,  best  acquaint- 
ed in  that  quarter.  That  regiment,  or  any  other 
which  may  relieve  it,  is  to  retire  by  forced  marches  to 
these  posts,  whenever  the  commanding  oflicer  shall 
be  advised  from  yo^',  of  the  enemy  appearing  in  force 
on  the  North  river.  You  will  dierefore  please  to 
give  him  information  when  that  event  happens. 

When  Colonel  Lorin  is  settled  and  fixed  in  his 
position,  send  up  the  detachment  from  Poor's  brigade, 
as  they  are  to  marcli  from  hence  the  eighth  of ''next 


APPENDIX. 


283 


>n,  1770. 

nst.,  and 
y  to  hear 
over.  I 
1  in  the 
iced  not 
ive  advi- 
d  or  by 
t  intelli- 
nt  down 
dy.  In 
^'oii  can. 
be  for- 


GALL. 


0,  1779. 

•ch  from 
^ish  you 
I  officer 
Lict  him 
•quaint- 
y  other 
•dies  to 
^r  shall 
in  force 
jase  to 

•i. 

I  in  his 
irigade. 
)f  next 


month.  I  have  directed  Colonel  Bailey  to  send  you 
as  many  of  the  light  infentry  as  can  be  well  shod,  to 
relieve  the  like  number  of  Patterson's  and  Learned's 
with  you. 

I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 

Major  Hull,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 

IlEAD-QtJAKTERs,  Peekpkill,  May  22,  1779. 

Sir — I  duly  received  your  two  favours  of  yesterday. 
I  think  it  very  probable  the  enemy  intend  an  attack  on 
your  parties,  or  a  movement  out  in  pursuit  of  stock. 
If  it  is  the  former,  he  will  make  a  disposition  to  at- 
tack both,  at  the  same  time,  and  at  night  or  very 
early  in  the  morning.  I  wish  you,  therefore,  to 
advise  Major  Oliver  of  the  enemy's  movements, 
and  desire  him  to  be  very  alert.  I  need  not  repeat  the 
necessity  of  having  things  in  train  for  a  quick  move- 
ment. If  the  enemy  move  in  such  force,  as  that  you 
have  reason  to  conclude  he  has  a  greater  object  in 
view  than  that  I  have  mentioned,  it  will  therefore  be 
expedient  that  the  whole  command  on  the  lines,  ex- 
cept the  militia  parties,  retire  in  such  manner  as  will 
give  the  enemy  every  jirudent  opposition  in  the  rouie 
to  join  their  corps.  The  inhabitants  should  be  ad- 
vised of  the  position  of  the  enemy,  to  be  prepared  to 
remove  their  cattle.  When  the  enemy  is  in  motion, 
drop  a  line  of  advice,  if  you  can,  to  General  Nixon, 
and  keep  me  advised  every  day,  till  further  orders. 

I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 

Major  Hull,  Commanding  on  tlio  Lines. 


284 


APPflNDIX". 


Letter  from  John    Nhon,    li.  G.,  to  Major   Hull,    Com- 
viandmg  on  the  Lines. 

('ou.Aui-nn,  Miiy  i>2,  1779. 

Dkar  Sir— I  received  your  fovoiir  of  last  even- 
ing at  nine  o'clock,  in  wliicli  you  inform  ine  of  the 
q)I)roac!.  of  the  enen.y  as  far  as  Courthuids.  I  im- 
mediately forwarded  your  letter  to  General  MeDou- 
pdl.  Shouhl  he  glad  you  would  let  me  know  hy 
hearer,  whether  the  cieiny  has  advanced  any  further 

snice  yo.i  wrote   me  last  evening,  and  if  they  have, 

which  road,  and  in  what  direction. 

I  have  the  honour  to  he,  with  the  truest  esteem, 

fejr,  your  very  humhle  servant, 

AT.        ir         r,  JOHN  NIXON,  B.  G. 

MAJOR  Jlii.L,  Coinmiinding  on  the  Linos. 


IV. 

RELATIVE    TO    THE    ASSAULT    ON    MORRISSANIA. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Hull  to  one  of  her  daughters. 

Neu-to\,  Masf^achuspttP,  April  12   18^-' 

"  We  have  be(Mi  reading  the   S].y,  with  a  good 
deal  of  interest.     It  brought  to  your  father's  recollec- 
tion  the   days  of  yore.     The   scenes   were  laid  on 
ground  he  had  often  travelled  over;  and  that  part  of 
t^ie  hook  in  relation  to  the  Skinners,   is  no  fiction. 
Your  father  has  no  recollection  of  the  fomilies  the  au- 
thor mentions,  although  he  knew  almost  every  indi- 
vidual in  that  part  of  the  country,  for  twenty  or  thirty 
miles  around.       He  commanded  on    the  lines,  be 


APPENDIX. 


285 


'om- 


B.  G. 


twccn  our  army  and  the  British,  for  tliroe  winters ; 
and  a  hard  time  ho  had  of  it,  ho  says;  for  he  made  it 
his  constant  rule,  never  to  take  off  liis  clothes  at 
night,  hut  merely  to  lay  down  and  tak(;  a  naj),  and 
be  called  at  one  o'clock,  and  mount  his  horse  and  re- 
connoitre the  country  till  morning. 

"  The  author  begins  his  history  in  1781.  It  was 
an  interesting  year — it  was  the  year  we  were  mar- 
ried. Your  father  applied  to  General  Washington 
for  leave  of  absence  :  the  General  replied,  it  was  ne- 
cessary lor  a  scouring  J)arty  to  go  down  to  West 
Chester  ;  and  as  he  had  been  there,  and  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  grounds,  he  wished  him  to  go; 
after  that^  he  would  give  him  leave  of  absence  till  the 
opening  of  the  sj)ring  campaign.  Previous  to  this, 
he  wrote  me  that  he  should  be  here  early  in  January. 
I,  not  knowing  of  the  secret  expedition,  nor  hearing 
a  word  from  him,  a  long  month  passed,  in  wonder  to 
me,  you  may  well  think ;  but  after  he  had  scoured 
the  grounds  around  West  Chester,  and  brought  off 
old  Tillo  (whose  history  you  have  heard  long  ago)  ; 
he  came,  and  we  wore  married.  I  returned  with  him 
to  the  army.  There  I  mcjt  Dr.  Thomas,  a  surgeon 
of  the  regimtmt.  He  congratulated  me  on  my  arri- 
val, and  gave  me  the  history  of  the  engagement  at 
Morrissania,  which  was  a  pretty  warm  one,  he  said. 
He  was  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  where  he  had  a  full  view 
of  the  manceuvres  ;  and  his  whole  thoughts  were  on 
me  ;  and  knowing  that  I  hourly  expected  your  father, 
and  what  I  expected  him  for,  he  trembled  at  what 
might  be  the  events  of  this  day. 

"  The  closing  scene  of  the  history   tv  s  affecting 


286 


APPENDIX. 


to  US ;  It  ended  in  Liindj's  Lane,  where  your  unfortu- 
nate brother  was  killed.*  Th.is,  beginning  on  the 
ground  where  your  father  fought,  and  ending  where 
your  brother  fell." 


V. 

TOUR    TO    UPPER    CANADA. 

Extracts  from  a  Jonrual  of  Colmwl  Hull,  while  Com- 
imsswuer  to  treat  with  the  British  and  hold  Treaties 
^oith  the  riidians. 

January  27, 1791.     This  day  I  rode  through  the 
Oneida  eountry.     Here  is  a  large  Indian  settlement, 
wuh  an  extensive  tract  of  land  for  their  use.     l^hey 
are   perfectly  civil  and  well  dis])osed  towards    the 
United  States.     Th(;y  form  a   part  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions.    They  have  a  mill  near  their  castle,  and  a 
blacksmith,  who  is    paid  by  the   United   States;  a 
schoolmaster,  who  constantly  instructs  the  children, 
and  a  clergyman,  who  officiates  among  them.     God 
grant,  that   the   avarice   of  this  country  may  never 
disturb  these  native  proprietors,  but  that  they  may 
long  live  to  enjoy  their  innocent  customs,  be  enli<rht- 
ened,  and  made  respectable  and  hapj)y.  ^ 

At  night  arrived  at  Canandaigua.  General  Cha- 
pin,  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  resides 
here.  I  was  invited  to  attend  a  Council  of  about 
thirty  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors.      At  ten  in  the 

*  Captain  7\bral,ani  Fuller  Hull  was  killed  In  the  battle  of  Lundy'. 
Lane,  in  the  war  of  1812.  ^ 


APPENDIX. 


287 


f  unfortu- 
»g  on  the 
ig  where 


'ile  Cnm-^ 
Treaties 

•iigh  the 
tiement, 
•  'I'J^ey 
rds  the 
Six  Na- 
:,  and  a 
tatos ;  a 
children, 
I.  God 
y  never 
fiy  may 
unlight- 

•al  Cha- 
resides 

f  about 
in  the 

f  Lundy'e 


morning,  the  council  fire  being  built,  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  were  })araded  in  tlie  most  soU'nHi  order. 
One  of  the  chiefs  arose  and  made  a  h)iig  sjjeech, 
with  a  biilt  of  wampum  in  his  hand,  to  which  lie  re- 
ferred, whihi  speaking. 

This  belt,  over  which  he  had  studied  jiis  matter, 
now  aided  to  remind  him  of  the  thoughts  he  wisiied 
to  communicate.  General  Chapin  made  a  short  re- 
ply, informed  them  who  I  was,  and  the  nature  of  my 
business  to  Niagara;  which  was,  he  said,  to  make  ar- 
rang(!ments  for  a  general  peace  with  the  hostile 
Indians. 

I  then  made  a  speech  to  them,  to  which  they  re- 
plied in  a  handsome  and  very  interesting  manner. 
They  seemed  much  pleased,  especially  when  1  in- 
formed them  that  \  should  leave  a  sum  of  money  to 
be  applied  to  their  entertainment. 

January  28.  To-day  1  passed  through  a  country 
but  thinly  settled ;  a  poor  looking  building  perhaps 
in  ten  or  iifteen  miles  met  the  eye.  Excellent  land, 
and  will  no  doubt  become  a  most  important  part  of 
America.  At  evening  arrived  at  a  small  house  on 
the  banks  of  the  Cayuga  Lake. 

Here  I  met  Colonel  Seth  Reed  and  his  son,  who 
reside  at  Geneva,  about  fifteen  miles  from  this  place. 
I  had  dismissed  my  sleigh  and  horses  procured  at 
Schenectady,  and  was  about  engaging  another,  when 
Colonel  Reed,  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part, 
offered  me  his  sleigh  and  horses,  and  his  son  to  attend 
me  to  Niagara.     I  accepted  the  offer. 

About  twelve  o'clock  1  commenced  my  journey  to 
the  Geneva  river  ;  accompanied  by  Colonel  Taylor 


288 


APPENDIX. 


and  Mr.  Reed.  Here  we  had  arrived  to  the  extent 
of  our  setthniKints,  and  between  tliis  and  Ni.igara  is 
only  a  small  foot-j)ath,  and  two  Indian  settlements, 
the  Tonawantas  and  the  Tiiscaroras. 

Febmanj  1.      This  morning  Colonel  Taylor,  Mr. 
Reed  and  myself,  mounted  our  horses  and  rode  about 
eight  miles  over  an  entire  flat  eountry.     On  this  flat, 
near  the  river,  is   a  small    Indian   settlement.     We 
fully  expeeted  to  have  slept  in  the  woods  this  night. 
After  riding  twenty  miles  without  making  a  stop,  we 
arrived  at  a  good  fire,  whieh  the   Indians   had  only 
just  left.     Here    we    refreshed  ourselves  for  about 
fifteen  minutes.     We  then  proeeeded  on  through  the 
little  path,  which  was  very  deep  and  miry.     Night 
overtook  us  about  four  miles  from  Tonawanta.     I  was 
inclined  to  stop,  but  my  companions  thought  best  to 
proceed  to  the  village.     About  eight  o'clock  we  ar- 
rived at    the  river  opj)osite  to  the  village.     It  was 
frozen  about  half  over,  and   quite  deep.     We  called, 
and  an  Indian  soon  came  to  the  opposite  bank.     He 
could   not  speak  English,   and  we  could   understand 
nothing  he  said.     We  finally  broke  away  the  ice  and 
plunged  in  with  our  horses.     The  water  was  up  to 
the  saddles.     The  Indian  guided  us  to  his  wigwam. 
It  was  not  long  bijfore  a  great  many  of  the  Indians 
assembled.     I    spoke    to  them  in  the   most  friendly 
terms  possible,  and  continued  to  speak  until  exhaust- 
ed by  fatigue,  I  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  until 
daylight.     In   this  wigwam  there  were  as  many  as 
fifty  bushels  of  corn,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of 
wild  meat.     The  corn  was  hung  upon  poles,  and  the 
meat  upon  strings.   Before  I  left,  I  gave  them  money 


APPENDIX. 


289 


he  extent 
[i.'igara  is 
tlcments, 


ivlor,  Mr. 
idn  about 
I  this  flat, 
;nt.  We 
his  night. 

stop,  we 
had  only 
or  about 
ough  the 
.  Night 
I.  I  was 
t  best  to 
t  wo  ar- 
It  was 
e  called, 
uk.  He 
derstand 
3  ice  and 
as  up  to 
(Vigwam. 

Indians 

friendly 
pxhaust- 
ike  until 
many  as 
intity  of 

and  the 
n  money 


enough  to  make  the  whole  village  happy.  I  told 
them  to  drink  the  health  of  Honontagalios,  the  In- 
dian name  of  General  Washington.  I  told  them  we 
were  going  to  make  peace  with  all  the  nations,  and 
that  they  must  not  suffer  any  of  their  warriors  to 
join  the  hostile  nations.  They  appeared  to  be  very 
happy  and  very  thankful. 

"  Feb.  2. — At  sunrise  began  our  journey  ;  took 
some  of  these  Indians  as  our  guides,  and  in  the  eve- 
ning arrived  at  the  Tuscarora  village,  ten  miles  from 
Niagara.  Here  the  Indians  assembled  to  meet  me. 
I  had  a  talk  with  them,  and  said  every  thing  in  my 
power  to  convince  them  of  the  friendship  of  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

"  I  told  them  we  wished  for  peace,  and  should 
have  it;  and  they  must  not  suffer  their  people  to 
join  the  nations  who  were  carrying  on  war  with  the 
United  States.  I  urged  upon  them  the  importance 
of  all  the  chiefs  going  to  the  Sandusky  Treaty.  When 
I  took  leave,  I  gave  them  money,  and  told  ihem  to 
drink  the  health  of  their  Father  and  friend.  General 
Washington." 

Colonel  Hull  gives  a  description  of  the  Falls  of 
Niagara  ;  of  his  reception  by  Governor  Simcoe  ;  of 
the  company  assembled  to  meet  him  ;  of  the  rare  ac- 
complishments of  Mrs.  Simcoe  ;  her  exquisite  draw- 
ings ;  her  maps  like  copper-plate.     He  says  : 

"  Indeed,  she  sustains  a  most  excellent  character, 
and  the  Governor  seems  to  be  the  idol  of  the  people." 
After  dinner.  Colonel  Hull  retired  with  the  Governor, 
to  converse  on  the  subject  of  his  mission. 

He  continues  :    "  On  my  account  the  Governor 
19 


I 


/ 


290 


APPENDIX. 


ordered  supper  in  his  canvas-house,  which  he  brought 
from  Europe.  It  was  joined  to  his  dwelling-house- 
It  is  a  room  twenty-two  feet  by  fifteen,  with  a  floor, 
windows,  and  doors,  and  warmed  with  a  stove.  It 
is  papered  and  painted,  and  jou  would  suppose  you 
were  in  a  common  house.  The  floor  is  the  case  for 
the  whole  of  the  room.  It  is  quite  a  curiosity. 
About  eleven  o'clock  I  was  conducted  to  my  chamber. 
Perceiving  me  so  much  pleased  with  the  canvas-house, 
the  Governor  ordered  breakfast  in  it.  After  break- 
fast, I  had  another  long  conversation  with  him  re- 
specting the  business  of  my  mission." 


lie  brought 
ing-house. 
th  a  floor, 
stove.  It 
I  J)  pose  you 
le  case  for 
curiosity. 
y  chamber, 
ivas-house, 
ter  break- 
h  him  re- 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


I 


II 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


BY 


JAMES  FREEMAN  CLARKE 


NEW-YORK: 
I).  APPLETON   &  CO.,  200  BROADWAY. 

PHITiADEDPHIA  : 

GEO.  S.  APPLETON,  148  CHESNUT-STREET. 

M  DCCC  XLVni. 


PHEFACE. 


The  preceding  portion  of  tiiis  volume  contains 
the  history  of  General  Hull's  Revolutionary  services 
and  civil  life  from  1776  to  1805.  This,  which  was 
mostly  wriaen  by  himself,  was  prepared  for  the  press 
by  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  CAMPm:LL,  wife  of  Ed- 
ward F.  Campbell,  Esq.,  of  Augusta,  Georgia.  It 
was  a  favourite  and  cherished  object  of  this  lady  to 
erect  ihis  monument  to  the  memory  of  her  father, 
and  her  life  was  spared  by  a  kind  Providence  just 
long  enough  to  enable  her  to  complete  it.  Amid 
painful  sickness  and  the  languor  of  disease,  sh(!  la- 
boured diligently  until  it  was  finished.  This  labour 
of  love  seemed  to  sustain  her  failing  strength,  and 
when  she  reached  its  termination  she  could  say, 
"  Lord,  let  me  now  depart,"  and  the  daughter  passed 
into  the  spirit-land,  to  meet  the  parent  whom  she  had 
so  tenderly  loved. 

But  another  labour  yet  remains  to  be  performed. 
Mrs.  Campbell  did  not  attempt  ihe  history  of  the 
Campaign  of  1812,  and  Surrender  of  Detroit;  for 
though  well  qualified  to  write  it,  from  an  acquaint- 
ance with  all  the  fiicts  and  arguments  v/hich  justify, 
to  any  unprejudiced  mind,  the  surrender  of  Detroit ; 


296 


PREFACE. 


and  though  deeply  convinced  that  her  father  deserved 
praise,  and  not  blame,  for  liis  share  in  tliis  transaction, 
yet  she  shrank  from  a  work  which  she  feared  might 
involve  her  in  angry  controversy,  and  j)rev(;nt  the 
simple  narration  of  her  fatlu^r's  Rt;volutionary  labours 
from  being  appreciated.  She  left  to  another  hand, 
and  another  time,  this  part  of  the  work. 

Still  it  has  been  thought  best  that  the  account  of 
General  Hull's  Revolutionary  services  should  be 
accompanied  with  at  least  a  brief  statement  of  the 
facts  and  reasons  which  refute  the  charges  so  long 
ignbrantly  brought  against  the  memory  of  this  much 
injured  servant  of  his  country. 

This  task  has  been  committed  to  the  present 
writer,  who,  with  no  qualifications  except  a  strong 
conviction  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  he  advocates, 
founded  on  careful    study  and  examination,  joined 
with  an  earnest  wish  to  be  candid  and  conscientious, 
has  undertaken  the  work.     He  is  indeed  about  to 
defend  a  grandfather,  and  one  whom  he  remembers 
with  mingled  feelings  of  affection  and  respect.    From 
his  earliest  childhood  he  recalls  the  image  of  a  vener- 
able white-haired  old  man,  living  in  the  midst  of  his 
children  and  grandchildren  ;  employing  in  the  peace- 
ful pursuit  of  agriculture  the  last  years  of  a  life,  the 
first  part  of  which  had  been  spent  in  public  employ- 
ment and  honours.     All  outward  disgraces  seemed  to 
have   fallen  upon  his  head,  yet  all  were  borne  with 
cheerful  equanimity.    A  soldier,  he  had  been  branded 
as  a  coward  ;  a  patriot,  he  was  esteemed  a  traitor  ; 
loving  the  approbation  of  his  fellow-men,  he  was  an 


PREFACE. 


297 


object  of  universal  censure  ;  naturally  fond  of  public 
life,  and  ambitious  of  public  usefulness,  be  was  under 
a  sentence  of  irrevocable  ostracism.  But  bow  cheer- 
ful, how  happy  were  these  declining  years  of  his  life. 
Happy  in  his  affections,  in  the  love  of  relatives,  in 
the  esteem  of  wise  friends,  in  the  inward  conscious- 
ness of  having  done  right,  to  him  it  might  be  said, 

"  Thou  hast  been 
As  one,  in  siifferinir  all,  that  siiffors  nothing, 
A  man  that  fortune's  buffets  and  rewards 
Ilast  tiikon  with  equal  thaidis." 

No  peevishness,  no  complaint,  no  querulous  refer- 
ence to  a  nation's  ingratitude,  ever  fell  from  his  lips. 
Remembering  this,  I  cannot  but  feel  a  strong  desire 
to  do  full  justice   to  his  cause,  yet  I  feel  also,  thr.t  if 
his  spirit  could  now  communicate  to  me  his  wishes, 
he  would  charge  me  to  use  no  art  but  that  of  truth, 
not  to  overstate  his  side  of  the  question,  nor  to  under- 
state that  of  his  opponents  ;  to  extenuate  nothing, 
and  set  down  nothing  in  malice.     And  I  shall  en- 
deavour to  conform  to  this  rule  and  write  in  this 
spirit.     I  will  not,  if  it  can  be  avoided,  use  a  harsh 
word,  even  toward  those  from  whom  he  has  received 
the  most  cruel  injuries.     He  has  gone  where  nothin" 
can    touch  him  further.     His  enemies   still  live  and 
are  in  pursuit  of  public  honours,  and  are  liable  to  be 
injured  by  the  exposure  of  their  past  errors.     But 
this  injury,  I  have  no  desire  to  inflict,  except  where 
it  becomes  necessary  to  defend  General  Hull's  mem- 
ory, by  stating  the  simple  truth. 

After  the  Court  Martial  in  1814  had  closed.  Gen- 
eral Hull  returned  to  his  farm  in  Newton,  which  he 


298 


PREFACE. 


had  inherited  through  his  wife,  and  there  passed  the 
last  years  of  his  life  in  the  pursuits  of  agriculture. 
While  the  public,  misguided  by  false  rumours,  was 
accusing  him  of  having  sold  his  country  for  "British 
gold,"  of  having  built  a  splendid  palace,  and  having 
married  his  daughter  to  General  Brock  ;*  he,  with 
difficulty,  supported  his  family  by  farming.  In  re- 
moving to  Detroit,  he  had  expended  much  of  the 
small  property  he  had  previously  accumulated.  He  had 
also  paid  out  money  of  his  own,  for  his  army,  while 
on  its  march,  which  was  never  repaid  him,  because 
the  vouchers  had  been  destroyed  in  the  destruction 
of  the  Adams,  when  she  was  burnt  by  Capt.  Elliott. 
But  his  active  mind  devoted  itself  to  experiments  in 
practical  agriculture,  many  of  which  he  communi- 
cated to  the  magazines  devoted  to  that  science.  So 
passed  his  years  until  the  time  arrived  when  the 
clouds  which  rested  on  his  fame,  were  partially  dis- 
persed, and  his  setting  sun  shone  forth  for  a  brief 
space  in  a  serene  sky. 

In  the  yenr  1824,  General  Hull  published  a  se- 
ries of  letters  in  defence  of  his  conduct  durinir  the 
campaign  of  1812.  These  letters,  first  printed  in  the 
"  American  Statesman,"  a  Boston  newspaper,  and 
copied  into  many  other  papers,  of  both  political  par- 
ties, and  afterwards  reprinted  in  a  collected  form,  ex- 
ercised great  influence  on  the  public  mind,  wherever 
they  were  read.  The  North  American  Review,  in  a 
notice  of  these  letters,  understood  to  have  been  writ- 
ten by  Jared  Sparks,   said,  "  that  from   the  public 


*  Such  reports  have  been  widely  circulated. 


PREFACE. 


299 


assed  the 
jriculture. 
ours,  was 
•  "  British 
nd  having 
he,  with 
;•.  In  re- 
ch  of  the 
I.  He  had 
my,  while 
I,  because 
estruction 
it.  Elliott, 
iments  in 
cornmuni- 
;nce.  So 
when  the 
I'tially  dis- 
or  a  brief 

led  a  se- 
uring  the 
ted  in  the 
a  per,  and 
itical  par- 
form,  ex- 
whore  ver 
view,  in  a 
»cen  writ- 
:he  public 


documents  collected  and  published  in  them,  the  con- 
clusion must  unequivocally  be  drawn,  that  General 
Hull  was  required  by  the  Government  to  do,  what  it 
was  morally  and  j)hysically  impossible  that  he  should 
do."*  Many  other  periodicals  throughout  the  Union 
expressed  the  same  opinion. 

A  public  dinner  was  given  in  Boston  to  General 
Hull,  by  citizens  of  both  political  parties.  He  also 
received  very  gratifying  letters  from  various  quarters, 
particularly  from  old  companions  of  the  Revolution- 
ary army,  expressing  their  pleasure  at  his  having  vin- 
dicated so  completely  his  conduct  and  his  character.! 

General  Hull  did  not  live  long  after  these  events. 
He,  however,  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Lafay- 
ette, in  1825,  who  paid  him  a  visit,  when  in  Boston 
during  that  year.  He  was  present  at  the  celebration 
of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  afterwards  visited 
his  mother  in  his  native  town  of  Derby,  in  Connec- 
ticut, the  citizens  of  which  gave  him  a  public  dinner. 
Returning  home,  he  was  attacked  by  a  disease  which 
soon  proved  mortal.  On  his  death-bed  he  declared, 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  his  conviction  that  he 
had  done  right  in  surrendering  Detroit,  and  expressed 
his  happiness  that  he  had  thus  saved  the  lives  of  the 
peaceful  citizens  of  Michigan  from  btiing  needlessly 
sacrificed.  He  died  in  Nov.  1825,  in  the  73(1  year  of 
his  age. 

It  was  not,  however,  to  be  expected,  that  a  preju- 
dice so  deeply  rooted  and  widely  s])read,  as  that 
which  held  General  Hull  to  be  a  coward  or  a  traitor, 


See  Appendix,  Note  1. 


t  See  Appendix  for  some  of  tiiese 
letters. 


300 


PREFACE. 


would  be  immediately  overcome.      Men  love  their 
prejudices  too  well — they  hug  them  to  their  hearts, 
as  their  dearest  treasures.     General  Hull  had  been 
made  the  scape-goat  for  the  sins  committed  by  the 
Administration  and  war  party,  in  precipitating  hostil- 
ities before  the  country  was  prepared  for  them,  and 
for  the  faults  of  those  who  ought  to  have  aided  him, 
and  co-operated  with  him.     To  admit  that  General 
Hull  was  an  injured  man,  was,  with  many  persons, 
to  admit  that  they  themselves  had  committed  great 
errors  or  faults.     Few  are  capable  of  a  magnanimity 
like  this.     Accordingly  the  old  charges  continue  to  be 
repeated  in  various  shapes,  though  all   respectable 
writers  have  abandoned  the  worst  accusations.    Few 
are  yet  able  to  rise  to  the  platform  of  impartial  his- 
tory, and  say  with  Mr.  Sparks,  that  under  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  General  Hull  was  placed,  there 
was  no  possibility  of  his  effecting  what  was  required 
of    him.       Yet    we    find  now  a  very  general    ad- 
mission, that  others  were,  at  least,  as  much  to  blame 
as  he,  for  the  failure  of  the  Canada  campaign. 

Thus  General  Armstrong,  one  of  the  most  bitter 
and  vindictive  assailants  of  the  character  of  General 
Hull,  is  obliged  to  admit,  that  the  Administration  was 
in  error,  in  not  acquiring  previous  knowledge  of  the 
forces  to  be  encountered  in  Canada  ;  in  not  recalling 
the  garrisons  of  the  remote  and  indefensible  posts  ; 
in  not  transmitting  to  General  Hull  information  of 
the  declaration  of  war,  until  long  after  the  British  in 
Canada  had  knowledge  of  it ;  in  not  following  General 
Hull's  repeated  and  urgent  suggestions,  that  a  fleet 


PREFACE, 


301 


love  their 
leir  hearts, 
I  had  been 
ted  by  the 
ting  hostil- 
them,  and 
aided  him, 
at  General 
\y  persons, 
tted  great 
ignanimity 
tinue  to  be 
espectable 
ons.  Few 
lartial  his- 
3r  the  cir- 
ced,  there 
IS  required 
neral  ad- 
i  to  blame 
gn. 

nost  bitter 
f  General 
ration  was 
Ige  of  the 
t  recalling 
ble  posts  ; 
imation  of 
British  in 
g  General 
liat  a  fleet 


be  constructed  on  Lake  Erie  and  a  large  co-operating 
force  assembled  at  Niagara ;  and  finally,  in  not  furnish- 
ing a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to  General  Hull, 
to  accomplish  the  objects  of  his  expedition.* 

Recent  writers,  therefore,  who  have  written  on 
the  history  of  the  last  war,  or  had  occasion  to  refer  to 
its  events,  while  they  have  been  obliged  to  admit 
that  the  main  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  invasion  of 
Canada  and  the  surrender  of  Detroit,  was  to  be  found 
in  the  unprepared  state  of  the  country,  the  errors  of 
the  Administration,  and  the  absence  of  an  American 
fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  have  nevertheless  continued  to 
accuse  General  Hull  of  military  faults,  in  a  greater  or 
less  degree.      Some  ignorantly  repeat  the    sweep- 
ing and  contradictory  charges  of  treason  and  cow- 
ardice.    One  writer  speaks  of  "  the  surrender  of  a 
large  force  with   the  important  post  of  Detroit  by 
General  Hull,  under  circumstances  which  made  it  al- 
most certain,  that  he  had  been  purchased  by  the  Brit- 
ish.'^^f — This  sentence  is  in  a  biography  published 
only  four  years  ago,  when  the  writer  possessed  every 
opportunity  of  knowing  that  there  was  not  the  shadow 
of  evidence  to  be  found  in  support  of  such  an  accu- 
sation.    Loose  charges  of    this   kind   are   so  often 
made,  that  they  have  their  effect  on  public  opinion. 
The  errors  of  one  writer  are  copied  by  another,  and 

*  Armstrong's   "Notices  of  the  of    Infantry,  how  difTerent  would 

War  of  181i2,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  46-61 :  have  been  the  issue  of  the  cam- 

"  Had  the  Government    ivited  Gov-  paign !" 

ernor  Shelby  of  Kentucky  or  Gov-        f  From  a  Memoir  of  Henry  Clay, 

ernor  Meigs  of  Ohio,  to  follow  in  prefixed  to  Clay's  Life  and  Speoch- 

Hull's    track,    with   two  thousand  cs.      Greeley  &  McElrath,    1843, 

gun-meu  and  Winchester's  Brigade  p.  71. 


302 


PREFACE. 


even  the  writers  of  history,  instead  of  recurring  to 
the  original  sources,  are  accustomed  to  repeat,  without 
examination,  what  is  asserted  by  previous  writers  of 
no  authority.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  present 
work  will  correct  some  of  these  popular  impressions. 
The  sources  from  which  I  derive  the  facts  and  state- 
ments herein  contained,  are  as  follows : 

Certified  copies  of  public  documents,  referring  to 
the  campaign  of  1812,  from  the  office  of  the  Adju- 
tant-General at  Washington.  Forbes'  Report  of  the 
Trial  of  General  Hull,  by  a  Court  Martial  at  Albany, 
containing  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  on  that 
trial.  Hull's  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  the  North- 
western Army,  collected  and  published,  Boston,  1824. 
Life  and  Correspondence  of  Major-General  Sir  Isaac 
Brock,  London,  1845.  Dawson's  Life  of  Harrison. 
Lanman's  History  of  Michigan.  Histories  of  the 
War  of  1812,  by  McAffee,  Ingersoll,  James,  &c. 
Christie's  War  in  Canada.  Armstrong's  Notices. 
Private  papers,  files  of  letters,  &c.,  left  by  General 
Hull,  and  referring  to  his  administration  while  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Territory  of  Michigan. 

The  Appendix  will  contain  some  documents  and 
letters,  illustrating  the  history  of  the  campaign  of 
1812. 


3curring  to 
at,  without 
i  writers  of 
he  present 
inpressions. 
I  and  state- 


CONTENTS 


referring  to 
'  the  Adju- 
port  of  the 
at  Albany, 
es  on  that 
the  North- 
ston,  1824. 
l1  Sir  Isaac 
Harrison, 
ies  of  the 
ames,  &c. 
s  Notices, 
jy  General 
vhile  Gov- 

ments  and 
mpaign  of 


Preface 


295 


'  CHAPTER  I. 

William  Hull  appointed  Governor  of  Michigan. — Events  of  his  Ad- 
ministration.—Indian  Settlements  in  Michigan.— Treaties  with 
THE  Indians. — Troubles 395 

CHAPTER  II. 

War   of   1812.— Governor    Hull   appointed    Brigadier-General    to 

lead  the  Troops   from  Ohio  to  Detroit.— March   to  Detroit. 

Invasion  of  Canada.— Fall  of  Michilimackinac,  and  subsequent 
events 325 

CHAPTER  III. 

Situation  of  General  Huli — Brock's  arrival  at  Malden.— Sur- 
render of  Detroit. — Its  Reasons.— State  of  Communications, 
Troops,  Provisions,  &c 360 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Court  Martial. — How  constituted,  and  its  Character, — Its  De- 
cision and  Sentence, — Conclusion 396 


APPENDIX. 

Note  1. — Extract  from  a  notice  of  General  Hull's  "Memoirs  of  the 
Campaign  of  1812,"  from  the  North  American  Review  .        .         .  411 

Note  2. — Memorials   by  General  Hull,  recommending  a  Fleet  on 
Lake  E',rie 4I3 

Note  3. — Letter  from  the  Secretary  at  War  to  General  Dearborn  417 

Note  4 — General  Van  Rensselaer's  Letter,  August  19, 1812    .        ,  418 


304 


CONTENTS. 


Note  5.— Sir  Gf.oroe  Prevost's  Letter  to  General  Brock,  concerning 

THE  PROroSED  ARiMISTICE 418 

Note  6. — Kxtrapt  from  I.NOERsoi.t.'s  History  of  the  War  of  1812       .  419 

Note  7.— Letter  from  the  .SEiRr.TARv of  War  to  General  Dearborn    421 

Note  8. — Miller's  Testimony  on  the  Court  Martial  .        .        421 

Notes  9, 10,  11,  12. — Testimony  of  Witnesses  on  the  Court  Mar- 
tial          421 

Note  13  —Extract  from  General  IJui.l's  "  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign 
OF  1812,"  I  TON  THE  Constitution  of  the  Court  Martial         .        .  423 

Note  14.— Letters  from  Revolutionary  Officers  and  others,  testify- 
ing to  General  Hull's  Character 435 

Note  15.— Letter  from  Robert  Wallace,  uiving  his  Recollections  of 
THE  Surrender  of  Detroit,  published  in  Kentucky,  in  1842  .        .  443 

Note  Ifi.— Letter  from  a  gentleman  of  Pennsylvania,"  describing 
Perry's  difficulties  in  building  his  Fleet,  &,c 46I 

Note  17.— Letter  from  William  Sullivan,  Esq.,  to  a  Daughter  of 
General  Hull 479 

Note  18.— Letter  from  S.  Hale,  Esq.,  to  Mrs.  N.  B.  Hickman,  a 
Daughter  of  General  Hull 431 


NCERNINQ 

418 

1812       . 

419 

EARBORX 

421 

. 

421 

RT    MaR- 

421 

^AMPAION 

423 

TESTIFY- 

425 

3TI0NS  OF 

2 

443 

:SCRIBINO 

461 

HTER    OF 

479 

KMAN,  A 

481 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER,  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


CHAPTER    I. 

William  Hull  appointed  Governor  of  Miciiioan.— Events  of  uis  Admin- 
istrations.-Indian  Settlements  in  Michigan—Treaties  with  the 
Indians.— Troudi.es. 

In  1805,  March  22d,  William  Hull  received  from 
Thomas  Jefferson,   President  of  the  United  States, 
the  appointment  of  Governor  of  Michigan,  which  had 
been  erected  into  a  separate  territory  by  Act  of  Con- 
gress, January  11  th,  of  the  same  year.     The  Legis- 
lative power  of  the  territory  was  vested  in  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Judges,  who  were  authorized  to  adopt  and 
publish  its  laws  from  the  codes  of  the  original  States. 
William  Hull  was  also  appointed  Indian  Agent,  an 
ofifice  which  was  then  connected  with  that  of  Exec- 
utive Magistrate. 

The  duties  of  Indian  Agent  were  not  the  least 
considerable  of  those  belonging  to  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor.    The  white  inhabitants  of  Michigan,  collec- 

20 


3or) 


IIIHTOKY  OK  TltK  CAMP.Mr.N'  OI'  IHiO, 


lively,  aiuoimtcd  six  yonrs  after  tliis  timo  to  only  \iU]0 
persons  ;  loiir-lirtlis  of  whom  were  Freueli,  and  the 
remainder  Americans,  with  a  (ew  liritish.  But  the 
Indian  setth'ments  within  the  t(;rrit()rj  were  niimerons. 
Tliey  consisted  of  the  l\)ttawatan)ies,  who  inhabited 
the  upptM'  branches  of  tlie  river  Raisin,  Huron,  &(!. ; 
the  Miamis,  Wjan(h)ts,*  Chippewas,  Winncbaf;oes, 
Ottawas,  and  others,  wlioso  viilaj^es  were  scattered 
through  tlie  rej^ion  between  the  priisent  Statics  of 
Oliio,  Indiana,  and  Michijiian,  and  within  tlie  penin- 
sula itself.  These  wer(!  the  tribes  who  W(M'e  aft(!r- 
wards  united  with  Tecumseh  and  ♦he  I'ropluit  against 
the  United  States,  and  as  allies  of  Kngland,  as  they 
had  formerly  been  united  under  Pontiac  against  the 
English  and  as  allies  of  France.  They  felt  that  the 
peoj)le  of  the  United  States  were  their  natmal  enemi(!s 
because  their  lands  were  ])erpetually  encroached  uj)on 
by  them,  ./usl  so  they  had  before  felt  that  the  P^nglish 
were  their  enemies,  so  long  as  it  was  from  the  Eng- 
lish that  they  apprehended  the  loss  of  their  lands. 
General  Hull,  as  Indian  Agent,  had  in  view  two  ob- 
jects, which  he  communicated  to  the  President,  in 
letters  to  General  Dearborn,  Secretary  at  War,  dated 
January  10th  and  17th,  1806.t 

The  first  object  was,  to  extinguish  gradually  and 
regularly  the  Indian  title ;  the  second,  to  instruct 
the  tribes  in  farming  and  the  mechanic  arts.  At  this 
time  the  Indian  title  in  Michigan  had  been  extin- 
guished only  in  the  following  tracts  ; 

*  Most  of  the  Wyanilots  were  on        f  Copies  from  General  I  lull's  pri- 
tlie  Upper  and  Lower  Sandusky.        vatepapers,in possession  of  thewritor. 


only  m]0 
I,  and  liu! 
But  the 
nnni(;r()ns. 
)  inhabited 
lion,  &.C. ; 
I  nc  bilboes, 
scattered 
States  of 
the  penin- 
/iirc  aft(!r- 
u;t  against 
id,  as  they 
igainst  the 
•it  tiiat  tile 
al  enemies 
ehed  nj)(»n 
he  P^ngiish 
the  Eng- 
u;ir  lands. 
w  two  ob- 
jsidcnt,  in 
iVar,  dated 

dually  and 
0  instruct 
!.  At  this 
3en  cxtin- 


prallliiira  pri- 
in  of  tlie  writer. 


AND  SirruniNDKR  OF  THK  POHT  OF  DETROIT.       397 

First,  at  the  post  of  Detroit,  and  a  district  adja- 
cent, bounded  north  l)y  Lake  St.  Clair,  south  by  the 
river  Kaisin,  and  west  l)ya  line  six  miles  distant  from 
Detroit  riv(;r. 

Secondly,  the  post  of  Miehilimaekinac,  (now 
Mackinaw,)  and  the  island  itself,  and  the  mainland 
adjacent,  extending  six  miles  on  Lake  Huron,  and 
three  iniles  back,  and  the  island  De  JJIois  JJIanc. 

The  Indian  title  was  also  extinguished  in  north- 
western Ohio,  at  the  Ka])ids,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Maumee,  and  on  Sandusky  bay. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen,  that  except  a  strip  of  land, 
all  of  Michigan  was  in   possession  of  the  Indians. 
Meantime  American  settlers  were  anxious  to  come  in. 
Governor   Hidl,  thercjfore,   was  strongly  desirous  of 
making  some  satisfactory  treaties  with  the  Indians. 
He  says,  in  his  connnunication  of  January  14th,  1806: 
"  1  should  think  it  would  be  expedient  to  purchase 
all  the  land  in  the  territory,  south  of  a  line  drawn  due 
west  from  the  most  west(;rly  point  of  Saganaw  bay 
to  Lake  Michigan.      In  that  case,   probably  some 
small  reservations  for  the  Indians  might  be  necessary; 
one  probably  on  the  river  St.  Joseph,  which  empties 
itself  into  the  southerly  part  of  Lake  Michigan,  where 
many  of  the  Pottawatamies  now  reside,  one  on  the 
upper  branches  of  the  river  Huron,  which  empties 
into  Lake  St.  Clair,  and  one  on  the  Saganaw  river, 
which   falls  into  Saganaw   bay."      He  goes  on  to 
mention  other  reservations,  and  adds,  that  "  the  Pot- 
tawatamies and  Chippewas  are  the  proprietors  of  the 
country.     Some  of  the  other  tribes,  probably  by  com- 


308 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812. 


pact  or  understanding  among  them,  may  consider 
themselves  as  having  other  rights,  by  which  they  may 
claim  some  part  of  the  compensation,  and  conse- 
quently it  may  be  necessary  to  make  them  parties  to 
the  treaty."  * 

Pursuing  this  plan,  in  1807  Governor  Hull  en- 
tered into  a  treaty,  at  Detroit,  with  the  Ottawa, 
Chippewa,  Pottawatamie,  and  Wyandot  tribes,  by 
which  they  ceded  to  the  United  States  an  extensive 
territory  on  the  southeastern  side  of  Michigan,  bounded 
south  by  the  river  and  bay  of  Miami ;  west  by  a  line 
running  north  and  south,  through  the  middle  of  the 
territory,  nearly  as  far  north  as  Saganaw  bay,  and 
north  by  a  line  running  from  this  point  to  White  Rock 
in  Lake  Huron.  In  payment  for  this  land,  annuities 
were  given  to  several  tribes.f 

This  cession  was  not  accomplished,  however, 
without  difficulty  and  opposition.  Among  Governor 
Hull's  papers,  is  a  letter  dated  June  10th,  1807,  from 
Captain  Dunhain,  commanding  at  Michilimackinac, 
in  which  he  speaks  as  follows  :  "  Immediately  on 
the  receipt  of  your  Excellency's  favour  of  April  29th, 
I  summoned  together  the  chiefs  of  the  Chippewa  and 
Ottawa  tribes,  and  laid  before  them  the  subject  of 
your  letter,  respecting  the  council  or  treaty  to  be  held 
at  Detroit.  They  decided  instantly  and  unanimously 
not  to  attend  the  council,  nor  to  have  any  thing  to  do 
with  alienating  their  lands.     They  say  '  our  brethren 

*  Copy  of  a  letter  to  Hon.  II.        f  Lanman's  History  of  Michigan, 
Dearl)orn,  Secretary  at  War,  dated    ji  ,ge  183. 
January  14,  1805. — HulVs  papers. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


309 


of  Michigan, 


below  are  forgetting  their  children ;  if  they  are  fools 
enough  to  throw  away  their  hunting  grounds,  let  them 
do  it ;  we,  however,  in  this  quarter,  will  do  no  such 
thing— and  we  hope,  my  brother,  that  you  will  net 
think  of  taking  away  one  hand's  breadth  of  our  lands, 
for  we  have  not  so  much  to  spare.'  In  short,  they 
appear  to  be  much  alarmed  on  the  subject,  and  indi- 
cate a  disposition  by  no  means  friendly.  I  believe 
they  have  been  tampered  with,  and  I  suspect  some 
unauthorized  individuals  of  a  neighbouring  nation 
are  endeavouring  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
intended  treaty."  * 

This  last  suspicion  was  quite  unnecessary,  though 
perhaps  natural.  It  needed  no  suggestion  from  the 
French  or  British  to  make  the  Indians  reluctant  to 
give  up  their  territory.  It  was  owing  to  natural  and 
inevitable  causes,  that  the  Indians  grew  more  and 
more  hostile  to  the  Americans,  and  ever  more  friendly 
to  the  British.  Those  who  wanted  their  lands,  were 
their  natural  enemies ;  those  who  could  assist  them 
to  retain  them,  were  their  natural  allies.  These 
causes  had  but  a  few  years  before  made  them  friendly 
to  the  French  and  hostile  to  the  English ;  they  now 
made  them  friendly  to  the  English  and  hostile  to  the 
Americans.  The  flood  of  American  immigration  was 
beginning  to  flow  into  northwestern  Ohio  and  In- 
diana, but  no  such  emigration  was  taking  place  toward 
the  west  of  the  British  possessions.  The  Americans 
were  farmers,  and  would  occupy  the  lands  perma- 


Copy  of  Captain  Dunham's  letter,  in  Hull's  papers. 


310 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1813, 


nentlj.  The  only  British  who  came  near  them,  were 
hunters,  like  themselves,  or  traders  to  buy  their  furs. 
These  deep-lying  and  permanent  causes  of  a  state  of 
things,  which  no  wisdom  nor  energy  on  the  part  of 
the  territorial  government  could  alter,  had  already 
begun  to  produce  that  confederacy  against  the  United 
States,  of  the  Indian  tribes,  of  which  the  Shawnee 
Prophet  was  the  head,  and  his  brother  Tecumseh 
both  head  and  hand. 

As  early  as  1806,  the  Prophet  commenced  his 
operations.     His  object  was  to  unite  all  the  north- 
western Indians  against  the  progress  of  the  American 
settlements.     The    Prophet   affirmed,    that   he   had 
seen  the  Great  Spirit ;  and  that  he  vas  his  agent. 
He  said  that  the  Americans  were  intending  to  push 
the  Indians  into  the  Lakes,  as  they  had  driven  them 
from  the  sea-coast;  that  the   Indians  must  take  a 
stand  where  they  were,  and  drive  the  Americans  to 
the  other  side  of  the  Alleghany  mountains.     This 
effort  of  the  Prophet  excited  great  interest  through 
all  the  tribes,  and  produced  manifest  effects  on  the 
tempers  of  the  Indians.     From  all  quarters  Governor 
Hull  was  informed  of  the  hostile  spirit  which  began 
to  be  manifested.     The  first  notice  of  the  Shawnee 
Prophet  which  appears  in  Governor  Hull's  correspon- 
dence, is  contained  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, by  William  Wells,  from  Fort  Wayne,  dated 
September  5,  1806.*     He  says,   "  that  a  number  of 
Shawnee  Indians  have  settled  at  Greenville,  on  lands 


Hull's  papers. 


hem,  were 
their  furs, 
a  state  of 
le  part  of 
d  already 
he  United 
Shawnee 
recumseh 

snced  his 
he  north- 
American 

he  had 
is  agent. 
5  to  push 
ven  them 
It  take  a 
ricans  to 
IS.     This 

through 
s  on  the 
Governor 
;h  began 
Shawnee 
)rrespon- 
the  Gov- 
e,  dated 
imber  of 
on  lands 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       Q\l 

belonging  to  the  United  States.  They  have  a  mm 
among  them  that  pretends  to  be  a  prophet.  This 
fellow  is  well  calculated  to  lead  the  Indians  astray, 
and  it  appears  that  it  is  his  determination  to  do  so." 

But  the  most  remarkable  evidence  of  the  Pro- 
phet's sagacity  and  influence,  is  found  in  a  speech, 
delivered  on  the  4th  May,  1807,  by  an  Indian  named 
Le  Maigouis,  or  the  Trout.*  This  speech  was  deliv- 
ered at  the  entrance  of  Lake  Michigan  (Le  Maioui- 
tinong,)  and  a  full  account  of  it  was  transmitted  to 
Governor  Hull  by  Captain  Dunham,  from  Mackinaw, 
with  a  letter,  from  which  we  make  the  following  ex- 
tracts : 


(( 


"  Fort  Michilimackinac,  May  20,  1807. 

Sir, — I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  state  to  your 
Excellency,  that  there  ;  appears  to  be  an  exten- 
sive movement  among  the  savages  of  this  quarter, 
which  seems  to  carry  with  it  a  good  deal  of  the  dark 
and  mysterious.  Belts  of  wampum  are  rapidly  circu- 
lating from  one  tribe  to  another,  and  a  spirit  is  pre- 
vailing by  no  means  pacific.  What  I  have  been  able 
to  learn,  through  sources  to  be  relied  on,  leaves  little 
room  for  conjecture  as  to  the  object  of  their  hostile 
intentions  ;  and  the  enclosed  talk,  which  has  been  in- 
dustriously spread  among  them,  and  which  seems  to 
have  had  considerable  effect  on  their  minds,  needs  no 
comment. 

It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  this  Talk  is  com- 


a 


*  Called  I)y  Lanman,  Lc    Mar-    manuscript  it  is  always  spelt  Mai- 
quois :  probably  a  misprint,  as  in  the    gouis. 


312 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1813, 


municatcd  in  open  council,  where  old  and  joung  of 
both  sexes  are  allowed  to  assemble.     There  is,  how- 
ever, another  Talk,  known  only  in  the  private  coun- 
cil of  the  chiefs  and  warriors.     From  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  former,  we  may  easily  infer  the  com- 
plexion and  views  of  the  latter.     There  is  certainly 
mischief  at  the  bottom,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  in 
my  mind,  but  that  the  object  and  intention  of  this  great 
Manitoii,  or  second  Adam,  under  pretence  of  restor- 
ing to  the  Aborigines  their  former  independence,  and 
to  the  savage  character  its  animal  energy,  is,  in  re- 
ality, to  induce  a  general  effort  to  rally,  and  to  strike 
somewhere  a  desperate  and  decisive  blow. 

"  I  cannot  say  that  I  apprehend  an  immediate  at- 
tack. Perhaps  my  character  as  a  soldier  might  be 
called  in  question,  were  I  to  suppose  the  possibility 
of  a  thing  which  some  would  deem  so  improbable. 
But,  aware  as  1  am  of  the  insidiousnessand  treachery 
of  this  people,  I  have  thought  it  no  more  than  a  dic- 
tate of  prudence  to  watch  their  motions,  and  to  be  in 
constant  readiness  to  receive  them,  either  with  the 
olive  branch  or  the  bayonet,  as  circumstances  might 
require. 

"  Many  fabulous  and  foolish  stories  are  circulated, 
to  impress  the  idea  of  their  great  progenitor's  divinity 
and  mission  ;  but  whether  he  is  really  the  envoy  of 
heaven,  or  only  an  emissary  from  the  Cabinet  of  St. 
Cloud,  I  will  not  presume  to  say.  He  is  represented 
as  being  seen  only  on  an  elevated  scaffold,  sitting  or 
kneeling  on  a  cross,  and  in  a  constant  attitude  of  de- 
votion.    It  is  even  said,  that  he  can  fly;  and  that  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


313 


d  joung  of 

I'c  is,  how- 

ivate  coun- 

letter  and 

the  com- 

s  certainly 

J  doubt  in 

f  this  great 

!  of  restor- 

lence,  and 

is,  in  re- 

d  to  strike 

lediate  at- 

might  be 

possibility 

iprobable. 

treachery 
han  a  dic- 
d  to  be  in 

with  the 
:es  might 

irculated, 
s  divinity 
envoy  of 
let  of  St. 
presented 
sitting  or 
3e  of  de- 
I  that  the 


multitude  of  his  disciples  who  visit  him,  are  miracu- 
lously fed  by  a  profusion  of  wild  animals,  which  are 
thronging  about  him  for  that  purpose.  All  this  is 
eagerly  swallowed  ;  and  the  severe  denunciations  of 
his  penal  code,  terrify  them  at  once  into  an  adoption 
of  his  creed.  His  system  is  so  artfully  interwoven 
with  their  ancient  superstitions  and  their  modern  pre- 
judices, that  they  receive  the  whole  with  a  religious 
enthusiasm. 

"  How  long  this  frenzy  may  last,  or  whether  the 
Indians  immediately  in  this  vicinity  may  eventually 
come  in  to  the  extent  of  the  measure,  I  cannot  say. 
The  herald  ofthis  new  religion,  Le  Maigouis,  is  a  bro- 
ther of  the  j)rincipal  chief  at  Arhre  Croche.  He  is  now 
gone  to  Lake  Superior,  to  initiate  the  savages  of  that 
quarter  into  its  mysteries. 

"  1  have  the  honour  to  be  your  Excellency's  obe- 
dient and  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  J.  Dunham." 

Substance  of  a  talk  delivered  at  Le  Malouitinong, 
entrance  of  Lake  Michigan,  by  the  Indian  Chief  Le 
Maigouis,  or  the  Trout,  May  4th,  1807,  as  coming 
from  the  first  man  whom  God  created,  said  to  be  in 
the  Shaumesc  country,  addressed  to  all  the  different 
Tribes  of  Indians. 

Le  Maigouis,  holding  in  his  hand  eight  strings  of 
old  wampum,  four  white  and  four  blue,  said  : 

"  Brothers, — These  strings  of  wamjmm  come 
from  the  Great  Spirit.  Do  not  des])ise  them,  for  he 
knows  every  thing.     They  are  to  go  all  around  tlie 


314 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812. 


earth,  till  they  are  lost.     They  were  sent  to  you  by 


the  j^r5^  man  he  created  with  these  words  : 

"  Children, — I  was  asleep,  when  the  Great  Spirit 
addressing  himself  to  another  Spirit  said,  I  have 
closed  my  hook  of  accounts  with  maL  '^-^a  p^oin^ 

to  destroy  the  earth  :  but  first  I  will  av\  iVom  the 

Sleep  of  the  Dead,  the  first  man  I  created ;  he  is 
wise.  And  let  us  hear  if  he  has  aught  to  say.  He 
then  awoke  me  and  told  me  what  he  was  about  to 
do. 

"  I  looked  around  the  world  and  saw  my  Red 
children  had  greatly  degenerated,  that  they  had  be- 
come scattered  and  miserable.  When  I  saw  this,  I 
was  grieved  on  their  account,  and  asked  leave  of  the 
Great  Spirit  to  come  to  see  if  I  could  reclaim  them. 
I  requested  the  Great  Spirit  to  grant,  in  case  they 
should  listen  to  my  voice,  that  the  world  might  yet 
subsist  for  the  period  of  Three  full  Lives,  and  my  re- 
quest was  granted. 

"  Now,  therefore,  my  children,  listen  to  my  voice, 
it  is  that  of  the  Great  Spirit !  If  you  hearken  to  my 
counsel  and  follow  my  instructions  for  four  years, 
then  will  there  be  two  days  of  darkness,  during 
which,  I  shall  tread  unseen  through  the  land  and 
cause  the  animals,  such  as  they  were  formerly,  when 
I  created  them,  to  come  forth  out  of  the  earth.  The 
Great  Spirit  bids  me  address  you  in  his  own  words, 
which  are  these  : 

"  My  children, — You  are  to  have  very  little  inter- 
course with  the  whites.  They  are  not  your  Father, 
as  you  call  them,  but  your  brethren.     /  am  your  Fa- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


315 


t  to  you  by 


Ireat  Spirit 
id,  I  have 
'"^"a  going 
iiom  the 
ited ;  he  is 
)  say.  He 
5  about  to 

V   my  Red 

3y  had  be- 
saw  this,  I 
;ave  of  the 
laim  them, 
case  they 
might  yet 
ind  my  re- 

my  voice, 
ken  to  my 
our  years, 
ss,   during 

land  and 
M'ly,  when 
rth.  The 
vvn  words, 

little  inter- 
ir  Father, 
I  your  Fa- 


ther. When  you  call  me  so,  you  do  well.  I  am  the 
Father  of  the  English,  of  the  French,  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  of  the  Indians.  I  created  the  first  man, 
who  was  the  common  Father  of  all  these  people  as 
well  as  yourselves ;  and  it  is  through  him,  whom  I 
have  now  awakened  from  his  long  sleep,  that  I  now 
address  you.  But  the  Americans,  I  did  not  make. 
They  are  not  my  children,  but  the  children  of  the  Evil 
Spirit.  They  grew  from  the  scum  of  the  great  water, 
ivhen  it  was  troubled  by  the  Evil  Spirit,  and  the 
froth  was  driven  into  the  ivoods,  by  a  strong  east 
toind.  They  are  numerous,  hut  1  hate  them.  They 
are  unjust.  They  have  taken  away  your  lands, 
which  loere  not  made  for  them. 

"  My  children,— r/ie  whites  I  placed  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Great  Lake,  that  they  might  be  a  separate 
people.  To  them  I  gave  different  manners,  customs, 
animals,  vegetables,  &c.,  for  their  use.  To  them  I 
have  given  cattle,  sheep,  swine,  and  poultry,  for 
themselves  only.  You  are  not  to  keep  any  of  their 
animals,  nor  to  eat  of  their  meat.  To  you  I  have 
given  the  deer,  the  bear,  and  all  wild  inimals,  and 
the  fish  that  swim  in  the  rivers,  and  the  corn  that 
grows  in  the  fields,  for  your  own  use  ;  and  you  are 
not  to  give  your  meat  or  your  corn  to  the  ivhites  to 
cat. 

"  My  children,— You  may  salute  the  whites  when 
you  meet  them,  but  must  not  shake  hands.  You 
must  not  get  drunk.  It  is  a  great  sin.  Your  old 
men  and  chiefs  may  drink  a  little  pure  spirits,  such 
as  comes   from   Montreal :  but  you  must  not  drink 


If 


316 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


whisky.  It  is  the  drink  of  the  Evil  Spirit.  It  was 
not  made  by  me ;  but  hy  the  Americans.  It  is  poi- 
son. It  makes  you  sick.  It  burns  your  insides. 
Neither  are  you  on  any  account  to  eat  bread.  It  is 
the  food  of  the  whites. 

"  My  children, — You  must  plant  corn  for  your- 
selves, for  your  wives,  and  for  your  children.     And 
when  you  do  it,  you  are  to  help  one  another  :  but 
plant  no  more  than  is  necessary  for  your  own  use. 
You  must  not  sell  it  to  the  whites.     It  was  not  made 
for  them.     I  made  all  the  trees  of  the  forest  for  your 
use,  but  the  maple  I  love  best,  because  it  yields  sugar 
for  your  little   ones.     You  must   make  it  only   for 
them  ;  but  sell  none  to  the  ivhites.     They  have  an- 
other sugar,    which  was  made  expressly  for  them; 
besides,  by  making  too  much,  you  spoil  the  trees  and 
give  them  pain,  by  cutting  and   hacking  them  ;  for 
they  have  a  feeling  like  yourselves.    If  you    make 
more  than  is  necessary  for  your  own  use,  you  shall 
die,  and  the  maple  will  yield  no  more  water. 

"  If  a  white  man  is  starving,  you  may  sell  him  a 
little  corn,  or  a  very  little  sugar,  but  it  must  be  by 
measure  and  by  weight. 

"  My  children,— You  are  indebted  to  the  white 
traders,  but  you  must  pay  them  no  more  than  half 
their  credits,  because  they  have  cheated  you.  You  must 
pay  them  in  skins,  gums,  canoes,  &c.  But  not  in  meat, 
corn,  and  sugar.  You  must  not  dress  like  the  ivhites, 
nor  wear  hats  like  them,  but  pluck  out  your  hair,  as 
in  anciert  times,  and  wear  the  feather  of  the  eagle  on 
your  heads.     And  when  the  weather  is  not  severe, 


12, 

irit.  It  was 
f.  It  is  poi- 
our  insides. 
ead.      It  is 

•n  for  jour- 
dren.  And 
nother  :  but 
jr  own  use. 
as  not  made 
'est  for  your 
yields  sugar 
it  only  for 
ey  have  an- 

for  them  ; 
e  trees  and 

them  ;  for 

you  make 
5,  you  shall 
3r. 

sell  him  a 
nust  be  by 

the  white 
!  than  half 

You  must 
lot  in  meat, 
the  ichites, 
)ur  hair,  as 
le  eagle  on 
[lot  severe, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.      317 

you  must  go  naked,  excepting  the  Breech-cloth.  And 
when  you  are  clothed,  it  must  be  in  skins  or  leather, 
of  your  own  dressing. 

"  My  children, — You  complain  that  the  animals  of 
the  forest  are  fled  and  scattered.  How  should  it  be 
otherwise  ?  You  destroy  them  yourselves,  for  their 
skins  only,  and  leave  their  bodies  to  rot,  or  give  the 
best  pieces  to  the  ivhitcs.  I  am  displeased  when  I 
see  this,  and  take  them  back  from  the  earth:  that 
they  may  not  come  to  see  you  again.  You  must 
kill  no  more  animals,  they  are  necessary  to  feed  and 
clothe  you,  and  you  are  to  keep  but  one  dog :  because 
by  keeping  too  many  you  starve  them. 

"My  children — Your  women  must  not  live  with 
the  Traders  or  other  White  men,  unless  they  are  law- 
fully married.  But  I  do  not  like  even  this  ;  because 
my  White  and  Red  children  were  thus  marked  with 
different  colours,  that  they  might  be  a  separate  peo- 
ple." 

Here  follow  certain  regulations  respecting  court- 
ship and  marriage,  &c.,  which  are  too  minutely  de- 
tailed to  be  repeated.  The  Gioat  Spirit  also  directs 
them  to  bathe  every  morning,  to  wash  away  their 
sins.  Upon  the  observance  of  which  regular  times 
they  are  to  be  pardoned  four  times  for  the  same  of- 
fence ;  such  as  stealing,  getting  drunk,  or  the  like — 
but  the  fifth  time,  says  the  Great  Spirit,  "  you  shall 
surely  die^ 

"  Your  wise  men  (or  conjurers)  have  bad  medicine 
in  their  bags.    They  must  throw  away  their  medicine- 


318 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


bags,  and  when  their  medicine  is  in  blossom,  collect 
it  fresh  and  pure.  You  must  make  no  feasts  to  the 
Evil  Spirits  of  the  Earth,  but  only  to  the  Good 
Spirit  of  the  Air.  You  arc  no  more  to  dance  the 
JVabano,  nor  the  Paigan  or  Pipe-dance.  I  did  not 
put  you  on  the  Earth  to  dance  these  dances.  But 
you  are  to  dance  naked,  with  your  bodies  painted, 
and  with  the  Poigan  mangum  (war  club)  in  your 
hand.  You  must  all  have  this  weapon  and  never 
leave  it  behind  you.  When  you  dance  this,  I  shall 
always  look  on  with  pleasure.  You  are  to  make 
yourselves  Paka  tonacas  (or  crosses)  which  you  must 
always  carry  with  you,  and  amuse  yourselves  often 
with  that  game  (a  kind  of  bat-ball,  common  among 
the  savages,  which  requires  great  agility).  Your 
women  must  also  have  handsome  Passa  qitanacles, 
that  they  may  play  also  :  for  I  made  you  to  amuse 
yourselves,  and  I  am  delighted  when  I  sec  you  happy. 
You  are,  however,  never  to  go  to  war  against  each 
other :  but  to  cultivate  peace  between  your  different 
tribes,  that  they  may  become  one  great  people. 

"  My  children, — No  Indian  must  sell  rum  to  an 
Indian.  It  makes  him  rich,  but  when  he  dies,  he  be- 
comes very  wretched.  You  bury  him  with  all  his 
wealth  and  ornaments  about  him,  and  as  he  goes 
along  the  path  of  the  dead,  they  f^Ul  from  him.  He 
stops  to  take  them  up,  and  they  become  dust.  He  at 
last  arrives  almost  at  the  place  of  rest,  and  then 
crumbles  into  dust  himself.  But  those  who,  by  their 
labour,    furnish    themselves   with  necessaries   only, 


lom,  collect 

asts  to  the 

the   Good 

dance  the 

I  did  not 

nces.     But 

Ds  painted, 

lb)  in  your 

and  never 

his,  I  shall 

e  to  make 

1  jou  must 

3lves  often 

ion  among 

y).      Your 

qi(anaclcs, 

to  amuse 

you  happy. 

'ainst  each 

IV  di  He  rent 

opic. 

rum  to  an 
lies,  he  be- 
ith  all  his 
s  he  goes 
him.  He 
St.  He  at 
I  and  then 
0,  by  their 
iries   only. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       319 

when  they  die,  are  happy.  And  when  they  arrrive 
at  the  land  of  the  dead,  will  fmd  their  wigwam  fur- 
nished with  every  thing  they  had  on  earth." 

(Thus  far  the  Great  Spirit.)  « Now  my  chil- 
dren," said  the  first  created  man,  "listen  to  what  I 
am  about  to  add  :" 

"  The  Great  Spirit  then  opened  a  door,  showing 
me  a  Bear  and  a  Deer,  both  very  small,  and  very 
lean,  and  said,  '  Look  here,  my  son.  These  arc  the 
animals  that  are  now  in  the  Earth.  The  red  j)eople 
have  spoiled  them,  by  killing  them  too  young  and  by 
giving  their  meat  to  the  whites,  and  also  by  greasing 
themselves  with  their  fat,  wiiicli  ?s  very  wrong. 
The  women,  when  they  grease  their  bodies  or  their 
hair,  should  do  it  only  with  the  fat  of  the  smaller 
animals,  of  Racoons,  of  Otters,  of  Snakes,'  &c. 

"  The  Great  Spirit  then  opened  another  door  and 
showed  me  a  Bear  and  a  Deer,  extremely  Ait,  and^of 
a  very  e  xlraordinary  size,  saying,  '  Look  here,  my  son. 
Those  are  the  animals  placed  on  the  Earth  when  I 
created  you.'  Now  my  children,  listen  to  what  I  say 
and  let  it  sink  into  your  ears — it  is  the  orders  of  the 
Great  Spirit. 

"  My  children, — You  must  not  speak  of  this  Talk 
to  the  whites.  It  must  he  hidden  from  them.  I  am 
now  on  the  Earth,  sent  by  the  Great  Spirit,  to  instruct 
you.  Each  village  must  send  me  two  or  more  princi- 
pal chiefs  to  represent  you,  that  you  may  be  taught. 
The  Bearer  of  this  Talk,  will  point  out  to  you  the 
path  to  my  wigwam.  I  could  come  to  xheArhre  Croche 
myself,  because  the  world  is  changed  from  what  it 


320 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIfJN  OF  1812. 


was.  it  is  broken  aiul  loans  down,  and  as  it  doclinos, 
tliu  Chippcwus  and  all  beyond  will  lall  oH"  and  dio. 
Tlicreforc  you  must  come  to  see  me  and  bi;  instrueted, 
in  order  to  prevent  it.  Their  villaj^es  whi  a  do  not 
listen  to  this  Talk  and  send  me  two  deputies  will  be 
cut  oir  from  the  face  of  the  Earth." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  of  Captain  Dunham,  dated 
July  23d,  1807,  he  repeats  his  belief  that  the  savages 
were  combining  with  hostile   intentions  against  the 
Americans.     "It  seems,"  he  says,  "a  very  extensive 
league  is  forming,  which  is  to  include  all   the  diller- 
ent  tribes  north  of  the  Ohio  and  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi.    They  have  avowed  their  object  to  several  of 
the  most  respectable  traders.     They  con)pIain  much 
of  the  Americans  having  deprived  them  of  their  lands. 
They  say  that  if  they  unite  they  shall  be  strong  ;  that 
they  are  taking  each  other  by  the  hand,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  forming  a  great  circle ;  that  this  circle  is 
nearly  completed,  tln^re  being  now  only  two  or  three 
gaps;  that  when  these  are  iilled,  the  circle  will  ex- 
tend  itself  rapidly  and  crowd  off  every  white  man 
that  now  dares  to  set  foot  on  their  ground."— Such 
were  the  communications  received  by  General  Hull 
as  early  as  1806,  in  respect  to  the  great  confederacy 
under  the  Pro])het  and  Tecumseh.     Similar  alarms 
and  rumours  concerning  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 
continued,  up  to  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  and   the 
breaking  out  of  the  war  in  1812. 

The  cause  of  this  Indian  hostility  was  one  which 
could  not  be  removed.  It  was  their  natural  dread  of 
losing  all  their  hunting  grounds,  by  the  encroachment 
of  the  whites. 


AND  StJRRKNDtJR  OF  THE  I'OST  OF  f)KTR()IT.       Q2\ 


In  ;i  Council  held  with  d'oiu'ial  11 


misoii  ill  IHI1 


near  Vincfimcs,  Tfcuinseli  declaivd  that  "  il 


torn  uliicli  the  Uiiitod  State 


aiids  liom  the  Indians,  he 


sys- 
s  ])m;siied,  of  |)iii(ha.siii" 


ready  to  overflow  his  jMJople,  and  that  tl 


viewed  as  a  mig/iti/  mitci 


\\ 


hieh  I 


icconlcd 


era 


le  was  forniino  anion 'r  tlie  trihes,  to 


^y 


anj  tribe  from  sellinji; 
othc 


,  to  pnivent 


land  without  the  consent  of  tl 


rs,  was  tlu!  dam  he  was  erecting-  to 
mighty  water:'     In  pursuit  of*  this  ohjec^t,  '1 


10 


visited  all  the  Indian  tri 
plan  ofcomhination. 


resist  this 
V'cuniseli 


hes,  and  uii,re(|  „p„n  thcnit 


lis 


In   addition  to   these    Ind 


lan    trouhlcs. 


•neral 


les,  (external  and  inter- 
luinistration  of  his 


Hull  had  many  inon;  diflieult 
nal,  to  contend  against,  in  the  ad 
Territory.  In  the  first  place,  the  difliciilty  of  com- 
munication was  no  triflin-  one.  To  get  from  Albany 
to  Niagara,  in  1805,  with  his  family,  General  Hull 
found  it  was  best  to  go  in  boats  up  Lake  Ontario,  and 
then  to  wait  till  a  vessel  should  !>(>  sailing  from  IJiiffido 
to  Detroit,  an  event  which  occurred  only  occasionally. 
The  State  of  New-York,  which  is  now  traversed  from 
east  to  west  in  twenty-four  hours,  by  three  trains  of 
railroad-cars  each  day,  was  then,  in  many  places,  an 
unbroken  forest.  The  ])orts  on  Lake  Erie,  which  are 
now  visited  many  times  a  day  by  steamers,  bound  up 
and  down  the  lake,  were  then  entered  only  once  in 
many  days  by  a  lonely  vessel.  Northern  Ohio,  filled 
at  present  with  thriving  villages  and  prusperous  cities, 
was  then  a  wilderness.  Again,  when  Governor  Hull 
reached  Detroit,  he  found  that  a  large  part  of  the 
place  had  recently  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  there 

21 


322 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


was  not  a  houso  in  which  ho  could  be  properly  ac 
commodntcd.  lie  was  obliged  to  build  himself  a 
house.  There  were  no  public  offices,  no  council-house 
for  the  Indian  Department ;  and  he  even  had  to  write 
to  the  Secretary  at  War  for  a  boat,  with  which  to 
communicate  with  the  distant  Indians.*  The  inhab- 
itants of  the  Territory  wanted  the  titles  to  their  lands 
secured,  and  the  Governor  must  urge  this  matter  at 
Washington.  There  was  no  printing-press  at  Detroit, 
and  the  Governor  must  correspond  with  printers  at 
Herkimer,  to  induce  them  to  come  to  Detroit,  which 
they  a})parently  did  not  do,  as  after  this  time  he  sends 
his  public  orders  to  Washington,  to  be  printed  there. 
Laws  were  to  be  made  and  put  in  ojieration.  A  militia 
system  was  to  be  established,  a  matter  of  no  small  diffi- 
culty, though  of  great  necessity.  Colonel  Anderson, 
of  the  second  regiment  of  militia,  writes  manv  letters 
from  the  river  Raisin,  complaining  of  his  officers,  be- 
cause they  will  not  get  their  uniforms.  The  poor 
ColoiK^I  at  last  wishes  to  resign  his  commission,  for 
"the  French  gentlemen,  headed  by  the  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  will  not  get  their  uniforms  ;  and  the  troops, 
the  more  I  exercise  them,  the  less  they  learn."  "  Out 
of  twenty  French  gentlemen,  officers,  only  five  that 
have  any  uniform."  Driven  desperate,  the  Colonel, 
on  June  26,  1806,  writes  that  he  has  arrested 
his  officers ;  and  they  write  to  the  Governor,  demand- 
ing a  court-martial,  "  as  they  wish  to  know  their 
fate." 

While  at  Washington,  in  December,  1805,  Gov- 

*  Hull's  flics  of  private  papers. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


323 


roperly  ac- 
himself  a 
jncil-house 
ad  to  write 
I  which  to 
rhe  inhab- 
thcir  lands 
5  matter  at 
at  Detroit, 
printers  at 
roit,  which 
le  he  sends 
nted  there, 
.  A  militia 
small  diffi- 
Anderson, 
anv  letters 
(fficers,  be- 
The  poor 
lission,  for 
jieutenant- 
thc  troops, 
•n."  "Out 
\y  five  that 
le  Colonel, 
IS  arrested 
r,  demand- 
Lnow  their 

[805,  Gov- 


ernor Hull  receives  letters  and  affidavits,  giving  an 
account  of  an  affray  between  the  citizens  of  Detroit 
and  some  British  officers  from  Maiden,  who,  with  the 
assistance  of  some  of  the  American  officers  from  the 
fort,  attempted  to  arrest  a  deserter.  Governor  Hull 
must  waite  to  Archbishop  Carrol,  to  request  him  not 
to  remove  from  Detroit  a  useful  and  much-loved 
Catholic  priest.  Mr.  Badger,  a  Presbyterian  minis- 
ter, missionary  to  the  Indians  at  Sandusky,  writes  to 
the  Governor  that  he  can  put  his  finger  through  the 
blankets  sent  to  the  Indians  in  payment  of  their  an- 
nuities, and  that  he  must  send  new  ones. 

Great  difficulties  arise  concerning  the  assignment 
of  donation-lots  totiie  inhabitants  of  Detroit,  and  here 
the  Governor  is  obliged  to  differ  from  Judge  Wood- 
ward, from  which  an  alienation  ensues.     It  is  well 
known,  that  the  seat  of  a  territorial  government  is 
very  a])t  to  be  the  scene  of  constant  contention,  strife, 
and  party-spirit.     The  offices  under  such  a  govern- 
ment are  so  numerous,  in  profiortion  to  the  inhabit- 
ants, that  almost  every  body  thinks  he  has  a  claim, 
or  at  least  a  chance,  to  obtain  one.     Money  is  usually 
scarce,  and  this  enhances  the  value  of  an  office,  the 
salary  of  which   is  regularly  jiaid  in  cash.     But  all 
cannot  have  oflices,  and  those  who  are  disai)pointed, 
become   the   enemies  of  the  more  successful,  or  of 
those  whose  induence  secured  them  the  appointment. 
Governo,-  Hull    seems  to   have  had  his  share  of 
these  embarrassments,  and  occasionally  friends  were 
turned  into  enemies,  by  his  opposing  their  opinions 


324 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


or  their  interests.  Yet  he  appears  to  have  been 
popular  with  the  people  generally,  and  when  his  term 
of  office  expired,  was  re-appointed  by  Mr.  Jefferson ; 
a  proof,  at  least,  that  his  proceedings  were  approved 
at  Washington. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       3^5 


lave  been 
n  his  term 
Jefferson ; 
i  approved 


CHAPTER    II. 

Wau  of  1812.— OovERNon  IIuli,  ArroiNTED  BRiGAraEn-GEXEiiAr,  to  lead 
THE  Tnnors  FROM  Ohio  to  Detroit.— March  to  Detroit.— Invasion  of 
Canada. — Fali,  of  Michilimackinac,  and  subsequent  event.?. 

In  February,  1812,  Governor  Hull  being  at  Wash- 
ington, received  accounts  from  the  Territory  of  Mich- 
igan, that  the  Indians  were  becoming  hostile  to  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  of  that  exposed  frontier.*  He 
urged  upon  the  administration  the  expediency  of  pro- 
viding a  force  for  their  protection.  War  with  Great 
Britain  was  imminent:  Congress  was  augmenting 
the  army,  and  messages  had  been  sent  by  the  British 
officers  in  Canada  to  all  the  powerful  tribes  of  the 
Northwest ;  accompanied  with  presents  of  arms  or 
clothing,  urging  them  to  take  part  with  Great  Britain, 
their  natural  ally.  Accordingly,  the  President  called 
upon  the  Governor  of  Ohio  to  detach  twelve  hundred 
militia,  and  prepare  them  for  actual  service.  These 
militia  were  to  be  joined  by  the  4th  United  States 
regiment,  then  at  Post  St.  Vincennes.  After  these 
arrarigements  were  made,  the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr. 
Eustis,  stated  to  Governor  Hull,  that  it  was  the 
wish  of  the  President  to  appoint  him  to  the  command 
of  these  troops,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General, 
m  order  that  he  should  march  them  to  Detroit. 

*  IJnWs  Mcrooirs  of  tlic  Ciiinpairrn  of  1812,  pase  15. 


326 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


Governor  flull  declined  the  appointment  in  the 
most  unqualified  manner,  stating  that  it  was  not  his 
wish  to  receive  any  military  appointment.  Colonel 
Kingsbury  was  then  ordered  to  Washington,  to  take 
command  of  these  troops,  and  to  receive  his  instruc- 
tions to  that  end.  He  fell  sick  on  his  arrival,  and 
became  thus  unable  to  perform  the  duty.  The  propo- 
sition being  again  made  to  Governor  Hull,  he  fmally 
consented  to  accept  any  military  appointment,  either 
that  of  Colonel,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  or  Brigadier- 
General,  which  would  give  him  the  command  of  the 
troops,  and  enable  him  to  lead  them  to  Detroit.  Ho 
was  immediately  nominated  Brigadier-General,  and 
accepted  the  appointment  with  reluctance,  and  with 
no  other  olyect,  he  says,  than  to  aid  in  the  protection 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Michigan  against  the  savages.* 
He  was  to  retain  his  office  of  Governor  of  Michigan, 
and  received  orders  to  perform  his  civil  duties  as 
usual. 

In  his  anxiety  for  ihe  safety  of  the  people  of  the 
Territory,  Governor  Hull  here  committed  an  error, 
which  a  more  selfish  man  would  have  avoided.  The 
people  of  the  United  States  generally  were  expecting 
the  conquest  of  Canada.  It  had  been  stated  repeat- 
edly on  the  floor  of  Congress,  that  in  case  of  wai 
with  Great  Britain,  Canada  would  at  once  be  over- 


'^ij*  Hull's  Memoirs  of  the  Cam-  iato  Secretary  at  War,  with  his  an- 

paitrn,  &c,,  page  IG.     Also  Hull's  swcrs,  under  oatli."    In  those  an- 

Trial  (reported  by  Col.  Forbes),  Ap-  swers,  (lovernor   Eustis    confopi,'). 

pendix,  page  3.      "Interrogatories  what  is  stated  in  the  toxL 
put  by  Wm.  Hull  to  Wni.  Eusti^s, 


nt  in  the 
IS  not  his 
Colonel 
1,  to  take 
is  instruc- 
rrival,  and 
lie  propo- 
he  finally 
snt,  either 
Biigadier- 
iid  of  the 
roit.  He 
;eral,  and 
and  with 
protection 
savages.* 
Vlichigany 
duties  as 

pie  of  the 
an  error, 
ed.  The 
expecting 
Bd  repeat- 
le  of  war 
3  be  over 


,  with  his  an 
In  tlipsp  at! 
itis    confiipi;). 
xL 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.      327 

run  and  conquered  by  the  armies  of  the  United 
States.*  Governor  Hull  knew  and  had  repeatedly 
represented  to  the  Government  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  such  an  enterprise.  The  Lakes  were  in  pos- 
session of  the  British  ;  the  Indians  were  on  their 
side,  and  the  militia  of  Canada  numbered  twenty  to 
one  of  the  militia  of  Michigan.  In  three  separate 
memorials,  addressed  to  the  War  Department  in  April 
1809,  June  1811,  and  March  1812,  he  had  urged 
the  necessity  of  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie.  Again,  after 
fais  appointment  as  Brigadier-General,  he  urged  the 
same  thing  in  a  memorial  to  the  President.  In  a 
€onversation  with  the  President  and  Secretary  at  War, 
he  insisted  on  the  same  course  of  conduct  so  stronglj, 
that  Conmiodore  Stewart  was  actually  ordered  to 
Washington,  to  receive  the  appointment  of  Navy 
Agent  on  Lake  Erie,  and  orders  concerning  the  build- 
ing of  a  fleet  on  that  Lake.f 

General  Hull  well  knew,  and  had  earnestly  stated, 
that  to  conquer  Canada,  or  even  to  preserve  Michigan, 


*  Speeches  inConnrress  in  1812 
by  Eustis  anil  I  [eury  Clay.  "  We 
<"in  take  Canada  without  soldiers. 
We  have  only  tu  send  (illicers  into 
the  Provinces,  and  tlu;  people,  di?al- 
fected  toward  their  own  Govern- 
ment, will  rally  round  our  standard." 
''It  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that  wo 
«liall  not  succeed  in  our  enterprise 
ajr-iinst  the  enemy's  provinces. 
We  have  the  Canadas  as  much  un- 
der our  command  as  CJreat  Britain 
.b,s  tb,e  oceon,  and  the  wav  to  con- 


(juer  her  on  the  ocean,  is  to  drive 
her  from  tiie  land.  I  am  not  for 
stopping  at  Q,u(«hec  or  any  where 
else,  but  I  would  take  the  whole 
continent  from  them  and  ask  theni 
no  favours.  We  must  take  the 
whole  continent  from  them.  I  wish 
inner  to  see  peace  till  we  do." 
Thus  spake  Henry  Clay  in  181:3: 
but  better  advised  in  1814,  he  signed, 
as  Commissioner,  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  at  C;hm\ 
f  See  .Appendix,  Note  2d, 


328 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812. 


it  was  necossarj  either  to  have  command  of  (lie  Lake, 
by  means  of  a  fleet  superior  to  the  British,  or  to  in- 
vade LJi)|)er  Canada  \vith  two  powerful  and  co-operat- 
ing armies  at  Detroit  and  Niagara.     He    therefore 
believed  that  the  Government,  in  case  of  war,  would 
adoj)t  one  or  both  of  these  measures.   He  did  not  thhik 
that  he  shouhl  be  expected  to  conquer  Upper  Canada 
with  an  armj  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  foui -fifths  of 
whom  W(^re  militia,  while  the  British  held  the  Lakes 
with  their  shijjs,  and  the  forests  with  their  Indians. 
He  dej)ended  on  efficient  support  botli  by  water  and 
land.     But  while  his  object  was  the  protection  of 
Michigan  and  its  inhabitants,  the  object  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and   people  was  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
lie  regarded  himself  as  Governor  and   Protector  of 
the  Territory  ;  he  was  regarded  by  the  nation  as  gen- 
eral of  an  invading  army,  which  was  shortly  to  over- 
run the  whole  of  Canada.     A  selfish  man,  therefore, 
foreseeing  the  impossibility  of  meeting  the  expecta- 
tions of  the  Government  and  people,  would  have  per- 
sisted in  refusing  this  appointment  of  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral.    But  hoping  to  j)rotect  the  inhabitants    from 
immediate  Indian  hostilities,  and  confiding  that  the 
Government  would  su])j)ort  him  in  case  of  war,  he 
accepted  the  ap])ointment,  and  went  to  Dayton,  Ohio^ 
to  take  command  of  the  troops.* 

*  Intho  lOtli  No.  of  liis  Memoirs  of  Oliio,  I  Mt  n  wry  doep  iiitorcPt 

of  the  Ciiiii|);iiir„  of  1S12,  (ii'iMTiil  in  tlie  ohjcct  of  my  mission.     The 

Hull  tliiiri  .';p-!iivs  of  his  jiosition  at  coiisidoratiniithiit  I  was  clothwl  witi) 

this  time :   "  In  loavino-  Washing-  the  aiithoiity    and  furnishod    witli 

ton,  in  April,  181:2,  to  take  command  the  means  of  affordin<r  safety  ancJ 

of  the  forces  usfomblcd  in  the  State  security  to  t'le  frontic"r  uihalitants 


"  the  Lake, 
I,  or  to  in- 
co-oporat- 

thcrcfbre 
var,  would 
J  not  think 
er  Canada 
m -fifths  of 
the  Lakes 
r  Indians, 
water  and 
tection  of 

the  Gov- 
r  Canada, 
otector  of 
»n  as  gen- 
y  to  over- 
therefore, 
3  expecta- 
have  per- 
dier-Gen- 
nts    from 

that  the 
'  war,  he 
on,  Ohioj 


leep  intprest 
ii?sion.  The 
clotliod  witli 
nisliod  witii 
t  safety  and 
V  uiluil.utuut.s; 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   3^9 

On  the  10th  May,  1812,  General  Hull  arrived  at 
Cincinnati,  in  Ohio.  Here  he  met  Governor  Meijis, 
who  had   made    sreat   exertions    in   collectinir   the 


of  the  country,  and  particularly  to 
those  of  tlu!  Territory  of  Miciiiiian, 
of  wliicii     I   was    Governor,   was 
soothinif  to  my  feelings  anil  animat- 
ing   to    my    exertions.     Altlioiigli 
about  thirty  years  had  tiicn  elapsed 
since  my  sword  had  lain  useless  in 
its  scabbard,  and  time  had  necessari- 
ly enfeebled  my  strength  and  con- 
stitution, yet  it  was  impossible  for 
me  to  .see  a  country  in  which   from 
my  situation,  I  was  so  particularly 
interested,  exposed   to  the  fury  of 
the  savages  without  raising  an  arm 
for  its  safety.     Convinced  that  the 
forces   intrusted    to    my  command 
were  sullicient  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier  settlements  and  the  se- 
curity of  the  Territory  while   we 
were  at  peace  with  (ireat  Britain ; 
and  knowing  that  I  had  communi- 
cated what  measures,  in  my  opinion, 
would   be  indispensably  necessary, 
intlie  event  of  war,  which  connnuni- 
cations  had  been  received  as  otiicial 
documents    and   approved    by  the 
Government,  and  feeling  a  generous 
conlidence  in  the  justice  and  honour 
of  the   administration,   I   had   little 
anxiety  wilii  respect  to  any  conse- 
(jueuces  wiiich  might  have  attended 
my  command. 

"If  it  were  to  be  my  fortune  to 
protect  tlie  defenceless  inhabitants  of 
our  country,  against  the  cruelty  of 
Buvages,  and  prosperity  was  to  at- 


tend the  exertions  of  the  army,  the 
satisfaction  of  having  promoted  the 
cause  of  humanity  would  liavo  been 
an  am|)le  reward.     But  if,  after  hon- 
estly discharging  my  duty,  in    the 
best  manner  I  was  capable,  misfor- 
tune was  to  be  my  lot,  I  believed 
that  a  generous  government  and  a 
generous  people  would  at  lea.st  have 
shielded  me   from  censure  and  re- 
I)roach.  At  that  time,  indeed,  I  con- 
sidered there  was  little  or  no  hazard. 
It  was  a  time  of  peace  with  Eng- 
land, and  while  that  remained,  there 
was  no  danger,  excejjting  from  the 
savages.     Some    excitement    then 
existed,  through  the  inlluence  of  the 
British  Agents,  in  preparing  them 
for  events   which   they  anticipated 
might  take  place.     In  the  event  of 
war,  I  considered  that  such  arrange- 
ments would  have   been  made,  as 
would  have  enabled  the  army  I  com- 
manded to  have  operated  with  suc- 
cess  against   the   enemy.     As  the 
Government  continued  me  in  com- 
mand of   the   Xortliwcstern   army 
after  the  declaration  of  war,  I  had  a 
right  to  believe,  that  such  measures 
would  have  been  adopted,  as  I  had 
stated  were  deemed  by  me  essential 
to  success.   The  measures  to  which 
I  alliuled  in  the  event  of  war,  I  have 
mentioned,  were  a  navy  on   Lake 
Krie,  sullicient  to  preserve  that  com- 
munication; and  an  uruiy  of  sutli- 


330 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMrAIGN  OF  1812, 


twelve  Iiuntlied  militia  which  had  been  ordered  by 
the  President.  Their  rendezvous  was  Dayton.  Al- 
though officers  and  men  seemed  to  be  animated  with 
zeal,  yet  they  were  without  discipline,  and  destitute  of 
proper  arms  and  clothing.*  The  three  militia  regiments 
elected  their  field  officers  at  Dayton.  Duncan  McAr- 
thur  was  chosen  Colonel,  and  James  Denny  and  Wil- 
liam A.  Trimble  Majors,  of  the  first  regiment ;  James 
Findlay,  Colonel,  and  Thomas  Moore  and  Thomas 
Van  Home  Majors,  of  the  second  regiment ;  Lewis 
Cass,  Colonel,  and  Robert  Morrison  and  J.  R.  Mun- 
son  Majors,  of  the  third  regiment. 

On  May  25th,  General  Hull  was  invested  with 
the  command  of  the  militia,  and  made  them  an  ad- 
dress. On  the  first  of  June,  the  army  marched  to 
Staunton  ;  on  the  10th,  they  were  joined,  at  Urbana, 


ciont  strength  in  co-operation  with 
the  one  T  comin;uided,  to  make  u 
conquest  of  Camula. 

"  In  all  these  communications,  I 
gave  it  as  my  opinion,  that  unless 
wo  had  tlie  honefit  of  this  co-opera- 
tion, the  posts  of  Detroit,  JVIichiu- 
mackinac,  and  Chicago,  would  inev- 
itably fall  into  the  liands  of  the 
enemy." 

*  "Their  arp'^  were  totally  unlit 
for  use,  the  leather  which  covere<i 
their  cartouch  boxes  was  rotter.,  and 
no  better  security  to  the  carlrido-es 
than  brown  paper;  many  of  the 
men  were  destitute  of  blankets  and 
other  necessary  clothing;  no  ar- 
morers were  provided  to  repair  the 
arms ;  no  means  had  been  adopted 


to  furnish  clothing;  no  public  stores 
to  resort  to,  cither  for  good  Jirms  or 
suitable  clothing;  and  no  powder  in 
any  of  the  magazines  tit  lor    use. 
And  what  is  more  extraordinary,  no 
contract,  nor  any  measures  adopted, 
to  supply  these  troojis  with  the  ne- 
cessary articles  of  provisions  during 
tlieir marc!)  through  a  wilderness  of 
more  than  two  hundred  miles,  until 
they  arrived  at  Detroit.   On  my  own 
responsiiiility,  I  sent  to  powder-mills 
in  Kentucky  and  purchased  jiowder, 
collected  a  few  blankets  and  other 
neces.s'iry  clothing  from  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Ohio,  and  em|)loye(l  private 
armorers  at  Cincinnati  and  Dayton, 
to  repair  the   arms."— -I lull's  Me- 
moirs, page  3 1. 


12. 

ordered  by 
•ajton.  Al- 
iinated  with 
I  destitute  of 
la  regiments 
lean  MeAr- 
^y  and  Wil- 
ent ;  James 
nd  Thomas 
;mt ;  Lewis 
J.  R.  Mun- 

k'ested  with 

lem  an  (id- 

marehed  to 

at  Urhana, 

no  public  stores 
'T  good  j'.rm.s  or 
1(1  no  powder  in 
ns  lit  I'or    uso. 
ctraordinary,  no 
iistircfl  adopted, 
)?>  with  the  ne- 
ovipjons  d  11  ring 
I  wilderness  of 
red  miles,  until 
it.   On  iii_v  own 
to  powder-mills 
aliased  powditr, 
iots  !!iid  otli'jr 
om  the  inhabit. 
il)loycd  private 
ti  and  Dayton, 
'—Hull's' Me- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


331 


by  the  fourth  United  States  regiment,  under  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Miller,  eonsistingof  about  three  hundred 
effeetive  men.  From  this  place,  which  was  then  a 
frontier  town,  the  distance  to  Detroit  Mas  more  than 
two  hiuidred  miles,  through  a  wilderness.  Here  the 
want  of  discipline  of  the  militia  appeared,  in  some  of 
them  refusing  to  march,  and  other  signs  of  insubordi- 
nation.* In  marching  from  Urbana  to  Detroit,  a  road 
was  to  be  cut  by  the  army,  through  the  forest.  The 
difliciilties  and  labours  were  great,  of  opening  a  road, 
building  bridges  and  causeways  ;  but  were  borne  with 
patience  by  the  army.  Four  block-houses  were  built 
on  the  route,  for  the  convenience  of  reinforcements, 
and  security  of  convoys.  The  army  march(>d  first  to 
the  Scioto;  then  to  Blanchaid's  Fork,  which  is  a 
branch  of  the  Maumee ;  then  to  the  Rapids  of  the 

*  The    Ohio    Volunteers    were  the  troops  loft  Urbana,  Captain  Hull 

militia  just  called  into  the  field,  and  came  to  Colonel  iMiller  in  his  official 

were    deticient   in  discipline,    and  capacity  and  informed  liini  that  there 

some    of    thorn    were     frequently  was  another    mutiny    among    the 

disorderly.       "  (Jenerally   speaking  Ohio  Volunteers,  and  wished  "a  halt 

the    Ohio    Volunteers   and   Militia  to  take  place.     After  a  short  halt, 

were  insubordinate :  one  evening  at  General  Hull  rode  up  and  said  to 

Urbana,    I    saw  u   multitude,  and  Colonel  Millei',  '  Your  regiment  is 

heard  a  noise,  and  was  informed  that  a  powerful  argument ;  without  them 

a  company  of  Ohio  Volunteers  were  I  could  not  inarch  these  men  to  Dc- 

ridhiir  unp  of  their  officers  on  a  rail,  troit.'     One  soldier  was  .shot  in  a 

In  saying  that  the  Ohio  Volunteers  cpiarrcl.     There    were    companies 

were  insubordinate,  witness  means  among  them  who  were  under  better 

that  they  were  only  as  much  so  as  discipline  than  others."— Lieutenant 

undisciplined  militia  generally  are.  Bacon's  testimony  (4th  Ilegiment). 

Some  thirty  or  forty  of  the  Ohio  Minutes  of  the  Court  Martial  for  the 

militia  refused  to  cross  into  Canada  Trial  of  General  Hull,  from  the  files 

at  one  time,  and  thinks  he  saw  one  ofthe  War Ottiee,  Washington.  Sea 

hundred  wlio  refused  to  cross  when  also  Forbes'   Report  of  the  Courk 

the  troops  were  at  Urbana.    When  Martial,  page  1:h'4. 


332 


HISTORY  OF  TIIF,  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


Maiimco,  which  was  reached  about  the  end  of  June.* 
War  was  dechired  on  the  l»tli  of  June  ;  but  General 
Hull  received  no  information  of  it  until  July  2d,  four- 
teen days  after,  thoufjjh  the  British  officer  at  Maiden 
had  heard  of  it,  oflicially,  two  days  before.f  In  con- 
sequence of  this  delay  in  transmitting  to  him  this 
most  im|)ortant  intelligence,  a  vessel  was  taken,  on 
which  he  had  shipped  important  baggage,  stores,  and 
the  invalids  of  the  army.  General  Hull  gives  the  fol- 
Jowing  account  of  this  transaction  : 


*  ArcAir(>(>"s  History  of  the  lato 
War.     Hull's  IMoiiioirs. 

f  "  Ai'instronu'a   Notices  of  the 
Wi.-.-  of    181  i>."      (Jcncnil    Arm- 
i?t'onrr,  late  Secretary  of  War,  an 
opponent   of    (Joneral    Hull,   thus 
f  peaks    of  this    transaction,    page 
47-8.     "  We  have  seen  that  Gene- 
ral Hull  l(,sf  his  own  haixuno'e  and 
that  of  the  army,  the  whole  of  his 
hospital     stores    and     intrenching 
tools,  and  sixty  men.  in  consequence 
of  file  ill-judged  and  tardy  manner 
cmi)loyed  in  transmitting  to  him  the 
declaruion  of  war.     A  fact  so  ex- 
traordinary in  itself  and  so  produc- 
tive of  injury  to  the  puhlic,  rails  for 
more  development  than  has  yet  heen 
given  to  it.     It  will  he  remenihcred 
that  a  declaration  of  war  was  au- 
thorized  on   the    18th  June,  1812. 
On  this  day  .'■uMTctary  Fiustis  wrote 
two  letters  to  (ienoral  Hull.   In  one 
of  the.se  no  mention  was  made  of 
this  important  event;  in  tiie  other, 
it   was  distinctly  and  officially  an- 
nonnccd.     The  former  of  the  two. 
was  carefully  made  np  and  expedited 


hy  a  special  messenger,  who  arrived 
in  the  General's  camp  on  the  i2Uh 
of  .Time:  while  the  latter  was  com- 
mitted to  the  puhlic  mail  as  far  as 
Cleveland,  and  thence  through  a 
wilderness  of  one  hundreij  miles,  to 
such  conveyance  as  •  acciJcii/  mi<^hl 
xiippli/.' 

"  The  result  was,  that  the  declara- 
tion did  not  reach  its  destination  un- 
til the  2d  of  July, ///Y)  (/a^s  iif/rr  it 
had  heen  received  hy  the  rncmij  at 
Mald'n.  On  this  occasion,  the 
British  Government  was  hctter 
scrved  :  Provost  received  notice  of 
it  on  the  21th  of  June  at  Quebec; 
Brock  on  the  2(!tli,  at  Newark;  St. 
George  on  the  3()th,  at  Maiden; 
and  Roberts  on  the  8th  of  Jidy,  at 
St.  Joseph's.  But  a  fact  .still  more 
extraordinary  than  the  celerity  of 
these  transmissions  is,  that  the  infor- 
mation thus  rapidly  forwarded  to 
Maiden  and  St.  Joseph's,  was  receiv- 
ed, under  envelopes,  franked  hy 
the  S(Tretiiry  of  the  American 
Treasury." 


113, 

nd  of  June* 
but  General 
[\\y  2(],  foiir- 
;r  at  Maiden 
i-t  In  con- 
to  liim  this 
as  taken,  on 
,  stores,  and 
fives  the  fol- 


gcr,  wlio  arrived 
mp  on  the  i2Uli 
!  l!itt(^r  wiis  cnm- 
;  mail  us  fur  as 
onco  tliroufrji  n 
miulrcil  mill's,  to 
i  •  acciJciil  mi^hl 

.thattliodoclara- 
s  destination  un- 
'irn  days  of/cr  it 
'nj  the  'nfinij  at 
s  occasion,  tlio 
nt  was  I)etter 
ceivod  notice  of 
me.  nt  Qncliec ; 
at  N">\vark ;  St. 
itl(,  at  Maiden; 

8tli  of  .Inly,  fit 
a  fact  still  more 

the  celerity  of 
is,  that  the  infor- 
Y  forwarded  to 
|)irs,was  receiv- 
es,   franlvcd    by 

the    Aniericini 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  P03T  OF  DETROIT.       ^Q^ 

"On  the  2d  day  of  July  I  received  a  h;tter  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  (lie  IHthof  June,  inform- 
ing nie  of  the  declaration  of  war.  It  was  in  these 
words : 

"  '  Sir,— War  is  declared  ajrainst  Great  Hritain. 
You  will  1)0  on  your  <,niard ;  proceed  to  your  post  with 
all  possible  expedition ;  make  such  jr-anj^ements  for 
the  defence  of  the  country  as  in  your  judj4nient  may 
be  necessary,  and  wait  for  further  orders.' 

"The  day  before  this  letter  was  received,  the 
Quarter-Master  had  been  directed  to  hire  a  small 
vessel,  at  the  foot  of  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  to 
transport  the  invalids  and  the  baf;i,ra^re,  &c.,  not  want- 
ed on  the  march  to  Detroit.  The  horses  bein^  worn 
down  on  the  march,  rendered  this  measure,  in  my 
opinion,  expedient.  At  this  time  I  had  received 
no  information  of  the  declaration  of  war,  and  did  not 
consider  there  was  any  hazard  in  the  measure.  On 
the  21th  of  June  I  received  a  letter  from  the  War 
Department,  dated  in  the  mornin^r  of  the  ]8fh  of 
June,  directing  me  to  march  to  Detroit,  witii  all  pos- 
sible exj)edition.  In  that  letter,  not  one  word  was 
said  respecting  a  declaration  of  war. 

"  The  British  garrison  at  Maiden  having  a  num- 
ber of  days  before  received  the  information,  this  ves- 
sel was  taken  in  passing  that  fortress.  The  court- 
martial  could  not  find  any  ground  to  censure  me  for 
employing  that  vessel,  as  I  had  no  information  of  the 
declaration  of  war,  and  was  obliged  to  acquit  me  of 
the  charge  growing  out  of  that  event.  The  circum- 
stances of  this  transaction  are  particularly  related  in 


334 


rirSTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  lfll2, 


my  (Icfcnfo.     Thus  it  Jippoars,  tlint  I  did  not  rncoive 
infonnalioii  of  tlio  war,  until  IburtcMui  dajs  after  it 
was  declared  ;  tiiat  the  British  garrison   liad  official 
luiowledgf^  of  it  four  or  (iv{!  days  soontT  ,•  that  it  is 
proved  to  demonstration,  that  I  might  have  received 
it  eight  days  earlier,  as  I  actually  did  r(>eeivo  a  letter 
from   the   Secretary  of  War,  on  the  21th  of  June, 
dated  on  tlu;  same  day,  vi/.  the  lijth  of  June,  in  the 
morning,  which  gave  no  information  of  the  declara- 
tion of  war.    The  person  who  brought  mc  this  l(;tter, 
announcing  the  war,  informed  me  he  was  emj)loyed 
by  the  Postmaster  of  Cleveland,  in  the  State  of  Ohio, 
and  th:it  it  was  brought  in  the  mail  to  that  office.    In 
time  of  peace  with  England,  there  could  hav(!  l)ccn 
but  out;  ()j)inion,  with  resp(>ct  to  engaging  this  vessel, 
in  the  manner  it  was  employed.     Having  jio  inform- 
ation of  the   declaration  of  war,   I  must  necessarily 
have  b(!lieved  it  was  a  time  of  peace,  and  consequent- 
ly no  blame  could  be  attached  to  me.     The  following 
is  the  opinion  of  the  court-martial  on  this  subject: 

"  '  The  exideiice  on  the  subject  having  been  pub- 
licly given,  the  Court  deem  it  proper,  in  justice  to  the 
accused,  to  say,  that  they  do  not  believe;,  from  any 
thing  which  has  appeared,  that  Brigadier-Cieneral 
William  liull  has  committed  treason  against  the  Uni- 
ted States.'  " 

On  .Jidy  5th,  the  army  under  General  JIull  ar- 
rived at  Detroit.  A  few  days  were  then  occu|)i(!d  in 
cleaning  and  repairing  arms,  and  in  giving  the  sol- 
diers rest  from  the  fatigues  of  the  laborious  march. 
The  enemy  were  then  erecting  fortifications  on  the 


2, 

not  rncoive 
iijs  after  it 
had  official 
;  tluit  it  is 
vo  received 
ivo  a  letter 
li  of  Juno, 
line,  ill  the 
ho  deelara- 
this  l(;tter, 
i  eni|)loyod 
te  of  Ohio, 
t  office.    In 
have  l)ccn 
this  vessel, 
no  inform- 
necessarily 
onsequent- 
i)  following 
uhject  : 
been  pub- 
it  ice  to  the 
from  any 
'r-Cieneral 
t  the  Uni- 

1  Hull  ar- 
ccuj)i(!d  in 
g  the  sol- 
us march, 
ns  on  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT,   335 

opposite  bank,  and  an  impatience  prevailed  among 
the  officers  and  men  of  the  American  army,  to  cross 
the  river,  and  commence  offensive  operations.  Gene- 
ral iJull  called  a  council  of  the  field  officers,  and  in- 
formed them  that  he  had  as  yet  received  no  authority 
to  invade  Canada,  and  re(piested  them  to  restrain  the 
impatience  of  their  men.  After  this  council  was  dis- 
missed, on  .July  9th,  the  following  letter  was  received 
from  Washington : 

"W.vii  DKPAnTiUENT,  Jiino  21th,  1812. 

"Sir,— By  my  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  you 
were  infornuMJ  that  war  was  declared  against  Great 
Britain.  Herewith,  enclosed,  you  will  receive  a 
copy  of  the  Act,  and  of  the  President's  Proclamation, 
and  you  are  autIioriz(^d  to  commence  offensive  opera- 
tions accordingly.  Should  the  force  under  your  com- 
mand be  equal  to  the  enterprise,  consistent  with  the 
safety  of  your  own  posts,  you  will  tak<!  possession  of 
Maiden,  and  extend  your  conquests  as  circumstances 
may  justify. 

(Signed)  William  Eustis." 

On  the  same  evening  that  this  letter  was  received, 
the  following  answer  was  given  : 

"DF.TnorT,  July  Otli,  1812. 

"  Sir, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  21th  June. 
The  ar,i!y  under  my  command  arrived  here  on  the  5th 
of  July,  instant.  Every  effort  has  been,  and  is  still 
making  by  the  British,  to  collect  the  Indians  under 
their  standard.     They  have  a  largo  number.     I  am 


336 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


preparing  boats,  and  shall  pass  the  river  in  a  few 
days.  The  British  have  established  a  j)()st  directly 
opposite  this  place.  I  have  confidence  in  dislodging 
liim,  and  being  in  possession  of  the  ojjposite  bank.  I 
have  little  time  to  write :  every  thing  will  be  done 
that  it  is  possible  to  do.  The  British  command  the 
water  and  the  savages.  I  do  not  think  the  force  here 
equal  to  the  reduction  of  Amherstburg  (meaning  the 
fort  at  Maiden),  you  therefore  must  not  be  too  san- 
guine. 

(Signed)  William  Hull." 

lion.  Will.  EusTis. 


In  consequence  of  this  communication.  General 
Hull  crossed  into  Canada,  July  12th,  as  soon  as  boats 
could  be  collected  for  that  object,  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  deceive  the  enemy,  and  cause  him  to  withdraw 
his  forces,  so  that  the  American  troops  landed  without 
opposition. 

The  reasons  for  invading  Canada  were,  first,  the 
expectations  and  orders  of  the  Government,  for  the 
phrase  "you  are  authorized  to  commence  offensive 
•operations,"  contained  in  the  Secretary's  letter,  was 
equivalent  to  an  order.  Secondly,  the  enemy  was  erect- 
ing fortifications  on  the  bank  opposite  Detroit,  which, 
being  higher  than  the  American  side,  would  have  se- 
riously annoyed  the  army  and  town,  when  complet- 
ed. Thirdly,  the  impatient  spirit  of  the  army  made  it 
desirable  to  give  them  active  employment.  Fourthly, 
it  seemed  likely  that  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
would  be  kept  neutral,  and  prevented  from  joining 


je  too  san- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       337 

the  British  standard,  by  a  display  of  American  force 
on  botii  banks  of  the  river.  Fifthly,  it  was  desirable 
to  obtain  forage  and  provisions  from  the  river  Thames, 
and  cut  off  tiie  sui)i)lies  from  that  region  to  Maiden.' 
The  provisions  in  Detroit  and  Michigan  were  not 
sufficient  for  the  inhabitants  and  army  ;  and  had  it  not 
been  for  supj)lies  obtained  in  Canada,  would  have 
fallen  short  before  the  caj)itulation.* 

General  Hull,  as  is  well  known,  issued  a  ])rocIa- 
mation  to  the  Canadians  upon  entering  their  country. 
In  it  he  declared,  that  he  came  to  bring  no  injury  to 
the  peaceable  and  unoffending  inhabitants,  but  offered 
them  protection,  peace,  and  security,  lie  tells  them 
to  remain  at  their  homes,  and  pursue  their  occupa- 
tions. He  tells  them  he  does  not  ask  nor  need  their 
aid,  but  will  accept  it  if  they  tender  their  services  vol- 
untarily. He  threatens  them  with  retaliation,  if  they 
adopt  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare,  and  fight  by  the 
side  of  savages,  who  scalp  and  tomahawk^their  pris- 
oners. 

There  are  some  curiou^s  circumstances  connected 
with  this  proclamation.  It  has  been  praised  as  a 
spirited  and  strong  paper,  and  condemned  as  pom- 
pous and  improjier.  After  General  HuWs  death,  the 
authorship  of  it  was  claimed  for  General  Cass,  then 
a  Colonel  of  militia.  Up  to  that  time,  that  is,  for 
fifteen  years,  no  one  ev(>n  suggested,  that  it  was  writ- 
ten  by  any  other  than  General  Hull  himself.  Gene- 
ral Hull's  family,  in  all  that  they  had  heard  and  read  . 


*  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  44. 

22 


338 


HISTORY  OF  THK  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


about  the  proclamation,  had  never  before  received  the 
suggestion  that  General  Cass  was  the  autlior.  As 
the  matter  now  stands,  whenever  tlie  proclamation  is 
condemned.  General  Hull  is  treated  as  tiie  author — 
when  it  is  praised,  it  is  said  to  have  been  written  by 
General  Cass.*  This  proclamation  was  approved 
by  the  President  in  a  letter  to  General  Hull,  from 
the  War  Department,  of  August  lst,t  and  was  de- 
clared by  the  American  Connnissioners  at  the  Treaty 
of  Ghent,  to  have  l)een  unauthorized  and  disapprov- 
ed by  the  Government.^     General  Hull  has   been 


*  '■ —  heralded  bij  jmmpous  niid 
ihrrafrning  Prodamilion. — "  Hull's 
rapniirhiir  I'mclamaliim."' — Iiigor- 
soir.s  History  of  the  War. 

'•Ilt'ir,  he  ixxurd  liis  l'roclinn<i/i(in. 
which  irris  an  iiiipri's:<!ie  a)id  rucr- 
qdic  ■jifiprr,'" — "//i/s  hold  and  rlo- 
qtirnl  diiciunnit  was  from  Ihr  pen  af 
(joveriior  Ca.ss." — LiuitnauV  I\Ii- 
cliiji'aii. 

Mr.  Tiip|)L'r.  the  author  of  tlio 
•■  Life  of  nrock,"  (piiljhshed  Loii- 
iloii,  18(5.)  considers  it  al)le,  and  as- 
^i<:'n>  its  authorship  to  some  one  at 
Washington,  whicl)  is  of  course  an 
impnssihihty.  "(iencral  Hull  is- 
sued the  foHcnvinjr  insidious  but  ahh^ 
I'roclamaliou,  which  was  (loul)tless 
written  at  Wasliinjrton." 

f  I  full's  Memoirs,  pajre  49. — '•  On 
tlie  null  of  .luly,  the  day  after  it 
(the  I'roclaniation)  was  |)nhlislied. 
a  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  the  Govern- 
ment. 'I'he  paragraph  of  the  letter 
is  in  these  words  :  '  I'liiclosed  is  a 
•copy  of  a  I'roclauuition  to  the  in- 


habitants, whicli  I  liojie  will  be  ap- 
proved by  the  (Jovernment.' 
"  Answer : 

■'  '  It'll r  Vi'partiiiriil,  Aii;;i\>-I  I,  lf}-i. 

"'Sir — Vour  letters  of  13(ii  and 
1  1th,  together  with  yotir  Proclama- 
tion, liavc  been  received.  Your 
operations  are  ajijiroved  by  the  Pres- 
ident.' " 

\  As  regards  that  jiart  of  the 
Proclamation  which  |)romises  pro- 
tection to  tlie  Canadiaiis,  General 
Hull  thus  speaks  ("Hull's  Me- 
moirs." |)p.  17,  48) :  ■•  Before  I  pro- 
ceed to  any  jiarticular  cviilanations, 
I  ask  you  to  bear  in  mind  tlu^  situa- 
tion in  which  J  was  placed  by  the 
orders  of  the  Government.  1  was 
in  an  enemy's  country,  with  the 
command  of  a  small  body  of  militia 
and  a  few  regulars,  nearly  three 
hundred  miles  from  any  magiizines 
of  provisions,  munitions  of  war,  or 
reinforciMiieuts,  The  enemy  with 
which  I  had  to  contend,  was  all  tiie 
British  troops  in  Upper  Canada,  all 


12, 

received  the 
autlior.  As 
)clamation  is 
he  author — 
n  written  by 
as  approved 

I  Dull,  from 
ind  was  de- 
t  the  Treaty 
i  disapprov- 

II  has   been 

lio]ie  will  he  ap- 
3riunont.' 

ntt,  Aiijiift  I,  \»vi. 
tors  of  ]3!li  jind 

I  yotir  I'rocliima- 
reci'ivoii.  Your 
jved  by  the  Pre^- 

:liat  part  of  tho 
h  |)roiniscs  jjio- 
ladiar.s.  Goiu'ral 
s  (•'lliiir.s  Me- 
:  ••  Be  lore  I  pvo- 
ilar  cxiilaiiatioiir^, 

II  lllillli  \\\{\  AiWA- 

IS  placed  by  tlio 
L'rnmeiit.  1  was 
iiiitry,  with  the 
11  !)iidy  III'  militia 
V.  nearly  three 
n  any  niai>azine> 
itioiis  of  war,  or 
riie  enemy  with 
iteiid,  was  all  tiie 
fpper  Canada,  all 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       339 

condemned  for  tliat  part  of  the  proclamation  which 
declares  that  no  quarter  would  be  given  to  those  who 
should  be  found  fighting  by  the  side  of  the  Indians, 


the  militia  of  that  Provineo.  and  the 
Xortliern  and  Wertorn  Indians,  both 
in  the  Territory  of  Canada  and  the 
United    States,   too-other   with    the 
streno-tii    aiid    res-ources    of     the 
wealthy   and    powerful     Northwest 
Company.     Placed  in  this  insulated 
situation,  with  ])iit  a  small  stock  of 
provisions  on  hand,  and  no  jiossibil- 
ity  of  obfainiii"-  a  i'lirther  siqiply.  as 
the  Lake  was  commanded  by  a  Bri- 
tish naval  sipiadron,  and    tlie  only 
communication  by   land,    a  wilder- 
ness of   more    than   two   hundred 
'niies,  iilled  with  hostile  sava-jvs,  I 
saw  no  possii)ilityof  evensustainini^ 
my  situation,  unless  the  militia  could 
l»e  prevented  from  takian;  a  part  in 
the   war    and    joining  the   Uritisli 
standard. 

"A  large  jiortion  of  the  jjcoplo 
ot  that  province  had  emigrated  I'roni 
tiio  United  States.  They  had  been 
educated  with  the  itriiiciples  of  free- 
dom and  indepenilence ;  and  some 
of  them  ami  many  of  their  I'athers, 
had  l'ou;ilit  and  bled  in  defence  of  our 
Revoliitinuary  contest.  They  were 
situated  more  than  three  thousand 
miles  from  the  country  to  which 
they  were  sni)jectcd.  and  had  no 
participation  or  interest  in  the  mea- 
sures it  ado|ite(l.  Having  for  a 
number  of  years  lived  in  their  neigli- 
!)ourhood,  I  had  often  heard  them 
'wprcss  their  sense  of  the  injustice 
they   suffered,   and     their     natural 


right  and  strong  wislies  to  partici- 
pate in  the  same  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence whiclf  their  brethren  of 
the  United  States  enjoyed,  and  under 
which  they  were  so  jirosperous  and 
happy.  They  were  informed  that 
the  force  I  had,  was  but  the  vangisard 
of  a  much  greater.  I  considered 
that  I  had  solid  grounds  to  make 
this  declaration. 

"  In  the  first  place,  it  will  be  seen 
that  I  was  authorized  to  pledge  the 
faith  of  the  Government,  that  they 
siioulil  be  protected  hi  their  persons, 
property,  and  riglits.     Could  I  have 
believed  that  the  (Jovernment  would 
liave    authorized  mo   to   make  this 
l)ledgo  without  furnishing  the  means 
of  redeeming  it?      I  beg   you,  my 
fellow-citizens,   to   look    back   and 
c<insider  what  took    place    belbre  1 
left    AV'ashington,   on  this    subject. 
In   my   otlicial   communications  to 
the  (iovenimenl.I  stated  that  in  the 
event  of  war  with  (ireat  Britain,  it 
would  bo  neces,sary  to  conniiand  tlio 
waters  of  I^iko   Erie,  by   a   naval 
force  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy; 
to  provide  reinforcements  to  secure 
tiie    communication     throuoh     the 
wilderness  I  was  to  penetrate,  and 
a  powerful  army  to  co-operato  Irom 
the  States  of  New-York  and  Penn- 
sylvania, wiacli  border  on  the  east 
part  of  the  lake ;  tiiat  without  these 
measures,  it  would  be  impossible 
lor  me  to  sustain  my  situation ;  and 


340 


HISTORY  OJ    THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  I8I2, 


and  announces  to  tlioso  ^vllo  j)ractlco  tho  Indian 
mode  of  warfare,  of  killing  women,  ehildren,  and 
prisoners,  that  a  system  of  retaliation  will  be  pursued. 
But  how  can  General  Hull  he  condemned  for  this, 
when  it  is  well  known  that  the  Governmenis,  both 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  adopted,  in 
this  very  war,  the  same  j)rinciple  of  retaliation,  and 
threatened  to  juit  to  death,  in  cold  blood,  prisoners 
innocent  of  any  crime.  If  it  be  Justifiable,  on  prin- 
ciples of  civilized  war,  to  hang  prisoners  taken  in  a 
fair  field,  for  offences  (tommittcul  aft(;rwards  by  their 
own  government,  it  surely  must  be  allowable,  on  the 
same  principles,  to  warn  those  who  have  not  yet  en- 
listed, that  if  they  shall  be  taken  lighting  in  (H)m])any 
with  those  who  give  no  (juarter,  no  rpiartcn'  will  be 
cxt(nided  to  themselves.  On  Christian  princi])les, 
both  i)roceedings  are  wrong,  but  those  who  defend 
the  conduct  of  their  respective;  gcncrnments  in  the  one; 
case,  show  cither  hypocrisy  or  extreuK;  prejudice,  in 
condemning  the  declaration  of  General  Hull  in  the 
other. 

This  proclamation,  therefore,  has  had  the  singular 
fate  of  being  approved  by  the  Government  when  first 
issued,  and  disavowed  by  the  same  Government  at 
the  close  of  the  war, — of  being  considered  a  vapour- 
ing and  weak  paper,  when  ascril)(>d  to  Gen(M'al  Hull, 
but  becom'Mg  an  able  and  bold  document,  when  as- 


tlic   po-ts  nf  Di'troit.  7.Tirliiliiii;i('ki-  lie   s;i1i>fi^'il   tlioi'c  wore    Fiid'ciciif 

nac,  and  Cliicairo,  would    full  into  onuinds  on  my  part  tor  mukiiig  tlii:- 

llie   posso.^sion   of  tho   cnomy.      I  declaration." 
id  indoL'd  ijoliuvc,  you  will 


JJH 


>' 


AND  SLiRRF^^NDKR  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETllOIT.      34I 


tlio  Indian 
lildrcMi,  and 
bo  pursued, 
led  for  this, 
nienls,  both 
adopted,  in 
liation,  and 
d,  j)risoners 
)le,  on  piin- 
taken  in  a 
ds  by  their 
a')h^,  on  the 
not  vet  en- 
in  company 
•ter  will  be 
1  princi])les, 
who  defend 
s  in  the  one 
)reiudiee,  in 
Hull   in  the 

tlie  singular 
t  when  first 
ernment  at 
!d  a  vapoin- 
:!neral  Hull, 
t,  when  as- 


worc    piid'ciciil 
tor  inukiiiff  thi^- 


cribed  to  the  (joverninent,  or  to  General  Cass:  and, 
iinallj,  of  confusing  military  ethics  so  far  as  to  make 
it  erutil  and  unjust  to  threati;n  retaliation  as  a  punish- 
UKnit  for  acts  which  may  be  [)erformed  by  individuals 
themselves,  which  it  is  Just  and  merciful  to  threaten, 
and  j)arlially  execute  against  them,  for  the  actions  of 
their  Government,  with  which  they  have  nothing  to 
do. 

Gen(;ral  Hull  having  crossed  into  Canada  (July 
12th),  imnnidiately  proceeded  to  fortify  his  camp  with 
a  breast-work;  despateh(;d  a  reconnoitcring  party 
under  Captain  Ulry,  towards  Maiden,  who  brought 
ba(;k  word,  that  there  were  many  Indians  in  the 
neigh lK)urliood,  and  detached  Colonel  McArthur  to 
jmrsue  the  Indians  (.Inly  14th),  and  to  go  to  the 
river  Tiiames  or  French  for  provisions,  lie  returned 
on  the  17th,  with  two  hundred  barrels  of  flour,  and 
military  stores,  having  penetrated  sixty  miles.  Mean- 
time, on  July  IGth,  Colonels  Cass  and  Miller  were 
detached  with  two  hundred  and  ei"htv  men  towards 
Maiden,  and  took  possession  of  the  bridge  over  the 
Aux  Canards ;  the  British  picket-guard  flying  at 
their  approach.  Thinking  it  desirable  to  retain  this 
i)ridge,  tlu>y  sent  a  message  to  General  Hull,  asking 
permission  to  do  so.  But  General  Hull  was  not  yet 
j)repared  to  attack  jMalden,  for  want  of  cannon,  and 
considered  that  the  distance  of  the  bridge  from  the 
canij),  and  its  proximity  to  Maiden,  rendered  it  too 
great  an  undertakin'i  to  be  maintained  bv  a  small  de- 
achment.     Colonel  Cass  therefore  returned  to  camp. 

The  ollicers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  being  impa- 


342 


HISTORY  OF  TIIF,  CAMPAIGN  OF  1813. 


tient  to  be  led  to  the  attack  of  Maiden,  General  Hull 
council  of  officers,  and  explained  to  them 


called 

his  reasons 


for 


postjioning  an   attack.     This  council 


was  held  two  days  after  the  invasion  of  the  encuiiy's 
territory.     General  Hull  explained  to  them,  that  the 
Indians  and  Canadian  militia   had   begun  to  desert, 
and  that  by  waiting  a  little  time,  the  force  at  Maiden' 
might   be   materially  weakened  ;    that  at  present  he 
considered  that  fort  too  strong  to   be  carried  by  his 
own  force,  espciv  illy  until   heavy  artillery  could  be 
procured  for  making  a  breach  in  the  defences  ;  and 
that  all  the  artificers  who  could  be   procured,  were 
then   at  work  in   mounting  cannon.     Nevertheless, 
he  informed  the  council,  that  as  there  was  so  much' 
anxiety  expressed  for  the  attack  on  Maiden,  he  was 
willing   to  lead  the  army  to  storm  the  fort  with  the 
bayonet,  provided  they  should   advise  this  step,  and 
were  of  opinion  that  their  troops  could  be  depended 
upon. 

Colonel  Miller  said  that  his  regiment  of  regulars 
could  be  relied  on,  but  the  three  militia  colonels  very 
wisely  declined  giving  any  such  assurance  for  the 
soldiers  under  their  command  ;  and  a  majority  of  the 
council,  therefore,  decided  against  an  immediate  at- 
tack on  Maiden. 

Meantime,  events  were  occurring  which  threat- 
ened to  make  the  position  of  the  American  army  a 
very  dangerous  one.  These  were,  first,  the  fall  of 
Mackinaw,  or  Michilimackinac  ;  second,  the  inteiv 
ruption  of  General  Hull's  communications  with  Ohio, 
third,  the  armistice,  signed  by  General  Dearborn  and 


Sir  ( 


!>.., 


vauuigu  X  jevos 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  01-'  DETROIT.   3.J^ 


onoral  liuH 
!{1  to  tllL'm 
'liis  council 

lie  ClKMllj's 

in,  that  the 

to  desert, 

at  Maiden 

present  he 

ied   bj  his 

'  could  Ijc 

nces ;  and 

ired,  were 

vertheless, 

>  so  much 

n,  he  was 

with  the 

step,  and 

depended 

f  regulars 
onels  very 
3e  for  the 
litj  of  the 
lediate  at- 

:li  threat- 
II  army  a 
lie  fall  of 
he  inter- 
■ithOhio, 
iborn  and. 


First. — The  British  officers  in  Canada  had,  as  we 
have  seen,  early  intelligence  of  the  declaration  of 
war.  Sir  George  Prevost  heard  of  it  at  Quebec  on 
June  25th,  and  it  was  known  on  the  2kh,  both  at 
Montreal  and  Fort  George,  in  U])per  Canada. 

\Vhile  General  Brock,  the  Gov(;rnor  of  Upper 
Canada,  was  thus  made  acquainted  with  the  war  in 
six  days  after  it  was  declared,  General  Hull  did  not 
receive  this  information  till  tin;  2d  of  July,  or  fourteen 
days  after  the  declaration.  The  news  was  imme- 
diately communicated  to  the  British  officer  posted  at 
St.  Joseph's,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Michilimacki- 
nac,  and  at  Fort  William,  on  Lake  Suj)(>rior.  On 
the  IGth  of  July,  Captain  Roberts  set  out  with  a 
flotilla  of  boats  and  canoes,  containing  45  men  of  the 
Royal  lOtli,  U]0  Canadians,  and  100  Indians,  and 
landed  next  day  at  Michilimackinac,  which  fort,  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant  lianks,  with  a  garrison  of  only 
61  officers  and  men,  immediately  surrendered  by  capit- 
ulation. The  Indians  W(!re  encouraged  by  this  event 
to  unite  in  open  hostility  against  tin?  Americans,  and 
the  way  was  opened  for  the  whole  body  of  northern 
Indians,  and  all  the  forces  of  the  British  Northwest 
Company,  to  march  upon  Detroit.*  Tlu;  character 
and  amount  of  this  force  will  appear  more  particu- 
larly from  the  following  extracts  from  General  Hull's 
Memoirs,  pp.  58,  59,  GO : 

*  "  A  (|iuintily  (if  inilkary  .stores  ilians,  a    larw   minilKn-    of   wliom 

and  700  packs  of  furs  wore  (omul  now  joined  in  o|)en  hostility  to  the 

in  the  fort,  andits  snrrrnJor  Iiad  a  Anieri 'aii.-."— Life  of  TMck.  y,n<:<: 

*ery  favoiinblc  effect  upon  the  In-  207. 


344  HISTORY  OF  the  campaign  of  1819. 

"  Information  had  now  boon  received   that  the 
fortress  at  Michilimackinac,  situated  on  the  navigable 
waters  above  me,  and  which  the  enemj  commanded, 
had  fallen  into  the  possession  of  the  British  and  savage 
forces  which  s.irroiinded  it.     Tiie  news  of  this  event 
was   accompanied    with   information   which    cast  a 
shade  over  my  prospects,  and  greatly  encouraged  and 
strengthened  the  force  of  the  enemv  opposed  to  me. 
"Immediately  after  the   fall  of^Michilimackinac, 
messages  were  sent  by  the  Indian  chiefs,  who  attend- 
ed the  British  troops  in  the  reduction  of  that  place, 
and  who  inhabit»«d  the  adjacent  country,  to  all  the 
villages  south,  as  far  as  Miami,  informing  them  that 
they  had  joined  the  British  standard ;   that  Michili- 
mackinac had  fallen  into  their  hands  ;  that  Chicago  was 
invested,  and  that  they  were  all  preparing  to  proceed 
to  Maiden  ;  that  they  expected  there  to  meet  all  their 
warriors,  and  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Detroit ;  that 
an  express  had  likewise  been  sent  to  General  Brock, 
informing  him  of  the  event,  and  that  the  Canadians 
and  savages  were  coming  to  join  the  army  at  Maiden. 
About  the  same  time,  viz.  hh  August,  I  received  in- 
formation  that  Captain   Chambers,  of    the    British 
army,  with  a  detachment  of  ivgular  soldiers,  and  brass 
field  pieces,  had  landed  on   the  west     .art  of  Lake 
Ontario,  had  penetrated  as  far  as  the  river  Le  French, 
and  was  collecting  all  the  Canadian  militia  and  sava- 
ges of  that  j)art  of  Canada,  to  lead  them  against  my 
army.     At  this  time  I  likewise  receiv(!d  informatioii 
that  Colonel  Proctor,  of  the  British  army,  had  arrived 
from  Fort  Erie  by  water,  with  reinibrcemcnts,  at  Mai- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   345 

den.  As  tlieir  reinfoicoments  wore  guarded  by  an 
armed  vessel,  I  had  nothing  to  oppose  to  them,  to 
prevent  their  junction  at  Maiden.  Indeed,  the  ad- 
vantage to  the  enemy  of  commanding  the  Lake  be- 
came every  day  more  apparent.  13oth  reinforcements 
and  supplies  could  be  transported  with  facility  from 
one  jiost  to  another,  whenever  it  became  necessary.* 

"  At  this  time  J  had  intercepted  a  letter  from  a 
Mr.  McKen/ie,  a  member  of  the  Northwest  Compa- 
ny, at  Fort  William,  to  a  Mr.  Mcintosh,  of  Sandwich, 
the  principal  agent  of  that  Company  in  Upper  Cana- 
da, dated  July  19th,  1812.  The  genuineness  of  this 
letter  was  proved  on  my  trial,  and  admitted  in  evi- 
dence. It  affords  such  clear  evidence  of  the  force  on 
the  borders  of  the  lakes  above  me,  and  that  it  was  to 
be  directed  against  me,  that  I  shall  here  recite  the 
following  extracts  from  it : 

"  '  The  declaration  of  war  reached  us  on  the  I6th 
instant  (July),  but  we  are  neither  astonished  nor 
alarmed.  Our  agents  ordered  a  general  muster, 
which  amounted  to  twelve  hundred,  exclusive  of  sev- 
eral hundred  of  the  natives.  AVe  are  equal  in  all  to 
sixteen  or  seventeen  hundred  strong.  One  of  our 
gentlemen  start(;d  on   the  17th  instant,  with  several 


*  Tho  stntcinciit  conccrninrr  AFn-  liavi!i;T  miulo  froriiicntiind  oxtonsivo 

jor  ChiimbcTP,  which   is  contained  iiircad,- Irom  Sandwich,  up  tho  river 

ill  tho  extracts  above  (Voni  (ii.-rii'nd  'J'lianios.      1  liave  in  conso(|tionce 

Ilidl's  letters,  is  conliniied  hy  t!ie  Iioon    iiidrced    to    detacli    Captain 

followincjr   extract  from   an  oiFicial  Clianil)ers  witli  about  oO  of  tho  41st 

letterof  General  Brock,  of. I  idy  25.  reniment    to  tho   .Aforavian    town, 

Life  of  Brock,  paue  197.     '^  I  have  where  T  have  directed  UOO  uiilitia  to 

received  inlbniiiilicn  of  the  cv.cp.r;  inin  liiiu." 


3\G 


UFSTOUY  (11'  Tin;  CAMl'AKIN  OF  lHl:i. 


light  ciiiioos,  for  tlic  interior  (,<iuuirv,  to  rouse  the  na- 
tives to  aetivity,  whieh  is  not  IkikI  to  do  on  the  prt!- 
sent  occasion.      We  liktnvise  (h'S|)atchc(l  messengers 
in  all  (lireetions  with  the  news.      I  have   not  ihei(!ast 
donht  hnt  our  force,  in  ten  dajs  hence,  will  anionnt 
to  i\\{)  thonsand  elVective  nn-n.     0(n-  voii'i"   ,entl(!- 
men  and  en^iigees,  oirered  most  hainlsomely  to  march 
innncdiately    for  iMichilimackinae.     Onr  chiel",    Mr. 
Shaw,  expressed  his  «;ratitn(le,  and  draltcd  one;  hun- 
dred.    They  are  to  proceed   this  (;venin<r  to  St.  .Jo- 
seph's.   He  takes  ahout  as  many  Iiulians.    ('oiild  the 
vessel  contain  them,  he  mi:;ht  have  had  four  thonsand 
more.     It  now  depends  on  what  accounts  wc.  receive 
from  St.  Jos(>pJi's,   whether    these    mnnerous    trihes 
from  the  Interior,  wiM  proceed  to  St.  .Joseph's  or  not.' 
"  At  the  time  I  intercepted  this  hitter,  its  contents 
were  conlirmed  hy  tlu;  information   I  received  from 
Lieutenant  Hanks,  J)octor  Day,  and  Mr.  Stone,  who 
had  arrived  at  D(;troit  from  Michilimackinac,  prison- 
ers on    j)arole.     They  stated,    that   hefore  they  left 
MichilinKickinac,  a  numher  of  hoats  and  canoes  had 
arrived,  in  which  several  gentlemen  came  j)assen^ers, 
who,  they  were  informed,  were  ai^ents  of  tlu;  North- 
west Com[)any,  and  had  come  from  Fort  William,  af- 
ter the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  had  heen  re- 
ceived there,  and  that  they  jiave  the  same  aceoiuit  of 
the  Canadian  and  savaj^e   force,  and  its  destination, 
as  is  contaiiUHl  in  Mr.  McKenzie's  letter.     They  fur- 
ther stated  to  me,  that  a  lar<;e  bodv  of  savaws  were 
collected  at  the  outletof  Lake  Superior,  and  that  two 
thousand  savages,  according  to  the  best  estimate  they 


AND  ,sni{UKNi)r:ii  ,,k  tiii;  tost  of  Dr/niorr.     .-^-y 

could  m.iko,  were  at  Micliiliiuackiiiac,  pivparcd  to 
|)ror(;c(l  and  Join  tlu;  niitisli  force!  at  IV[al(l(;ii.  Lieu- 
tenant llanks  was  killed  in  iIk;  fort  at  Detroit,  wliicli 
(l(!j)rivc(l  ni(;  of  iiis  testimony.  JJoctor  Day  and  Mr. 
Stone,  who  were;  hotli  at  iMichiliniaekinac,  and  pre- 
sent when  liitMitcnant  Ifanks  njade  the  eoniniiinica- 
tion  to  nie,  in  (heir  testimony  cm  my  trial,  hilly  con- 


firmed the  statennMit  lu 


re  madi 


td( 


11 


Second.— Another  and  moi 


V,  important  source  of 


lis  source   of 


danj^er  and  dilliculty  in  the  |)osition  of  (ieneral  Hull 
was,  the  interruption  o.'  his  communications  with 
Ohio,  hy  the  British  and  Indians.  'J'j 
emharrassment,  its  cause,  and  the  fatal  results  to 
wliich  it  I(m1,  cannot  he  better  stated  than  in  (Jeneral 
Hull's  own  laiii^iiai^rc.  VVe  therefore  '^ivc  the  follow- 
ing (jxtract  from  the  (ii^hteenth  letter  of  his  Memoirs 
on  the  Cainj)ai-n  of  1812,  pp.  07,  «,  9. 

"  On  the  lilth  of  Juiu!,  after  war  was  declanuJ 
af^ainst  Great  Britain,  the  Secretary  of  War  wrote  mo 
a  letter,  in  which  he  informed  me  of  the  event  (which 
letter  was  not  received  until  2d  July),  and  ordered 
me  to  inarch  the  army  I  commanded  to  Detroit,  with 
all  j)ossible  expedition.     At  the  time  this  ord 


er  \\  as 

given,  the  President  of  the  United  States  U(>ll  knew 
that  no  [)re])aration  was  made  to  build  a  navy  on 
Lake  Erie,  and  that  the  e  emy  commanded  it  with  a 
number  of  armed  vessels  and  gun-boats.  When, 
therefore,  these  fatal  orders  were  given,  those  by 
whose  authority  they  were  given  well  knew,  that  the 
communication  through  the  Lake  would  be  closed 
against  us,  and  that  no  reinforcements  or  supplies  of 


mn 


iirsroKY  or  Tin;  cainipaicn  or  imi>, 


;my  kind  coiiltl  he  oitliiiiKd  lor  ilu;  ;irmv  (liioii^ili  tliiit. 
cliiimnl.  'I'lu'V  utII  km-w,  lit;it  llu;  Slalc  ol  Ohio 
was  the  m-arrsl  part,  of  our  coiiniiv  iVoin  u  hiili  ilu; 
iim-ssarv  siipi.lics  could  In-  riiinislicd.  Tli,  y  \sv.\\ 
kiu'U,  thai  (he  dis(aiir«'  rioiu  any  ma^a/iiics  wlicn; 
these  sii|i|tlies  eouhl  he  ohiaiiied,  (o  ih(!  |)oiiit  where 
the\  onh'H'd   \\\v  army,  was  more  than   (wo  hiiiidred 

miles;  and    (o  (he   oilier  |ios(s,   was  i -e   than   live 

hiiiidreti  mil(>s.     'I'hey  also  knew,   that    (his  distaneo 
was  almost  entirely  a  w  ildcMiiess,  filled  with  savaj;('s, 
who,   in   the    eveni    of  war,  would   |)rol)al)ly    heeomo 
hostile,  and  that  the  sii|)|»lies  eonid  only  he  carried  on 
p.iek-horsj's.     'I'he  Administration  also  knew,  that,  in 
three    separate    statements  which    Iliad   made  to  the 
TresidtMit,  throiii;h  the  Secretary  of  War,  I   had  oh- 
served,   that,    in    the  event  of  war,  a  navy  on    Lake 
hrie,  superior  to  the  British,  was  essential  to  success  ; 
and   that  wiihoni    preserviiiii-  the  water  commimica- 
tioii,  an  army  ( oiild  not  iie  siip|)orte(l  at.  Detroit  ;  and 
that  Detroit,  !\lic-hilimaekiiiac,  and  Chiea<;(),  would  in- 
evitably Tall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.     Near  the 
Miami  of  the  Lake,  I    received  the  order  which  has 
been  rererred  to,  informiniv  me  of  the  declaration  of 
war,  and  to  march  to  Detroit.      Had    I   not  irc(!ived 
this  order,   and  the   operations  had   been  left  to  my 
discretion,   I    should    not   have   marched  to  Detroit, 
eiiihteen  mih's  in  rear  of  the  enemy,  from  a  difd'rent 
(piarter.     I    had  served    under   CJeneral   Washington 
from  the  commencement  to  tlu>  end  of  the  Revolution- 
ary war.      1  had  observed  how  cautious  Ik;  was  in  all 
his  movements,  to  preserve  a  communication  with  liis 


jna<razines. 


V 


AND  Sl'HUKNDKK  (tF  'I'll  11  I'nS'l'  OK  UKllunr       ;j|j) 

Colonel  I'rocfor  li.ul  ;in'ivi;(I  with  rciiirorccmt'iits 
nt  iVI.'ililcii,  and  taken  tlw  eonnnanil.  One  ol  his  iirst. 
acts  was,  to  throw  a  detachment  across  iIk;  riv<;r  to 
Hrownslown,  consistini;  ol"  a  small  niind)er  ol"  the  'l  1st 
and  ol  Indians,  nnder  'reetimseh,  tooc(  ii|)y  (Ik-  woods 
and  prevent  provisions  from  reachin;^  (ieneral  llnlTs 
army,  aloni;  its  <-onnnnnications.  (ieneral  Hull  at 
the  same  tinu'  received  intelligence,  that  a  parly  ol' 
vohinte(!rs  from  Ohio  had  arrived  at  the  riviir  llaisin, 
(^scortinj;'  some  callle,  dcislined  for  the  Mippi\  ol  the 
army,  (ieneral  11  nil  detaidied  two  hundred  men,  nn- 
der  Major  Vanhorne,  with  ordiirs  to  proceed  lo  ihc 
river  IJaisin,  and  i^nard  lliesc;  caide  safely  to  tin;  (-amp. 
Major  Vaidiorne's  party  was  siiddeidy  attacked  hytho 
Indians,  and  entirely  (hd'c^atcd. 

iJrock's  l)ioi;ra|)her  says,  tjial  hut  seventy  Indians 
Avere  en^a^cd,  and  no  iJrilish,  and  adds,  that  "in  this 
afliiir,  (ieneral  linll's  desj)atclies,  atid  the  correspond- 
enc«^  ol'  his  army,  fell  into  the  hands  of  'recmnseh, 
and  it  was  partly  the  despondinu;  natun;  of  their  con- 
tents, which  afterwards  indiKu-d  Major-(ieni!ral  IJroc.k 
to  attempt  the  caplmc!  of  the   Ann'rican  army."  * 


*  "  On  t.liis  occ'i-ioM  till!  lori'i!  (if  Till'  cii'Miiy  iin'l  >>   ;;'i'i'.'it   i)(K;iii!ii;.r(; 

till' {'iii'iiiy  WiiM  yrcatly  cxiii.i'iJronitcil,  in  IIh-  (.irniiiid,  IiiiI  in  piiint  nl'  nnin- 

as  il  WHS  ill  iii;iiiy  ollii^r  iiislMiircs.  ln'is.  lie  wns  not  siiju'ridr.     Idoimt. 

Miijiir  Vinili(iriii',tlioiiirli!i  iri'iitlririiin  wish  to  dctnict  Crimi  tlid  n^ii!   iiifrit 

nml  II  Holdicr,  wiis  (•••rtiiiiily  luit  (mi-  of  N'milinrni',  liiit  iil  Detroit  in  Oct. 

titled  to  the   |>r;iise  liestowed    upon  iSi:',.  I  wiis  inliiniied  hy  nn   Anii-ri- 

hiiu  liy  some  of  his  eoiintryinen.    lie-  ciiii  ;j-eiitleiniiri  of  hinh  standiiiir,  who 

iiw  warned  oi'  his  danger,  he  should  had    tnadi!    particiilar  impiiry,   that 

liiivc  taken  care  to  prevent,  a  mir-  tlie  force  of  llie  enemy  in  this  rasf!, 

]iris(<,  and  liiul  Iio  done  so,  he  would  diil   not  exceed    10   I'ritish  and  70 

douhtless    liav'j     been     victorious.  Indians,  and  this  Ktutcinent  is  cor- 


350 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


Neither  Major  Vanhorne  nor  his  troops  appear  to  very 
great  advantage  in  this  affair.     Vanhorne,  in  liis  tes- 
timony, says,  that  when  they  were  attaeked  he  order- 
ed them  to  retreat  to  the  edge  of  the  wood,  instead  of 
attempting  to  charge;  that  he  imagined  from  the  num- 
ber of  guns  fired,  the  enemy  to  be  most  numerous  ; 
that  the  men  retreated  a  quarter  of  a  mile  before  they 
could  be  got  into  line,  and  that  even  then,  though  no 
enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the  firing  had  ceased,  he  or- 
dc!ed  them  to  retreat  again— whereupon,  it  seems, 
they  ran  away  in  disorder,  and  the  loss  was  18  killed, 
]2  wounded,  and  70  missing.     Yet  Major  Vanhorne 
was  one  of  the  officers  who  afterwards  testified,  on 
General  Hull's  trial,  that  liis  Commander  \^  as,  in  his 
opinion,  under  the  infiuence  of  fear  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender.  General  Hull's  communications  were  nor 
eflbctually  cut  off,  and  this  was  the  second  source  of 
difficulty  in  his  situation. 

Third. — It  will  be  remembered  that,  according  to 
the  plan  of  the  Northwestern  Campaign,  advised  by 
General  Hull  and  aj)proved  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
it  was  determined  that  Canada  should  be  invaded  by 
two  co-operating  armies.  From  two  points,  Detroit 
and  Niagara,  armies  were  to  march  simultaneously 
into  Uj)per  Canada.  The  charge  of  one  had  been 
confided  to  General  Hull,  and  he  had  thus  iar  per- 
formed  all  that  had  been  reijuired  of  him.     He  had 


robornted  by  the  fact,  that  tiio  main  a  large  detachment  to  the  Amei-ioan 

army  was  still  in  Canada,  andtlic  side."   Sec  McAfTeo's  History,  page 

I'rilisli  licinjr  m  daily  expectation  (if  75. 
an  attiick  on  Maiden,  would  not  send 


ear  to  very 

in  his  tes- 

d  he  ordcr- 

,  instead  of 

n  the  num- 

nunierous  ; 

)ef"ore  they 

though  no 

sed,  he  or- 

,  it  seems, 

i  18  killed, 

Vanhorne 

stifled,  on 

Vds,  in  his 

imc  of  the 

were  nor 

source  of 

r^ording  to 
dvised  by 
y  of  War, 
ivad(;d  by 
s,  Detroit 
taneously 
had  been 
1  far  per- 
He  had 


lio  Aiiicrio;in 
[listoiy.  piigo 


AND  SURRExVDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       35] 

cut  a  road  through  the  wikhnness,  and  with  an  ener- 
gy and  celerity,  to  which  even  the  British  bore  testi- 
mony,* had  reached  Detroit,  and  invaded  Canada. 
He  did  this,  fully  relying  on  promised  co-operation 
and  support,  lie  had  so  often  and  so  urgently  repre- 
sented the  necessity  of  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  co-op- 
eration at  Niagara,  and  reinforcements  from  Ohio,  that 
he  had  depended  on  his  Govcrimient  for  this  support. 
He  was  disappointed  in  all.  All  these  measurers  were 
seen  and  admitted  to  be  important,  but  th(>ir  execu- 
tion was  delayed,  until  the  fate  of  his  army  was 
sealed. 

Large  reinforcements  were  ordered  from  Ohio  and 
Kentucky,  but  not  soon  enough  to  open  General  Hull's 
commimications,  or  afford  him  any  relief.  A  fleet  was 
placed  on  Lake  Erie,  but  it  was  not  till  a  year  lifter 
the  sill  render  of  Detroit.  Forces  were  at  last  assem- 
bled at  Niagara,  but  not  until  General  Hull's  army 
had  been  captured. 

As  early  as  June  26th,  Major  General  Dearborn 
was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Albany  and  ])re])are  the 
force  to  be  collected  at  that  i)lace,  for  acluul  scrvicc.f 
In  this  letter  it  ^^'as  said,  "  Preparations,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, will  be  made  to  move  in  a  direction  for  Nia- 
gara, Kingston,  or  Montreal."  This  was  in  accord- 
ance wilii  a  plan  of  the  campaign  submitted  to  the 

*  "Should  (ionrnil  Iliilllm  com-  rniy  chiiriirt^'r  of  cntcrprisr.""— Sir 
polled  to  reliiKiiiir^h  iiis  nponilmns  (Iror<;e  I'rcvost's  k'tter  oC.lulv  .■'ll^■■{ 
afi-iiiiist  Ainlicrsthni-o',  it  will  he  |)'o-  fo  (icncnl  l5ro;'l;. 
per  tlmt  his  rntiiro  movcuii'iils  h;.  f  Sec  appendix  lurllic  (.lllcial  cur- 
most  carcfidly  uhsorvrd,  as  his  late  respond:>nco  of  (K'licral  Dearhom 
march    exhibits   a  uunv  iUiui  ordi-  ;iiiil  th"  Secretary  of  War. 


352 


HISTORY  OF  Tim  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


Serretaiy  of  War  by  General    Dearborn  hiniself,  by 
which  Canada  was  to  be  invaded  from  Detroit,  Nia- 
gara, Sack(>t's  Harbour,  and   Lake  Chaiiiphiin — tiie 
two  hist  armies  b(;ini;  (Uvstined  for  Kingston  and  Mon- 
treal.     But  owing  (Mther  to  the  want  of  preparation 
in  the  countrj  at  hirge,  to  the  dilatory  jiroeeedings  of 
the  Administration,  the  negligence  of  General  Dear- 
born, or  all  these  causes  united,  tli(i  result  was,  that 
General    Hull's  army  was  the  only  one  which  was 
able  to  invade  Canada  at  all,  till  long  after  this  time. 
Indeed,  so  great  was  the  confusion  and  want  of  plan 
at  AVashington   and  Albany,  that  General  Dearborn 
did  not  even  know  whether  or  not  he  was  to  have  the 
command  of  the  troops  at  Niagara.     The  Secretary 
of  War  writes  to  him  July  26th,  telling  him  of  General 
IJuH's  arrival  at  Detroit,  and  saying,   "  arrangements 
should  immccUateli/  be  made  by  i/oii  for  co-ojJcratin<r 
with  him  at  A7^/<rr//Y/." 

Jiut  General  Dearborn  meantime  writes  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  from  Albany,  July  28th,  asking 
"  who  is  to  have  the  command  of  the  operations  in  Up- 
per Canada  ?  I  take  it  for  gi-anted,  that  mi/  command 
does  not  extend  to  that  distant  qii artery*  No  troops 
being  collected  at  Niagara,  and  it  being  very  aj)pa- 
rent  to  General  lirock  that  there  was  no  attack  to  be 
feared  in  that  (piartcr,  he  was  able  to  send  troojis  to 
reinforce  Malden.f  No  troops  being  collected  at  Sack- 

*  Defciicp   of  (;on<>ral  Denrboni  '^  My  Insl  to  your  Kxci'llrncy  wns 

by  his  8011,  Boston,  1821.  datiMl  tlio    li>tli  in^t.,  siiico  which 

+  Lctt.T    of   (lonoral    IJrock    to  iiolhinjr  extraordiimry  lias  occurred 

Sir  Goor-e  I'nnosf,  July  20,  IMi! :  in  thj.s  coiuiiiunication.   Tlio  enemy 


Iiimscir,  by 
t;troit,  Nia- 
iplain — tlie 
II  and  Moii- 
[)ieparati()n 
ceediiigs  of 
leral  Dear- 
was,  that 
which  was 
r  tliis  time, 
ant  of  phm 
.  Dearborn 
to  have  the 
■  Secretary 
of  General 
migcments 
'-operating 

tes  to  tlie 
th,  asking 
ons  in  Up- 
7  command 
No  troops 
■ery  aj)pa- 
ttack  to  be 
1  troops  to 
d  at  Sack- 

vci'llcncy  wns 

siiici'  which 

liiis  occurred 

.   Tlio  cuciiiy 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       353 

et's  Harbour,  and  no  movcnjent  being  made  on  Lake 
Chaniphun,  Sir  George  Prevost  was  able  to  send 
troops  to  Upper  Canada.*  Nor  was  this  all.  Instead 
of  co-operating  with  General  If.ill,  Gtuieral  Dearborn 
acceded  to  an  armistice,  i)roj)osed  by  Sir  George  Pre- 
vost, hy  which  he  agreed  that  the  troops  opposed  to 
each  other  at  Niagara  shouhl  act  on  the  dc^fensive 
only:  thus  allowing  GeneralBrock  to  send  reinforce- 
ments to  Maiden,  while  he  deprived  himself  of  the 
power  of  aiding  G(>neral  Hull  by  demonstrations  on 
the  Niagara  frontier. 

General  Hull  found  himself  tlu^refore  entirely  de- 
prived of  the  assistance  on  which  he  had  depended.f 


1ms  ovidonlly  diininislifd   his  forco, 
and  ii|)|)Oiu-s  to  have  no  intention  of 
Miakinjr  an  iinnKuliatoattjick.  *  *** 
Shouhl  the  conumiiiication  ItoUvcon 
Kiufr.ston  and  Monlrcal  hi-  cut  off, 
the  liito  of  tlic  troops  in  tliis  part  of 
the  province  ujll  he  decided.  *  ■"  * 
Ttis  evidently  not  the  intention   oi' 
the  enemy  to  niMi<e  any  attenij)!  to 
penetrate  into  the  province  i)y  thi.-^ 
strait,  unles.s  the  present   force  he 
diuiinished." 

*  "  You  may  rely  on  every  exer- 
tion heintr  made  to  preser\e  uninter- 
rupted the  conuuuuication  hetwocn 
Kinnston  and  Montreal,  and  that  I 
will  al,«o  o-ive  all  po.-^sihle  .supjiort  to 
your  endeavoiu's  to  overcome  everv 
difficulty.  One  himdred  eU'ective  oV 
the  Newfonndliind,  and  Jifty  picked 
men  of  the  N'eterann,  loft  this  in 
boats  on  Thursday ;  they  were  in- 
feiulcd  to  reinforce  tlie  garrison  at 

23 


Kiiin-sfon.     I   ;ii,i   ulad  to  find  that 
the     new    ariival  of   tln!    Royals, 
e.\pected  at  (iuehec  to-morrow,  will 
frive  you  the  reinforcement  of  the 
■ll'lli  li'-^imrnt,  which,  with  the  de- 
tachmenl  of  the  Newfoundland  and 
Veterans,  and  <run-l)o;;t  .\o.   7,  will 
add    sduielhinn-     to     your    present 
slreniith.       I    shall     order     .Major 
Ormshy,  with  three  companies  of  the 
■lOlh    I'legiment,    to    jiroceed     from 
i^Iontreal  to  Kingston,  to  ho  disposed 
of  as    you    may    lind    necessary.'' 
Letters  to  (leneral  IJrock  from  .Sir 
(Jeoroe  I'revost  and  his  ofKicer.s  at 
Quehec,  from  UlstJidyto  lid   Au- 
K'ust. 

f  "Tlio.se  who  are  most  severe 
in  their  condemnation  of  (Jeneral 
ifull  admit  the  injury  inllicted  on 
him  hy  these  measures  o):  the  Com- 
maudin<r  (ieneral.  Thus  Arm- 
.stron{r  (.Notices,  ttc,  Vol.  I.  p.  !}7) 


354 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


He  is  told  by  the  Secretary  of  War  (June  24),  which 
letter  was  not  received  until  the  9th  of  July,  that "  an 
adequate  force  cannot  soon  be  relied  ^jpon  for  the 


pjK'iikn  as  Ibl'iows :  "^^'c  liavc  iil- 
ready  stufod,  tliiit  to  Icf^sen  tlio  pros- 
n\T3  on  Genonil  Hull  anJ  to  roiii- 
sUite  the  a?c(Mic!ciiry  Ii"  I'iul  lost  on 
t::o  Detroit,  iM-ijor  (Icnoral  .Dear- 
horn,  who,  in  tho  (listril)iitinn  of 
service  for  the  year  ISl-J,  had  he(^n 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the 
N'orthern  army,  was  directed  to 
niiike  such  movements  against  the 


British  posts  in  his  front,  as  woidd 
have  the  efl'ect  of  pn'venting  tliem 
from  reinforciniT  the  jirarrison  of 
r»Ia!den ;  or  otherwise  alterinij  the 
rdations  as  to  strcnglh,  which  had 
hitherto  existed  between  Hull  and 
I'roctor.  But  for  this  service,  the 
-Major-(Jeneral  had  made  no  i)repar- 
ation,  and  appeared  to  have  little 
relish,*  as  on  the  very  day  on  wliich 


*  In  llie  General's  li'tter  of  ihc  8tli  August,  \vu  find  an  apology  for  this  in- 
action, quite  as  unjustifiable  as  the  inaction  itself  "  Till  iirnr,"  he  says,  "  I 
did  not  consider  tlic  Niagara  iVontier  as  coming  within  the  limits  of  my  com- 
mand"— an  nsseition  directly  contradicted  by  the  armistice  entered  into 
between  him  and  Prevost.and  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  orders  he  received 
from  the  iJdili  ol  June  to  the  1st  of  August.  For  these  oriiers,  see  Appendix 
No.  10  to  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812,  as  follows: 

"  Orders  given  to  General  Dearborn  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  relation 
to  the  Niagara  frontier. 

"  June  2i),  lsl;2.  Your  preparations  (at  Albany),  it  is  presumed,  will  be 
made  to  move  in  a  direction  for  NiaL'ara,  Kingston,  and  Montreal. 

"July  1").  On  your  arrival  at  Albany,  your  attention  will  be  directed  to 
the  security  of  tlie  Norlhrni  fnuitirr  lij  l/ir  Lukes.  July  r.'lltli.  You  will 
make  such  arrangements  with  Governor  Tompkins  as  will  jihirr  the  militia, 
detdchcd  Ly  liini  for  l/ii:  Xiii^iiia  mid  iii/irr  piiiils  nii  tlir.  J.iikr.  iinihr  i/uur 
rnnlrol.  July  ;.'9lb.  Should  it  be  advisable  to  make  any  other  dis|)osition  of 
these  restless  people  (the  warriors  of  the  Seneca  Tribe  of  Indians),  you  will 
give  orders  to  Mr.  Granger  and  the  rtimnunidims  nffici'r  at  Xiiinnia.  August 
1st.  You  will  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of  hiui  (General  Hull)  at  Niiiiiarn 
•nul  Kiugntiiii,  as  soon  as  nuay  be  ijraeticable."  How,  wc  \v(Hild  ask,  is  it 
possible  lor  the  General,  with  these  orders  in  his  Portfolio,  to  bidieve  that  the 
Niagara  frontier  had  not  been  within  the  limits  of  his  connnand  ]  And  if  he 
did  SI)  believe,  by  what  authority  did  he  extend  the  armistice  (entered  into  be- 
tween him  and  I'revost),  to  that  frontier  \  As,  however,  the  inaction  which 
enabled  JSrock  lo  leave  iiis  posts  on  tin-  Niagara  undisturiied  and  unmenaced, 
and  even  to  carry  with  him  a  part  of  his  force  lo  Detroit,  and  there  to  cap- 
ture Hull,  his  army  and  territory,  was  not  noticed  by  any  kind  of  disapproba- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Government,  the  inference  is  fair  that  it  (the 
Government)  was  willing  to  take  the  responsibility  on  itself 

No.  11  of  Armstrong's  Notices  in  the  Api)endi.\,  is  the  I'ollowing.  "  E.x- 
tract  of  a  letter  from  Sir  George  I'revost  toCJeneral  Brock,  dated  30th  of  Au- 
gust, 161ii: 

"  T   consider  it  most  fortunate,  that  1  have  been  able  to  prosecute  lhi8 


24),  which 
\y,  that "  an 
pon  for  the 


front,  as  Avoiikl 
ircventing  them 
lie  {larrirton  of 
so  alteriiit;'  tlie 
igtl;,  wliicli  had 
wccn  Hull  and 
fhis  service,  tlic 
made  no  j)repar- 

to  have  little 
ry  day  on  which 


polopiy  I'or  this  in- 
inir,"  he  stvs,  "  I 
iiiiits  of  my  com- 
ico  entered  into 
)rders  he  received 
rs,  see  Appendix 
A's : 
War,  in  relation 

resumed,  will  he 
itreal. 

ill  !)e  direeted  to 
•-'0th.  Yoii  will 
jiliirr  the  militiu, 
l.iikr.  miller  ijunr 
her  dis|)osilion  ol 
ndians),  you  will 
\iiirrnra.  August 
Hull)  at  A'iiigiirii 
w(]Mld  ask,  is  it 

0  bi'lieve  that  the 
and  ]  And  if  he 
(entered  into  be- 
le  inaction  which 

1  and  unnienaeed, 
lid  tliere  to  eap- 
iid  of  (ii!iapproba- 
fair   that    it  (the 

ollnwinji.  "  Ex- 
atcd  3(Jth  of  Au- 
to prosecute  thie 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       355 

reduction  of  the  enemy's  posts  below  jou."      From, 
the  north  he  hears  of  the  fall  of  Miehilimackinac  and 
ot  the  approach  of  2000  liostile  Indian  warriors  and 
1200  employees  of  the  Northwest  Company.    In  front 
ot  his  own  army,  he  fn.ds  reinforcements  continually 
arnvmg,  of  regulars  and  militia,  to    strengthen  the 
Brit.si.  troops  at  Maiden.    On  the  Lake,  his  communi- 
cations  were  cut  off  by  the  British  lleet ;  on  the  south, 
')J  land,  Ins  communications  were  cut  off  by  the  In- 
dians, and  an  attempt  to  restore  them  by  Vanhoriie's 
detachment,  had  been  un.^nccessful.     Within  his  own 
army,  ignorant  and  incapable  of  understanding  this 
state  of  things,  there  was  a  spirit  of  !  'subordination 
and   mutiny,   fostered  and   encouraged  even  by  the 
m.litia  officers   themselves.     In  this  state  of  affairs 
on  the  7th  of  August  1-^  received  letters  fVom  General 
Hall  and  General  Porter,  commanding  at  Niagara  and 
iilack  Kock,  miorming  him  that  a  large  number  of 
boats  hlled  with  British  troops  had  passed  over  Lake 

^icu-as  thus  instrnced  i,y  tiu'  (,ov-  hy  vi^vorouHly  a^sadni..  tile  Bn.l^h 

^•n.u,en|     (though   ..Hciently    a,.-  ,is  ^.  J  fj^^r^^^ 

pn^d  tha,    detac  unents  had  heon  comparatively  weak    y  the     b^    e 

r.  to  laUIen,  and  t.,at  the  situation  of   .Hrock  L    the  t^oop.  t^  ^ 

01  iind  was  hoconnn.  n.ore  critical  wilh  lutn,)  or  hv  extendi!,,  to  ]  h  ■ 

l^very  ,uo,neui.)  ho  di.l  not  hesitate  and   Ins   artnv  ihe   heaeliC.  of   he 

-  enter  n,to  an  arnds.ice,  by  winch  ten.porary  s.^pension  of  hostilitie 

-e  con,p„.tely  disahh.!  hhnself  front  into  wli.cli  he  had  entered  " 
JJivnio-  any  aid  to  fliat  olllrer  ;  eitiier 

see  Lit;.  an,i  i'Ss o  ^^:sv:::::::.'T:  "1  ^'""^ "•■ ""  '^'"''^•" 

iih'  to  the  shrewdiu'ss  and  ^a-nWtv  of  S  ,  r    '~    i    ■"''  ''"  ''""''''•  "*  "''^"^- 
-^Ic/^n-  U.ohtuseneror^S^r;ory;:3^X;:^'^  '  ''''  ^'-''^^ 


356 


fllSTORY  OF  Tirr,  CAMPAKi'N  OF  1811', 


Ontario  to  the  west  part  of  it,  ami  were  direetinj,' 
their  course  to  Mahleii ;  aiul  likewise  that  the  British 
forces,  with  the  Canadian  militia  and  savai;;es,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Niaizara  river,  were  moving  by 
wat(M-  to  the  same  point  ;  and  what  was  more  deci- 
sive still,  General  Hull  was  informed  by  the  same 
letters,  that  no  assistance  or  co-operation  would  be 
afforded  from  that  quart(;r  to  the  troo[)s  under  his 
command. 

Under  these  cireumstanc(>s  to  attack  Maiden,  even 
if  the  attack  wcri;  succi^ssfu),  woidd  have  been  useless. 
To  take  Maldei.,  would  not  open  the  Lake  nor  the 
forest;  would  bring  i)»,  sujjplics  to  his  troops,  and  it 
must  soon  have  fallen  again  for  want  of  tiu;m.  'I'he 
first  thing  to  ho  done  was,  to  re-open  the  communica- 
tion through  tlie  wilderness  to  Ohio.  For  this  i)ur- 
pose,  Geuerii  J  lull  *e-crossed  with  his  army  to  Detroit 
on  the  e\eiiini  o/  the  7th  of  August,  leaving  a  suffi- 
cient body  o '  ♦^roops  intrenclicd  and  fortified  on  tlie 
other  bank,  to  enable  him  to  regain  the  British  shore, 
as  soon  as  his  communications  were  clear. 

The   afternoon    of  the  day   in   which   the  army 

completed  crossing  the  river.  Colonel  Miller  of  tlu;  Ith 

regiment  was  detached  with  a   body  of  (>00    men, 

consisting  of  the  effective  men  of  his  own  regiment 

and  a  selection  of  the  most  effective  of  the  miliriao 

They  took  with  them  a  company  of  artillery,  with  a 

six-pounder  and  a  howitzer,  and  a  company  of  cavalry. 

About  fourteen  miles  from  Detroit,  at  Maguago,, 

they  met  a  body  of  British  soldiers  and  Indians  in 

trenched  behind  a  breastwork  of  logs 


AND  SITRRRNDRR  OF  TIIH  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


357 


!  directing' 

the  British 

es,  on  the 

noving  by 

iioro  dcci- 

tiio  same 

would  be 

under  his 

hlcn,  even 
en  useh'ss. 
ke  nor  tlie 
»|)s,  and  it 
em.  'I'he 
jnmiunica- 
•  this  j)ur- 
to  l)i;troit 
ng  a  sulli- 
ed on  the 
itish  shore, 

the  armv 
r  of  the  4ti! 
GOO  men. 
n  reiii merit 
the  miliria. 
ry,  with  a 
'  of  eavah-y. 
t  Maguago, 
Indians  in 


The  J3ritisli  were  conmianded  by  Major  Muir 
of  the  41st,  and  the  Indians  by  Tecumseh. 

Notwithstanding  the  adv'Mitages  of  their  position, 
Coh)nel  Miller  was  enabled,  by  a  gallant  eharge.  to 
break  their  line,  and  foree  tliem  from  it  at  the  point 
of  the  ()ayonet.  The  Jiritish  and  Indians  retreated, 
and  were  ])ursued  about  two  miles. 

The  eonnnunications  with  the  river  Kaisin  were 
now  oj)ened,  and  the  distanee  from  the  battle  ground 
was  only  sixteen  or  eighteen  mih^s,  and  vet,  histead 
of  marehing  on,  Colonel  Miller  and  his  troops  return- 
ed to  J)(!troit,  The  reasons  assigned  were,  that  the 
troops  had  thrown  down  their  knapsaeks  of  provisions 
at  the  beginning  of  the  aetion,  whieh  were  lost;  that 
they  had  to  ^\ait  till  i)rovisions  could  be  sent  from 
Detroit  the  next  day  ;  that  they  did  not  get  these  pro- 
visions till  late  the  next  day,  and  they  were  only 
sufficient  for  one  or  two  meals,  and  that  Colonel 
Miller  sent  for  a  further  suj)ply,  and  a  storm  of  rain 
coming  on,  they  were  order(;d  back  to  Detroit.* 


*  "  It  is  plain,"'  says  .Aniistron-r. 
"thiit.  ('.(,].  .Miliar  slioiiid  liavo 
maiTJii-d  on,  r-ven  if  '.  ii;;'l  b.-rii  nc- 
ccssarv  to  carry  him  jm  »  litter,  lor 
ho  was  not  nmrc  than  twenty-two 
miles''  (Miller  says  i;i  iiis  tevtimoiiy, 
■sixtr'oti  or  eijilitefn)  ''•  fron;  Col. 
IJnisli.  wiio  had  l.jDmei)  and  plenlv 
of  provisions.  If  ho  had  hecn  loo 
sick  to  proceed  in  any  manner,  one 
of  the  other  Colonels  shonid  ha^•o 
heen  .s-nt  in  his  ]>lace,  williont  wait- 
ing for  more  supplies  from  Detroit. 
'J'.'je  detfK-li'.'jeiit  hrjvjn''  Ijoafeii  the 


cni'iny,  could  hav(>n>ached  (,.p  Hvcr 
IJai-in  in  a  day,  and  wiliiont  .  ;;rter- 
i-'^S  "i'"h  from  the  want  of  provi- 
sions'" 

It  seems  evident  eitlicrthat  Miller 
was  to  iilanie  [or  not  soinn-  on.  or 
tliat  the  diHicnltie.s  of  the  road  along 
the  ri\er  were  sogreat  that  it  could 
not  he  ki'pt  ]iennancntly  open  by 
■•niy  force  Urn.  Ifull  wiis  uhlo  to 
emplMV.  As  Coloncd  .Miller  has  id- 
ways  shown  himself  an  ahle  and 
j^idliint  olHcer,  the  last  .supposition 
is  no  doubt  the  true  one. 


358 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMrAIfJN  OF  1819, 


Cciirral    I  lull's  accoimt  of  this  tninsiiction  and 
his  siihscMjiicnt  sieps,  is  as  Ibllows  : 

Extract  fVoin  Hull's  Memoirs,  |)a<;(;  73:  "As 
soon  as  I  received  an  account  of  the  action,  a  rcin- 
for*'(>n,ent  of  one  hundred  men,  with  a  suj)j)ly  of 
provisions  under  tlu;  command  of  Colonel  McArlhur, 
was  ordered  to  join  Colonel  Miller's  detachment  at 
Mai-uago.  As  soon  as  the  detachment  had  recruited 
from  its  fatiiiiic,  my  intention  was,  that  it  shoidd  have 
proceeded  on  the  expi>dition  to  the  river  Raisin.  A 
severe  storm  of  rain  interveiUMi,  and  the  troo|)s  were 
exiKiscd  to  it,  without  any  coveriiiir.  I  therefore 
t.houi»ht  it  expedient,  on  account  of  their  great  fatigue, 
to  order  them  hack  to  Detroit,  and  make  an  arrange- 
ment by  another  route  to  oj)en  the  conununication. 

"  The  road  to  the  river  Raisin,  which  j)assed 
through  the  Indian  village  of  JJrowiistovvn,  heing 
principallyoh  the  margin  of  the  Detroit  riv(;r,  both 
troojjs  and  convoys  could  easily  he  annoyed  by  the 
gun-boats  and  armed  vess(!ls  of  the  enemy.  Bi^sides^ 
in  its  course,  there  was  only  the  riv(>r  which  sepa- 
rated it  from  the  enemy's  princi|)al  post  at  Maiden^ 
BiMiig  thus  situated,  it  was  almost  impossibhi  to  se- 
cure it  in  sucb  a  manner  as  that  convoys  eoidd  pass 
with  any  kind  of  safety.  After  Colonel  Miller's  re- 
turn to  Detroit,  therefore,  seeing  the  indispensable 
necessity  of  obtaining  the  sup])lies  which  had  arrived 
at  the  river  Raisin,  and  being  informed  of  a  circuitous 
route,  distant  from  the  riv(!r,  I  thought  it  expedient 
to  make  the  attempt  in  that  direction.  I  communi- 
cated my  intentions  to  Colonels  iMcArthur  and  Cass, 


uictKin  and 

73  :    "  As 
ion,  a  iciii- 

stij)j)ly  of 
Mc  Arthur, 
lu^hmcnt  at 
(1  n^cruited 
lioiild  iiavo 
flaisiii.  A 
ro()|)s  wore 
I  llicrcfore 
oat  fatimio, 
m  arran^o- 
iniratioii. 
icli  j)assod 
ivvii,  hoinii; 
riv(M',  both 
yed  hy  tiic 
BosidoS; 
liioli  sopa- 
at  IMaldciK 
sil)I(i  to  so- 
oould  pass 
Millor-s  re- 
lispoiisahlo 
lad  arrived 
I  circuitous 

expedient 
conununi- 
and  Cass. 


AND  SUIUll'^NDI'Ml  OF  TJIli  I'OST  OF  DI/l'lU)!']'.       359 

and  they  not  only  fully  a[)[)r()ved  of  the  nieasiu-e,  but 
ol'lered  their  scavices  as  volunteers,  on  the  expedition. 
\  like\vis(!  communicated  I0  them  a  letter  IVom  Caj)- 
taiii  Brush,  who  connnanded  the  escort  of  jjrovisions, 
informinj^  me  that  he  should  take  the  back  road,  and 
should  have  occasioji  for  support.  1  authorized 
Colonels  McArthur  and  Cass  to  select  the  most 
healthy  and  efrective  uwn  of  their  regiments,  and  di- 
rected the  (Quarter-Master  to  furjiish  [)ack-horses  to 
carry  provisions  for  them  durin;,^  their  march.  On 
the  I  'Ith  of  August,  they  connnenced  their  march, 
under  the  conmiand  of  Colonel  McArthur,  attended 
by  Colonel  Cass." 


360 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


CHAPTER    III. 

Sttvation  of  ClE.NF.nAr,  IIi'i.i, — Hr.nrK's  arrival  at   Malphm. — SniRENDEr. 
(]F  Detroit. — Its   Reasu.ns. — State   of  Communications,  Troof.s,   1'rq- 

VISIONS. 

We  have  seen  that  General  Hull  made  three  at- 
tempts to  open  his  communications  to  Ohio.  The 
first  was  on  August  kh,  by  means  of  Major  Van- 
horne's  dtUachment  of  200  men,  which  was  defeated 
by  a  small  body  of  British  and  Indians.  The  second 
was  on  Aiiijust  8th,  by  Colonel  lAIiller's  detachment 
of  GOO  mcni,  who  defeated  ihe  enemy,  but  returned 
to  Detroit  without  effecting  their  object.  The  third 
WHS  bv  means  of  McArthur  and  Cass's  detachment, 
which  set  out  August  14th,  to  go  by  a  back  route. 

While  these  operations  were  taking  place  in  the 
American  camp,  M-ijor-General  Brock  had  been 
making  energetic  el'forts  to  reinforee  and  relieve 
Maldc!).  He  had  sent  Colonel  Proctor,  an  officer  in 
whom  he  })laced  much  confidence,  to  take  the  com- 
mand in  the  plaee  of  St.  Cleorgc.  Reinfoirements 
had  been  sent  with  him,  and  j)reviously  some  militia 
were  ord(}red  to  ])roeeed  to  Long  Point,  on  Lake 
Erie,  where  General  Block  soon  followed.  He  left 
York  on  the  6th  of  August,*  taking  with  him  a  body 


*  Life  of  Brocl;.  pnirc  2;ll. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DKTKOIT.       ^gj 


\. — SniHENDEK 

Tkooi's,  Pro- 


L'  three  at- 
liio.  The 
liijor  Vaii- 
is  defeated 
'he  seeoiid 
etaehmcnt. 
t  returned 
The  third 
}taehineiit, 
k  route, 
ace  in  the 
had  been 
lid  relieve 
1  officer  in 
!  the  com- 
breenients 
line  militia 
,  on  Lake 
.  He  left 
lim  a  body 


of  250  militia  from  that  place ;  on  iiis  way  lie  held 
a  Council  with  the  Mohawks  on  Grand  river,  who 
])romiscd  him  a  reinforcement;  and  embarked  at 
Lonj^  Point  on  Lake  Erie,  wMth  about  800  militia, 
besides  his  re'^ulars,  and  [)roceede(l  by  water  to  /\m- 
herstbnri;  or  Maiden.  II  reached  Amhorstburf^  on 
the  loth  of  August,  and  had  an  interview  with  Tu- 
cumseh,  and  held  a  Council,  which  was  attended  by 
1000  Indian  warriors.*  They  expressed  their  Joy  at 
General  Brock's  arrival,  and  their  determination  to 
assist  him  to  the  last  drop  of  their  blood.  On  the 
15th  of  August,  he  sent  a  summons  to  General  Hull, 
calling  on  him  to  surrender  the  fort.f  General  Hull 
answered  that  he  had  no  other  reply  to  make,  tlian 
to  say,  that  he  was  |)repared  to  meet  any  force  at  his 
disposal,  and  any  consecpiences  which  might  result 
from  the  exercise  of  it. 


"  l.ilV  of  T]rorl:.  piigc  i2:28.  Tho 
iiumhor  lievo  incidontiilly  fiivon, 
shows  the  iictuiil  IikHiiii  I'oiti'  iiL 
Detroit,  to  be  inucli  oreuter  thuri 
was  iil'terwartls  stated.  Indians 
love  war,  and  these  were  indaiiied 
with  aniiiKjsity  and  hojie  of  iihindt'r. 
It  is  not  hkely  tliat  any  of  I  his 
thousand  were  al)sent  at  the  time  of 
the  attari<,  nor  is  it  probable, 1 1 lat  all 
tho  Indians  were  present  at  tho 
Co'incil. 

f  General  Brock's  letter  was  as 
follows:  "Tiie  force  at  my  disposal, 
authorizes  me  to  nvpnrc  of  you  the 
immediate  surrender  of  Fort  De- 
troit.    It  is  fur  iVem  my  intention  to 


join  in  a  war  of  exteruiinafion ;  but 
you  must  he  aware  tliat  I  lie  numer- 
ous bodies  of  Iiuiiaiis  wiio  liavo  at- 
t'udu'd  t!ieiuselves  to  my  troops, 
will  be  beyond  iiiy  control,  the  mo- 
nu'iit  the  contest  commences.  You 
will  lind  mo  disposed  to  enter  into 
such  conditions  as  will  satisfy  the 
most  scrupulous  sense  of  honour, 
liientenant-Colonel  .McDoiniel  and 
jMajor  Cjleg'ir  are  fully  authorized  to 


concli 


luiv    arranfrcments    that 


May  lead  tn  jirevent  the  unnecessary 
ellusion  of  blood. 

(Signed)     Isa.vc  Brock, 

Mdjor-di'iierdh" 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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362 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


That  afternoon  a  fire  was  opened  upon  Detroit, 
from  a  battery  erected  opposite,  at  Sandwich,  and  the 
cannonade  was  returned  by  an  American  hatterj  of 
24-pounders.     General  Hull  immediately  sent  word 
to  Colonels  McArthur  and  Cass  to  return  to  Detroit, 
with  their  detachment.      Early  the   next   morning 
General  Brock  crossed  the  river  about  five  miles  be- 
low Detroit,  having  sent  over  a  large  force  of  Indian 
warriors  the  night  befjre,   to   protect   his   landing, 
which  was  also  made  under  cover  of  two  ships  of  war. 
According  to  his  own  official  account,  his  forces  con- 
sisted of  830  regulars,  400  militia,  and  600  Indians, 
or  1330  in  all ;  but  no  doubt  it  exceeded  this  number, 
as  we  have  seen  that  1000  Indians  met  at  the  Coun- 
cil tw  o  days  before,  and  that  commanders  are  very  apt, 
even  when  meaning  to  tell  the  truth,  to  exaggerate 
the  enemy's  forces  and  underrate  their  own.    General 
Brock  certainly  did  the  one,  in  estimating  General 
Hull's  force  at  2500,  since  there  is  no  possible  mode 
of  making  it  amount  to  one-half  of   that  number. 
Colonel  Cass,  whose  object  evidently  was  to  make 
Brock's  force  as  small,  and  Hull's  as  large  as  possi- 
ble, and   who  estimates  the  former  at  300  less  than 
General  Brock's  own  estimate,  does  not  make  Gene- 
ral Hull's  effective  force  more  than  1060  in  all.     We 
shall  see,  hereafter,  that  it  was  much  less  than  this. 

General  Brock's  intention  in  crossing  the  river 
was,  to  wait  in  a  strong  ])osition  the  effect  of  his 
force,  displayed  before  the  American  camp  ;  but  hear- 
ing of  Colonel  McArthur's  absence  with  500  men, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   353 

he  decided  on  an  immediate  attack.*  He  there- 
fore advanced  toward  the  fort,  and  was  preparing  for 
an  assault,  when  General  Hull  determined  to  surren- 
der ;  an  act  which,  condemned  as  it  has  been,  we 
cannot  but  consider,  on  maturest  reflection,  the  bravest 
and  noblest  action  of  a  life,  hitherto  universally  re- 
garded as  that  of  a  brave  and  patriotic  man. 

It  would  have  required  very  little  courage  to  fight. 
General  Hull  had  been  in  many  battles  of  the  Revo- 
lution. There  probably  was  not  an  officer  or  soldier 
in  his  whole  army,  who  had  seen  half  as  much  of  war 
as  himself.  He  had  led  a  column  of  seven  companies 
at  the  taking  of  Stony  Point  with  the  bayonet,  under 
General  Wayne  ;  for  his  conduct  in  which  action  he 
received  the  thanks  of  Washington,  and  promotion  in 


*  General  Brock's  despatch    of 

17tii  of  August.      General  Brock 

knew  very  well  wliat  he  was  about. 

He    knew  the  weakness  of    the 

American  camp  and  the  difficnltios 

with  wliicli  they  were  surrounded. 

He  knew  tiiat  they  were   proSibly 

in  want  of  provisions,   for  lie  iiad 

expressed  the  opinion  in  a  letter  to 

Sir  George  Prevost,  that  this  want 

had  induced  General  Hull  to  invade 

Canada :  "  I  doubt  whether  General 

Hull  had  instructions  to  cross  on  this 

side  the  river.  I  ratiicr  suspect  he  was 

compelled  by  want  of  provisions" 

{Letter  of  Brnd;  Jul;/  29//0,  and  ho 

knew  that  his  supplies  had  been  since 

cut  off  for  a  long  time.      General 

Brock  thus  speaks  in  a  letter  of  Sep. 

3:1  ;  "  Some  say  that  nothing  could 


be  more  desperate  than  the  measure ; 
but  I  answer,  that  the  state  of  the 
province  cadmittcd  only  of  desperate 
remedies.  I  got  possession  of  the  let- 
ters my  antagonist  addressed  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  also  of  the 
sentiments  whicli  hundreds  of  his 
army  uttered  to  their  friends.  Con- 
fidence in  their  General  was  gone, 
and  evident  despondency  ])revailed 
throughout.  I  crossed  the  river, 
contrary  to  the  o])inion  of  Colonel 
Proctor,  &,c.,  it  is  therefore  no  won- 
der that  envy  slio\dd  attribute  to 
good  fortune,  wkai  in  justice  to  my 
own  discernment,  I  must  suy,  pro- 
ceeded from  a  cool  calculation  of 
the  ])intrs  and  contres."  Brock's 
Life,  page  267, 


36%  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

the  service.     He  was  in  the  midst  of  the  battle  of 
White  Phrins,  and  was  tlieic  wounded. 

He  was  in  the  battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton, 
and  was  promoted  for  his  conduct  in  those  engage- 
ments.     Ho    fought    at    Ticonderoga,    at    Bemis' 
Heights,  in  the  battle  of  October  7th,  at  Monmouth, 
Morrissania,  and  other  places,  and  led  regiments  and 
battalions  in  most  of  these  actions.    Now  the  courage 
which  can  engage  in  a  battle  is  very  much  a  thing  of 
habit.     Many  men  are  cowards  in  their  first  battle ; 
almost  all  men  are  brave  in  their  tenth.     Is  it  likely,' 
therefore,  that  General    Hull  should  have  been  the 
only  man  in  his  army,  disabled  by  fear,  from  fighting 
General  Brock  ?  Is  not  this  supposition  an  absurdity  ? 
What  then  were  his  reasons,  as  given  by  himself?  Ge- 
neral Hull  was  now  in   the  position  in  which,  as  he 
liad  stated  before  the  war  to  the  Administration,  De- 
troit must  fall.     His  communications  to  Ohio  were 
cut  off  by  the  Indians  in  the  woods;  his  communica- 
tion by  the  Lake,  by  the  British  vessels  ;  and  he  had 
no  co-operation  below,  at  Niagara.     Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  fall  of  Detre^  ^  was  inevitable.     If  he 
should  fight  a  battle  and  defeat  the  British  army,  this 
result  would  not  be  less  inevitable,  for  a  victory  would 
not  re-open  his  communications.     Besides  this,  his 
forces  were  vastly  inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy;  his 
provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  there  was  no 
possibility  of  obtaining  a  sui)ply  from  any  quarter.    If 
he  were  to  fight,  he  would  save  his  own  reputation, 
but  could  not  save  the  army   or  territory,  and   he 
would    be  exposing   the  defenceless   inhabitants   of 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       3(55 

Micjiigan  to  all  tlie  hoirors  of  Indian  warfare,  without 
a  reason  or  an  object.  Under  these  circumstances, 
it  would  he  the  part  of  a  selfish  man  to  fight ;  it  was 
the  part  of  a  brave  and  generous  man,  to  hazard  the 
sacrifice  of  his  own  reputation  as  a  soldier,  and  his 
own  selfish  feelings,  to  his  duty  as  a  Governor  and  a 
man.  General  Hull  did  the  last— and  to  the  time  of 
his  death,  never  regretted  it  for  a  moment.  In  dis- 
grace ;  condemned  to  death  as  a  (toward ;  believed  to 
be  a  traitor  hy  the  ignorant ;  seeing  the  success  of  his 
calumniators,  who  built  their  fortunes  on  the  ruin  of 
his  own  ;  he  was  always  calm,  tranquil,  and  happy. 
He  knew  that  his  country  would  one  day  ,''s )  under- 
stand him,  and  that  history  would  at  last  do  him  jus- 
tice. He  was  asked,  on  his  death-bed,  whether  he 
still  believed  he  had  done  right,  in  the  surrender  of 
Detroit — and  he  replied,  that  he  did,  and  was  thank- 
ful that  he  had  been  enabled  to  do  it. 

The  defence  of  General  Hull  rests  mainly  on  the 
following  propositions  : 

1.  An  army  in  the  situation  of  that  of  General 
Hull,  August  16th— cut  off  from  its  supplies,  and  with 
no  adequate  means  of  opening  its  communications—- 
must  inevitably  fall. 

2.  That  in  this  situation,  to  fight,  would  have 
been  a  useless  expenditure  of  life,  and  would  have 
unnecessarily  exposed  the  inhabitants  of  the  Territory 
to  Indian  cruelties. 

3.  That  this  situation  was  not  his  fiiult,  but  that 
of  the  General  Government,  of  General  Dearborn,  and 
of  circumstances  for  which  no  one  is  perhaps  respon- 
sible. 


366 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


4.  That  the  troops  of  General  Hull,  on  August 
16th,  were  much  inferior  in  number  to  General 
Brock's. 

5.  That  the  provisions  of  the  army  were  nearly 
exhausted,  and  no  further  sup])lies  could  be  obtained. 

We  will  now  advance  the  arguments  and  facts 

which  will  establish  these  propositions. 

I.  An  army  in  the  situation  of  that  of  General 

Hull,  August  16th,  must  inevitably  foil. 

This  ai)pears  from  the  following  considerations. 

General  Hull  was  posted  twenty  miles  in  the  rear  of 

the  enemy's  principal  fortress.     He  was  between  two 
and  three  hundred  miles  distant  from  the  base  of  his 
operations,  from  which  all  his  supplies  were  to  be 
drawn.     His  communication  with  those  supplies  was 
through  a  wilderness,  filled  with  hostile  Indians,  and 
for  seventy-five  miles  along  a  river  and  lake,  exposed 
to  the  cannon  of  the  British  ships.     This  communica- 
tion was  now  completely  cut  off,  and  two  attempts  at 
re-opening  it  had  failed.     The  Lake  was  in  the  ene- 
my's power,  and  could  not  be  taken  from  them.     He 
was  informed  that  no  diversion  was  to   be   made  in 
his  favour  at  Niagara,  to  draw  off  the  enemy's  troops 
from  before  him.     If  he  should  fight,  and  destroy  the 
army  in  his  front,   the  enemy's  ships  and   Indians 
would  still  remain  controlling  the  line  of  his  commu- 
nications. 

No  propositioki  in  military  affairs  is  more  univer- 
sally admitted  than  this,  that  an  army  separated  from 
its  supplies,  must  fall.  History  is  full  of  instances 
in  support  of  it— and  one  of  the  main  efforts  of  strat- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       357 

eglc  art,  is  always  to  protect  one's  own  communica- 
tions from  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and  to  cut  off 
his.  The  line  between  an  armj  and  its  magazines  is 
its  most  vital  and  tender  part. 

Every  thing  in  fact  goes  to  show,  that  the  power 
which  held  the  Lake,  must  also  keep  possession  both 
of  Detroit  and  Maiden.  When  General  Harrison 
had  advanced  with  a  large  army  in  September,  1812, 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Detroit,  he  first  proposed  to 
take  it  by  mtp  dc  main.  He  then  relinquished  this 
plan  as  impracticable,  and  formed  a  second,  which 
was  to  accumulate  large  supplies  of  men  and  provi- 
sions at  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  and  then  to  move 
forward  from  that  point  in  October.  But  he  found  it 
necessary  to  relinquish  this  project  also,  and  next  de- 
termined to  accomplish  the  same  result  by  a  winter 
expedition.  But  he  was  finally  obliged  to  wait  a 
whole  year,  until  Perry's  fleet  was  built,  and  the 
naval  victory  of  September,  1813,  gained,  which 
gave  the  control  of  Lake  Erie  to  the  Americans.  As 
soon  as  this  event  took  place,  the  British  Commander 
evacuated  Detroit  and  Maiden,  without  even  waitino- 
for  the  American  forces  to  appear.  Detroit  and  Mai- 
den fell  naturally  into  the  power  of  the  United  States, 
almost  without  an  effort,  the  moment  that  Lake  Erie 
was  under  its  control. 

II.  It  has  been  frequently  said  that  supplies  of 
provisions  might  have  been  procured  by  General  Hull 
from  the  Territory  itself.  This  statement  was  first 
made  by  Colonel  Cass,  in  his  celebrated  letter  of 
September  10th,  1812,  and  has  been  repeated  after 


368 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


him  by  a  multitude  of  writers,  none  of  whom  have 
taken  pains  to  examine  whether  there  was  any  foun- 
dation for  it  or  not.  Colonel  Cass's  words  are :  "  The 
state  of  our  provisions  has  not  been  generally  under- 
stood. On  the  day  of  surrender  we  had  fifteen  days' 
provisions  of  every  kind  on  hand.  Of  meat,  there 
was  plenty  in  the  country,  and  arrangements  had 
been  made  for  purchasing  and  grinding  flour.  It  was 
calculated  we  could  readily  procure  three  months' 
provisions,  independent  of  150  barrels  of  flour,  and 
1300  head  of  cattle,  which  had  been  forwarded  from 
Ohio,  and  which  remained  at  the  river  Raisin,  under 
Captain  Brush,  within  reach  of  the  army." 

If  this  statement  is  correct,  of  course  the  surrender 
of  General  Hull's  army  cannot  be  defended  on   the 
ground  of  a  want  of  provisions.   We  shall  show  here- 
after, that  it  was  impossible  that  fifteen  or  even  five 
days'  provision  should  have  been  on  hand  at  t!ie  time 
of  the  surrender,  and  that  Colonel  Cass  had  no  means 
of  knowing  it,  and  no  ground  for  making  the  state- 
ment.    As  to  the  cattle  and  flour  at  the  river  I^aisin, 
"  within  reach  of  the  army,"  we  have  seen,  that  be- 
fore General  Brock  crossed  the    river.  Major  Van- 
horne   and    Colonel   Miller  had  both  attempted    to 
reach  it,  the  one  with  200  and  the  other  with  600 
men,  and  that  both  had  failed.     Was  it  more  attain- 
able now,  when  General  Brock's  regulars  and  militia, 
and  a  thousand  Indians,  at  least,  under  Tecumseh, 
were  between  it  and  Detroit  ?    In  the  statement,  that 
three  months'  provisions  could  be  obtained  in  the 
country.  Colonel  Cass  gives  no  authority.     He  cau- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       3(59 

liously  says,  "  It  was  calculated."  Who  made  the 
calculation  does  not  appear.  But  it  is  very  remarka- 
ble, that  only  one  month  before  the  date  ol'  this  let- 
ter, and  four  days  before  the  surnuider,  Colonel  Cass 
should  have  made  quite  a  different  statement  to  Gov- 
ernor Meiij-s. 

In  a  letKu-  to  Governor  Meigs,  dated  August  12th, 
and  signed  by  Colonel  Cass,  he  says :  "The  letter 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  you,  a  coj)y  of  which  I 
have  seen,  authorizes  you  to  prc^servc  and  keep  open 
the  communication  from  the  State  of  Ohio  to  Detroit. 
It  is  all  important  that  it  should  be  kept  open.  Our 
very  existence  depends  upon  it.  Our  supplies  must 
come  from  our  State.  This  country  docs  not  furnish 
them.  In  this  existing  state,  nothing  but  a  large 
force,  of  2000  men  at  least,  will  effL-ct  the  object.*  ^ 

But  this  was  not  the  only  letter  in  which"  Colonel 
Cass  expressed  his  opinion.  On  General  Hull's  trial, 
Willis  Silliman,  a  brother  in-law  of  Colonel  Cass  by 
marriage  with  his  sister,  testified,  that  he  had  received 
a  letter  from  Colonel  Cass,  dated  August  12th,  which 
said:  "  Our  situation  is  become  critical.  If  thin<^s 
get  worse,  you  will  have  a  letter  from  me,  giving^ 
particular  statement  of  this  business.  Bad  as  you 
may  think  of  our  situation,  it  is  still  worse  than  you 
believe.  I  cannot  descend  into  particulars,  lest  this 
should  fidi  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy." 

Silliman  testified,  that  he  had  another  letter  from 
Colonel  Cass,  dated  3d  August,  in  which  he  urged 
him  to  use  his  exertions  to  hasten  the  march  of  troops 

*  McAffw,  page  83. 

24 


370 


HISTORY  ()!■•  Tin:  CAMPAir.N  OF  1813, 


from  Ohio ;  and  said,  tliat  nion  and  provisions  were 
both  necessary,  and  would  b(!  necessary  ;  and  tlint 
*^  provisions  arc  or  ivould  be  necessary  for  the  existence 
of  the  troops.^''  Two  otlwr  witnesses,  who  had  read 
tiiese  lett(;rs,  confirmed  Silliman's  testimony.*  Colonel 
Cass  as  we  have  seen,  in  iiis  hotter  of  September  lOth, 
declares,  that  "  tiiree  nionths'  provisions"  could  easily 
be  procured  in  Michigan,  for  the  supply  of  the  army. 
As  a  witness  on  General  Hull's  trial,  he  testiHcd  to 
the  same  effect,  under  oath.  General  J  lull  was  on 
trial  for  his  life,  and  Colonel  Cass  swore,  "  that  his 
opinion,  founded  on  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants 
and  upon  experience,  was,  that  provisions  might  have 
been  procured  there,  sufficient  for  the  support  of  the 
army  for  three  or  four  months." 

It  was  very  imj)roper  that  an  opinion  should  be 
received  as  evidence  on  a  trial  for  a  capital  offence; 
and  yet  this  opinion,  we  have  seen,  was  in  contradiction 
to  his  previous  statements  to  Governor  Meigs  and  Mr. 
Silliman.  Colonel  Snelling  also  testified  on  General 
Hull's  trial  (Forbes,  page  41),  that  he  did  not  know  oi 
any  scarcity  of  })rovisions. 


*  Hull's  Trial,  Forbes'  Report,  p. 
135.  isilliinan's  testimony,  mid  that 
of  Peirr  Mills  and  Daniel.  Conijcrs. 
Also  of  Public  Records,  War  OlJieo, 
Washington.  If  many  such  letters 
as  this  were  written  by  the  officers 
of  General  Hull's  army,  wc  can  un- 
derstand how  those  taken  by  Brock 
ahould  have  encouraged  I  im  to  at- 
tack   Detroit.      In  the     'Life    of 


Rrock,"  it  is  said,  that  at  the  defeat 
of  V'anhonio's  detachment,  ■'  General 
Hull's  despatches  and  the  corres- 
pondence of  his  troops,  foil  into  the 
hands  of  Tccumseh,  and  it  was 
partly  the  desponding  nature  of 
their  contents  which  afterwards  in- 
duced Major-General  Brock  to  at- 
tempt the  capture  of  the  American 
army."    Page  223. 


AND  SIJRRKNDER  OF  TIIK  POHT  OF  DRTROIT.       37 1 

Ci.ptain  Baker  (pan,.  «5)  said,  on  the  same  trial, 
"  I  am  of  opinion,  that  thcire  was  i)h}nty  of  caithj  and 
grain  in  the  country."-.But  o{  auy  facts  on  whicii  he 
grounded  tliat  opinion,  he  was  wholly  silent.  On  the 
other  hand,  what  was  the  testimony  of  those  who 
had  a  knowledge  of  facts,  and  something  else  hesides 
a  vague  o[)ini()n  to  adduce  ?  It  was  [)roved  hy  com- 
petent witnesses,  that  so  far  from  there  being  a  sur- 
plus of  cattl(!  and  grain  in  the  country,  to  support  the 
army  for  three  months,  the  country  had  never  pro- 
duced enough  for  the  supply  of  its  own  inhabitants 
in  tinu!  of  peace.* 

Captain  Maxwell  (Forbes'  Report,  p.  128)  testi- 
fied on  J  lull's  trial,  that  he  had  lived  thirteen  years 
m  Ohio,  and  had  been  engaged  every  year  in  driving 
cattle  and  hogs  from  thence  to  Detroit  market ;  from 
1000  to  1500  hogs  aniuially,  and  from  150  to  200 
head  of  cattle. 

Captain  Dyson,  of  1st  artillery,  testified  (Hull's 
Trial,  page  134)  "  that  he,  witness,  was  in  command 
at  Detroit  from  1805  to  1808;  that  a  great  number 
of  cattle  and  hogs  were  driven  thith(>r  from  Ohio  ; 
that  the  contractors  got  the  principal  of  the  pork  by 
that  means;  that  the  inhabitants  could  buy  cheaper 
than  they  could  raise  them,  and  there  was  not  enough 
raised  to  subsist  the  inhabitants ;  that  the  Canadian 
people  were  not  industrious  in  cultivating  their 
farms." 


* "  The  population  of  Michijran  misorablo  farmers,  and  depended 
at  this  time,  was  about  6000  sotils.  chiefly  on  huntinjr,  fi^hin-r,  and  trad- 
Most  of  those  wiio  cultivated  the  ing  with  the  Indians,  for"  their  sup. 
Jand,  were  Canadians.     They  were  P^rt."— Hull's  Memoirs,  pa-ro  76 


372 


niSTOllY  OK  THK  (^AlNIPAinN  OF  IHIf.', 


ColoiK^I  VVntson  trstlficd  (Hull's  Trinl,  pajro  H«) 
th:U  lir  had  livcid  in  tin;  'rcnilorv  ofMicliijiaii  six  vcars, 
up  to  the  tiiiK!  oftlu!  sniicndrr ;  that  in  lUlO  Ik;  had 
taken  the  census,  and  found  llu;  niunber  of  inhabit- 
ants in  the  whole  'l\'riitor)'  ll.7()2,  of  which  the  dis- 
trict of  Detroit,  which  extended  iJ5  miles  alon*:;  the 
river,  contained  2227 ;  that  in  taking  the  census  lie 
had  particularly  inquired  of  the  jusads  of  families 
as  to  the  produce  of  the  (;ountrj,  and  that  into  De- 
troit district  "  f^reat  ipiantities  of  flour  and  whisky 
were  brought  from  New-York  and  l'(;nns)lvania,  and 
of  cattle  and  hogs  from  Oiiio ;  these  last  ar<;  pur- 
chased by  the  inhabitants  for  their  consumption,  and 
in  times  of  peace,  they  are  also  jnirchased  by  the 
British  agents,  and  carried  to  Maiden.  The  cattle 
and  hogs  were  consumed  by  the  inhabitants." 

We  have,  then,  on  the  one  side,  the  ojjlnions  of 
Colonel  Cass  and  others,  (tjter  the  surrender  of  De- 
troit, founded  on  vagne  imj)ressions,  conversations  with 
persons  unknown,  and  upon  ignorance  of  any  thing 
to  the  contrary,  that  there  was  j)rovision  (mough  in 
the  country  to  last  an  army  of  1.500  men  two  or  three 
monlhs.  On  the  otluu-  hand,  we  liave  the  written 
opinion  of  Colonel  Cass  before  the  surrender,  that 
supj)lies  must  come  from  Ohio,  for  that  Michigan  did 
not  furnish  th(!m  ;  and  testimony  to  prove  that  the  in- 
habitants did  actually  j)urchaso  provisions  for  their 
own  consumption,  from  Ohio  and  elsewhere. 

If  any  tiling  more  is  needed  to  show  that  no  supplies 
could  be  procured  in  Michigan,  we  have  an  incidental 
proof  in  General  Brock's  letters.     Before  the  surren- 


AND  HUURKNDKR  OF  TIIK  TOKT  OF  DCTIIOIT. 


373 


ilr-r,  w(«  have  seen,  that,  ho  supposed  that  Ccnicral 
Hull  had  h(HMi  (hlv(!u  into  Cauada  hy  want  of  provi- 
sions. And  in  a  h'ttcr,  dated  Septcinihcr  Lllh,  1812,* 
he  writes  thus  to  Sir  (leoif^c;  Provost  : 

"  It  ap|)ears  <ivi(h'nt  the  enemy  meditates  a  second 
attenjpt  on  Amherst l)urj,r  The  greater  parts  of  tho 
troo|)s  whieh  are:  advaneini;,  marehed  from  Kentuci^y, 
with  an  intiuilion  oljoininji,  (ieniMal  Hull.  Mow  they 
arc  to  subsist,  even  /o/'  a  short  period,  in  (hat  already 
exhausted  rountrif,  is  no  easy  mailer  to  ronccive.  Tiiis 
dillieulty  will  iirobably  decide  them  on  some  bold 
measure,  in  the  hoju;  of  shorleninji  the  eamj)aign.  If 
successfully  resisted,  their  fate  is  inevitable." 

if  it  be  suggested,  that  if  General  ilull  had  de- 
fended himself,  sup|)lies  wt)uld  have  been  brought 
from  Ohio  for  his  army,  acooujpanied  by  a  force  sufii- 
cienlly  large;  to  open  the  conununications,  and  keep 
them  o])en,  wo  answer  this,  by  referring  again  to  Ge- 
neral Harrison's  vain  attempts  to  reach  Detroit  in  the 
fall  and  winter  of  1812.  lie  had  ample  means  both 
in  men  and  supplies,  but  ho  writes,  (October  22d, 
1812,)  "  to  get  suj)plies  forward,  through  a  swamj)y 
wildoriH'ss  of  near  200  miles,  in  wagons  or  on  j)ack.- 
horsos,  whieh  are  to  carry  their  i)rovisions,  is  abso- 
lutely impossible. "t 

If  it  be  said  that  General  Hull  might  have  saved 
■his  army  by  a  retreat  to  the  Miami,  the  answer  is 
this:  Ho  suggested  this  measure  to  his  officers,  when 
the  army  ro-crossed  the  riv(.'r  from  Canada,  and  was 

*  Life  of  Brock,  patfo  286.  Armstrong,  Notices,  &,c.     Vol,  I, 

f  Uarrisoji's    letter,    (luotet!    by    pugo  511 


374 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


told  tluit  if  he  did  this,  the  mihtia  would  desert  to  a 
man.  Nor  was  a  retreat  at  that  time  absolutely  ne- 
cessary, for  there  were  still  hopes  of  the  commuiiiea- 
tion  being  opened  by  Miller's  detaehment.  When 
General  Brock  arrived,  it  was  too  late  to  retreat,  as 
General  Hull  shows,  in  the  following  passage  of  his 
Memoirs  of  the  Campaign,  pp.  98  and  99 : 

"  I  must  ask  you,  in  this  case,  to  examine  some 
general  maps  of  the  country,  from  Detroit  to  the  foot 
of  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie.  The  dis- 
tance is  about  seventy  miles.  The  only  road  through 
which  I  could  h  ive  retreated,  runs  from  Detroit  as 
far  as  Brownstown,  on  the  banks  of  the  Detroit  river, 
about  twenty  miles,  and  from  Brownstown  to  the  lOot 
of  the  Rapids,  about  fifty  miles ;  in  some  jilaces  on, 
and  i.i  others  near  the  borders  of  Lake  Erie,  This 
road  was  very  difficult  to  pass,  a  great  part  of  it  be- 
ing through  a  wilderness,  and  had  only  been  opened 
by  an  army,  when  advancing  to  Detroit.  Its  course, 
for  seventy  miles,  being  on  the  margin  of  a  navigable 
river  and  the  Lake  ;  and  General  Brock  with  his  army 
being  opposite  to  Detroit,  with  a  number  of  armed 
vessels,  gun- boats,  and  a  sufficient  itumb'^r  of  flats, 
to  move  his  troops  on  the  water ;  he  would  hive  had 
such  an  advantage  in  attacking  a  retrea  jng  army,  es- 
pecially when  aided  by  his  numerous  tribts  of  savages, 
that  I  then  tliought,  and  I  now  think,  that  an  attempt 
of  the  kind  would  have  resulted  in  the  total  destruc- 
tion of  the  army.  With  his  boats,  protected  by  his 
armed  vessels  and  gun-boats,  his  troops  might  have 
been  moved  on  those  smooth  waters,  with  the  great- 


I  desert  to  a 
)Solutely  ne- 
commuiiica- 
ciit.  When 
o  retreat,  as 
issage  of  his 
9: 

tamine  some 
it  to  the  foot 
i.  The  dls- 
•oad  throujili 
n  Detroit  as 
Detroit  river, 
n  to  the  lOot 
e  j)laces  on, 
Erie.  This 
lart  of  it  he- 
be  eu  onened 
Its  course, 
a  navigable 
kith  liisarmy 
er  of  armed 
b^T  of  flats, 
Id  hive  had 
i)g  army,  es- 
sof  savag(!s, 
tan  attempt 
ital  destrue- 
;cted  by  his 
niiglit  have 
Ii  the  great- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  TII^^  POST  OF  DETROIT.       375 

est  celerity,  and  landed  in  the  from,  rear,  or  on  the 
flank,  and  harassed  my  march  in  such  a  manner,  that 
it  \vould  have  been  impossible  to  have  effected  it : 
besides,  we  must  have  encountered  the  difficulty  of 
passing  a  number  of  rivers,  without  boats,  and  over 
which  tlu;re  were  no  bridges.  The  only  places  where 
some  of  these  rivers  could  have  been  crossed,  were 
near  the  navigable  waters,  commanded  by  the  ene- 
my's naval  armament,  and  no  boats  could  have  been 
provided  for  the  purpose.  There  would  have  been 
no  other  mode  of  effecting  the  passage,  but  by  swim- 
ming or  constructing  rafts,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy." 

General  Hull  might,  no  doubt,  have  taken  mea- 
sures which  would  have  conduced  to  his  personal  ad- 
vantage, far  more  than  those  which  he  adopted.  If 
he  had  had  less  reason  and  Judgment,  he  might  have 
attemp:ed  to  take  Maiden  by  storm,  with  his  militia 
and  t'le  4th  regiment. 

No  one  who  knows  the  conduct  of  our  militia  in 
all  the  battles  in  which  they  were  engaged  in  1812, 
can  dcubt,  that,  in  attacking  without  cannon,  a  forti- 
fied place,  defended  with  artillery,  they  would  have 
been  repulsed  with  disgrace  and  serious  loss.  There 
would  have  been  a  useless  waste  of  life  on  the  part  of 
the  army,  but  General  Iluli  would  have  had  the  cre- 
dit for  courage  and  energy,  and  his  soldiers  would 
liave  been  made  more  cautious  by  the  lesson.  Then, 
wh(Mi  General  Brock  attacked  Detroit,  if  General 
Hull  had  br  a  less  disinterested  man,  and  had 
'\cted  in  i^  nee  to  his  own  military  credit,  he  would 
have  atlemt./ed  to  defend  himself.    But  General  Hull 


376 


iriSTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  J 8 12, 


had  loiif^  since,  during-  the  war  of  the  lievohition,  gs- 
tablislied  liis  character  as  a  man  of  courage,  and  a 
soklier  skilled  in  tlie  science  of  war.  lie  considered 
that  it  devolved  upon  him  to  protect  the  inliabitants 
of  Detroit  from  the  tomahawk  of  tiie  savages,  and  he 
tliercifore  assumed  the  responsibility  of  a  capitulation, 
leaving  to  his  officers  and  troops  the  safe  glory  of 
boasling  what  they  would  have  done,  had  they  only 
been  permitted  to  fight. 

We  will  now  show  what  was  the  state  of  the  pro- 
visions at  Detroit,  at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  and 
we  think  it  will  ajjpcar  by  documentary  and  unques- 
tionable evidence,  that  they  must  have  been  nearly 
exhausted  at  that  time. 

Here  also  we  have,  on  one  sidc^  bold,  rej)eated  as- 
sertions, unsupported  by  any  facts;  and  on  the  other 
side,  we  have  arguments  and  proofs.  It  has  been  as- 
serted over  and  over  again,  and  continues  to  be  re- 
peated, that  there  were  ample  su|>plies  of  provisions 
at  Detroit,  at  the  siurender ;  and  yet  the  testimony  of 
the  Government  witnesses  themselves,  goes  to  prove 
the  contrary. 

Colonel  Cass,  in  his  testimony  (Hull's  Trial,  page 
23),  asserts,  "  that  the  situation  of  the  army  in  re- 
spect to  provisions,  was  a  subject  of  frequent  conver- 
sations between  CJeneral  Hull  and  the  ofiicers— that 
he  never  hmo  or  umUrstood,  that  the  army  icas  in 
leant,  or  Ukelij  to  want^  Yet  we  have  seen  above, 
that  he  wrote  to  Governor  Meigs,  that  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  army  depended  on  snpplies  being  sent  from 
Ohio;  and  to  his   brother-in-law.  Silliman.  that  pro- 


evolution,  cs- 
Lirage,  and  a 
Je  considered 
le  inliabitants 
I'agcs,  and  he 
capitulationj 
safe  glorv  of 
lad  they  onlj 

to  of  tlie  pro- 

iriender,  and 

and  unques- 

been  nearly 

repeated  as- 
on  the  other 
has  been  as- 
2S  to  he  re- 
)f  provisions 
testimony  of 
oes  to  prove 

i  Trial,  page 
aimy  in  re- 
lent conver- 
fficers^that 
rmy  icas  in 
seen  above, 
e  very  exist- 
ig  sent  from 
n.  tliat  pro- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       377 

visions  were,  or  wonld  be,  necessary  for  the  existence 
of  the  troops. 

Colonel  Cass,  in  giving  this  account  of  his  con- 
versations with  General  Hull,  evidently  means  to  con- 
vey the  impression,  that  the  fear  of  wanting  provi- 
sions^ was  an  afterthought  with  General  Hull  him- 
self, and  intended  merely  to  justify  his  surrender.  But 
a  letter  of  General  Hull  to  the  Secretary  of  War,* 
dated  July  lOth,  only  five  days  after  the  arrival  of  the 
army  at  Detroit,  speaks  in  the  strongest  manner  of 
the  want  of  provisions  which  must  ensue,  if  the  com- 
munication with  Ohio  is  not  kept  open  by  troops  sent 
from  that  State.  "  The  communication  must  be  se- 
cured, or  this  army  will  be  without  provisions.  This 
must  not  be  neglected  :  if  it  is,  this  army  will  perish 
with  hiuiger."  It  is  certainly  extraordinary,  that 
when  General  Hull  sj)oke  thus  strongly  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  of  the  probable  wants  of  his  army,  that 
he  should  never,  "in  the  frequent  conversations," 
which  Colonel  Cass  says  he  had  with  him  on  this  sub- 

*  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  papo '.).  cither  hire  or  piirelnso  nack-horsos 

"Sir, — Mr.  Beard,  Angu.-tiis   I'or-  to  traiirporl  the  limir.     I  sluiUdraw 

tor's  agent  here,  informed  nie,  tiiat  on  yon  I'or  tiio  money  necessary  for 

In  conseqiicnec  ol'  t!ie  Lake  beinir  the  pnrpo.se.    The   connnnnication 

closed  against  ns,  he  rannot  fiirni.-h  ninst  be  secured,  or  this  army  will 

the  necessary  .snp|:liesot  provisions,  be  without  ])rovi;-ions.     Troops  will 

I  have  thereCere  autl'.erized  Mr.  Jno.  be  aliMilntely  neces:  nrv  vw  the  road 

II.  I'latt  of  Cincinnati  (now  here)  to  protect  the  provisions.  Thismnst 

to   furnish   two    himdred   thousand  not  bo  neglected  :  if  it  is,  thi.-i  army 

rations  of  Hour,  and  the  same  (pian-  wi'l  porisli  byiiunger. 
tity   of  beef.      I   have   engaged   to  I  am,  &c., 

give  him  5  per  cent,  on  the  amount  (Signed)  \Vili,ia:m  Hull." 

of  purchases,  and  pay  his  necessary  Hon.  Wui.  Kustis. 
expenses  of  transportation  :  he  will  Detroit,  juUj  lo,  isi-j. 


378 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812. 


ject  of  provisions,  have  suggested  that  the  army  was 
even  likely  to  be  in  want.  It  seems  singular,  that 
they  should  have  talked  so  frequently  on  the  subject, 
if  there  was  no  possible  danger  of  want.  Why  did 
they  talk  about  provisions  at  all,  if  they  were  in  no 
danger  of  wanting  them  ? 

The  whole  evidence  which  exists  upon  the  state 
of  provisions  in  Detroit,  at  the  time  of  the  surrender, 
is  contained  in  the  testimony  given  upon  General 
Hull's  trial.  This  evidence  cannot  be  better  summed 
up  than  in  General  Hull's  own  language,  in  his  Me- 
moirs of  the  Campaign  of  1812  : 

"  Augustus  Porter,  of  the  State  of  New-York,  was 
the  contractor  for  furnishing  this  army.  David  Beard 
was  his  agent,  and  was  present  at  Detroit.  Mr.  Beard 
was  not  only  the  agent,  who  did  all  the  business  at 
Detroit,  but,  I  understood  from  him,  had  some  share 
in  the  profits  of  the  contract.  He  could  have  no  mo- 
tive to  have  diminished  the  quantity,  because  the  Uni- 
ted States  must  have  paid  for  all  that  was  on  hand  at 
the  time  of  the  capitulation.  It  will  appear  from  the 
minutes  of  the  trial,  that  his  testimony  was  the  last 
before  I  made  my  defence.  By  the  contractor's 
agent's  certificate,  it  will  appear  that,  on  the  9th  of 
July,  1812,  there  was  at  Detroit  125,000  rations  of 
flour,  and  70,66G  rations  of  meat ;  and  that  on  the 
28th  of  July,  there  was  70,000  rations  of  flour,  and 
21,000  of  meat. 

"  Mr.  Beard  has  certified  that  this  statement  was 
handed  to  me,  containing  the  jnovisions  in  the  con- 
tractor's store,  and  signed  by  him,  as  will  appear  by 


e  army  was 
igular,  that 
the  subject, 
Why  did 
were  in  no 

3n  the  state 
3  surrender, 
on  General 
ter  summed 
in  his  Me- 

^-York,  was 
>avid  Beard 
Mr.  Beard 
business  at 
some  share 
lave  no  mo- 
se  the  Uni- 
on hand  at 
ar  from  the 
vas  the  hist 
contractor's 
the  9th  of 
rations  of 
:hat  on  the 
flour,  and 

:ement  was 
II  the  con- 
appear  by 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       379 

tne  proceedings  of  the  Court  Martial  on  my  trial.  By 
this  return,  it  will  be  seen  what  quantity  was  con- 
sumed from  the  9th  to  the  28th  of  July,  what  quan- 
tity remained  on  hand  the  28th  of  July— and  by  ob- 
serving the  same  rule  of  consumption,  it  will  appear 
what  quantity  would  have  been  in  store  on  the  16th 
of  August,  the  day  of  the  capitulation. 

"  By  the  data  here  given  it  will  b(;  shown,  that  if 
a  ration  of  meat  had  been  issued,  the  meat  would 
have  been  exhausted  on  the  6th  of  August,  ten  days 
before  the  capitulation.  And  if,  during  those  ten 
days,  after  the  meat  was  exhausted,  an  additional 
quantity  of  flour  had  been  issued,  to  make  up  the  ra- 
tion, as  was  the  case,  the  whole  of  the  flour  would 
have  been  exhausted  on  the  16th  of  August,  the  day 
of  the  capitulation.  It  appears  by  the  return  of  the 
contractor,  that  from  the  9th  to  the  28th  of  July, 
5334  rations  of  flour  more  than  of  meat  were  issued, 
and  that  practice  was  continued,  in  about  the  same 
proportion,  until  the  16th  of  August. 

"  Perhaps  it  may  be  asked  by  those  unacquainted 
with  my  situation  and  the  practice  of  armies,  why  so 
many  more  rations  were  daily  issued  than  the  num- 
ber of  eff(;ctive  men  which  comjjosed  the  army  :  I 
will  give  the  answer.  It  will  appear  by  the  foregoing 
memoirs,  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  from  Mi';hili- 
mackinac  had  arrived  at  Detroit,  prisoners  on  parole, 
and  they  had  no  other  means  of  subsisKMice,  but  to 
receive  rations.  It  likewise  appears,  that  a  large 
number  of  old  Indian  chiefs  anJ  .  i.jhems  daily  visited 
our  camp,  and  were  fed  from  the  j}ublic  stores,  by  or- 
der of  the  Government." 


380 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAinN  OF  1812. 


III.  Wc  will  now  examine  more  particularly  the 
number  of  troops  under  the  command  of  General 
Brock  and  General  Hull,  respectively,  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender  of  Detroit. 

The  most  erroneous  accounts  have  been  g,  en 
and  repeated  upon  this  j)oint ;  one  writer  copying 
another,  and  no  one  going  back  to  examine  the  evi- 
dence on  either  side.  General  Hull's  troops  have 
been  exaggerated  to  numbers  far  greater  than  even 
the  Government  witnesses  testified  as  composing  his 
army,  at  the  surrender.  General  Brock's  troops  have, 
in  the  same  way,  been  reduced  bcilow  the  number 
which  he  himself  admits  to  have  crossed  the  river 
with  him  to  the  attack.  Sometimes  writers  have 
contradicted  themselves  as  well  as  the  facts.  Thus 
Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  the  latest  historian  of  the 
War,  says  (page  81),  that  Brock  crossed  "  the  straits 
from  Sandwich  to  Detroit  with  some  1200  men ;" 
and  presently  after  (page  82)  says,  "  when  Brock 
crossed  the  straits  to  attack  Detroit,  his  whole  force, 
white,  red,  and  black,  was  but  1030."  Meantime 
Brock  himself,  in  his  official  report  of  the  surrender, 
which  Mr.  Ingersoll  might  have  found  in  half  a  dozen 
histories,  admits  his  force  to  have  been  1330,  and 
specifies  the  number  of  regulars,  militia,  a.id  In- 
dians.* 


*  General  Hull's  force  lui3  been  General  Brock  (Off.  Rep.),  2.500. 

thus  variously  estimated  by  different  Colonel  Cass  (l<etter  September 

writers;—  lOtii,  1S12),  lOflO. 

In  "  Defence   of  General   Dear-  Ingersoll     (History    of    Second 

lorn,"  by  his  son,  at  24C5.  War,  page  82),  135U. 


12. 


AND  SURRKNDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       33] 


ticularly  tlio 

of  General 

L  the  time  of 

been  g  .en 
lUiY  copying 
line  the  evi- 
troops  have 
r  than  even 
(mposing  his 
troops  have, 
tlie  number 
ed  the  river 
vriters  have 
acts.  Thus 
orian  of  the 
"  the  straits 
1200  men ;" 
when  Brock 
whole  force, 
Meantime 
e  surrender, 
half  a  dozen 
I  1330,  and 
tia,  a.id  In- 


OfF.  Rep.),  2500. 

iCtter  SoptcmlKT 

ory    of    Second 
50. 


General  Brock's  account  of  his  troops,  as  con- 
tained in  his  official  report  to  Sir  George  Pre vost,  dated 
August  17th,  1812,  states  his  forces  to  have  been  as 
follows  (Brock's  Life,  p.  250)  : 

"  The  force  which  I  instantly  directed  to  march 
against  the  enemy,  consisted  of  30  artillery,  240  of 
41st  regiment,  .50  Royal  Newfoundland  regiment, 
400  militia,  and  about  600  Indians,  to  which  were 
attached  three  six-pounders  and  two  three-pounders." 
General  Brock's  numbers  then,  by  his  own  account^ 
which  he  led  to  the  attack  of  Detroit,  were  at  least 
1330.  But  he  does  not  profess  to  give  the  number 
of  the  Indians  with  accuracy,  and  the  probability  is, 
that  it  was  much  greater  than  is  here  stated.  By  a 
statement  of  Captain  Glegg,  General  Brock's  aid-de- 
camp, it  appears,  that  three  days  before,  a  thousand 
Indians  attended  a  Council ;  and  that  these  were  war- 
riors, appears  from  his  saying,  that  their  equipment 
was  generally  very  imposing.*  Moreover,  Lieutenant 
Forbush,  an  American  prisoner  at  Maiden,  testified, 
on  General  Hull's  trial,t  that  he  counted,  on  15th  of 
August,  six  hundred  warriors,  passing  up  (that  is  to 
say,  from  Maiden  to  Sandwich),  some  on  horseback 
and  some  on  foot.  But  a  large  body  of  Indians 
had  attended  General  Brock's  army,  the  previous  day, 
from  Maiden  to  Sandwich,  and  were  seen  by  hundreds 
of  persons  from  the  opposite  bank.  Now,  as  Sand- 
wich is  18  miles  from  Maiden,  the  600  Indians  whom 
Forbush  counted  at  Maiden,  on  the  loth,  must  have 


*  Brock's  Life,  p.  228. 


f  Forbes'  Report,  p.  MG. 


382 


inSTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAinN  OF  1813. 


been  exclusive  of  the  hundreds  who  were  at  Sand 
wieh  that  very  time.     General  Brock,  then,  had  with 
him  probably  at  least  1600  or  1700  men,  when  he  at- 
tacked Detroit.     Let  us  now  see  how  many  General 
Hull  had  with  him  at  the  same  time. 

By  a  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  April 
9th,  1812,  the  number  of  troops*  originally  put  under 
his  command  were,  1200  militia  from  the  State  of 
Ohio,  and  the  4th  United  States  regiment,  consistin'' 
of  300  men.  By  a  return  dated  Fort  Findlay,  June 
26th,  while  on  his  march,  General  Hull's  army  at  that 
time,  amounted  to  2075.  But  this  included  all  those 
on  the  rolls  of  the  regiments,  whether  absent  or 
present.  It  also  included  a  number  of  straggling 
volunteers,  who  were  not  under  General  Hull's^eom- 
mand,  because  unauthorized  by  the  President's  order 
to  Governor  Meigs ;  it  included  also  the  wagoners, 
pack-horse  men,  and  other  camp  attendants,  whose 
names  must  be  in  the  returns,  in  order  that  they  might 
draw  rations.  Thus  the  number  of  the  4th  regi- 
ment is  stated  in  this  return  at  483,  whereas  its  actual 
number  was  much  less. 

Captain  Snelling  states  that  it  had  not  more  than 
320  effective  men,  and  in  the  aggregate  about  4.00.t 
Colonel  iMiller  states  the  effective  force  of  the  regi- 
ment on  16th  August,  at  250  or  260.t 

The  troops  originally  put  under  General  Hull's 

*  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  65.  was  tlio  strcnglh  of  the  4th  rcn- 

t  Siielling's     testimony,    Hull's  merit  on  the  last  day  of  July,  or  the 

Trial  page 42.  first  „f  August,  including  the  do- 

t  Colonel's    Miller'.s    testimony,  tachment   of  the  first  ?"     Ans    "  I 

Hull's  Trial,  p.  111.    Qucs.'<Wiiat  cannot   say    precisolv    abnut   SO^ 


•e  at  Sand 
Ml,  had  with 
wh(Mi  ho  at- 
xuy  General 

dated  April 
y  put  under 
the  State  of 
t,  consistin'j 
ndlaj,  June 
Eirmyatthat 
led  all  those 
absent  or 
straggling 
Hull's  eom- 
[lent's  order 
;  wagoners, 
ants,  whose 
:  tliej  might 
e  4ih  regi- 
as  its  actual 

t  more  than 
bout  40O.t 
»f  the  regi- 

eral  Hull's 

f  tlin  4th  rogi- 
'  of  July,  or  tlie 
eluding  the  (le- 
st ?"  Ans.  "I 
!y,  about  300, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT, 


383 


command,  consisted  of  1500  men.  To  these  are  to 
be  added  the  garrison  of  Detroit,  consisting  of  50, 
the  volunteers  who  remained  with  the  imwy  amount- 
ing to  perhaps  100,  and  the  militia  of  Michigan. 
The  whole  population  of  Michigan  consisted  of  5000 
souls,  and  was  scattered  along  the  shores  of  the  lake 
and  river,  and  was  exposed  to  Indian  depredations 
and  attacks.  Few  of  the  militia,  therefore,  could  be 
spared  from  the  defence  of  their  homes.  Major  Jes- 
sup  states  the  number  of  Michigan  militia  at  400,  but 
this  includes  those  absent  from  Detroit. 

The  only  testimony  to  the  number  of  militia  ac- 
tually present  on  the  16th  of  August,  is  that  of  Co- 
lonel  Watson  (Trial  of  Gen.  Hull,  p.  149),  who 
states  the  number  under  Colonel  13rush  on  that  day, 
at  150,  he  being  himself  with  them  at  the  time.  The 
whole  number  of  troops  under  General  Mull's  com- 
mand from  the  beginning  of  his  march  until  the  sur- 
render, was  therefore, 


X  • 

Ohio  Militia, 

1200 

2. 

4th  United  States  regiment, 

300 

3 

Michigan  Militia,  . 

150 

4. 

Garrison  at  Detroit,     . 

50 

5. 

Ohio  Volunteers,    . 

100 

1800 

From  this  number,  we  must  subtract  those  left 
behind  killed,  missing,  detached,  &c.,  namely  : 

principally  in  good  licaltli."     Qncf.     w.n,  j.bonfJSO  or  260,  etTccfive  fnr 
"  What  wfis its  force  on  themoniintr    duty." 
of  the  surrender  ?"     Ans.    "  Tliero 


1384 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAION  OF  1812, 


1    Tlirc'o  Block-liDuses,  built  and  garrisoned,  say,  *  (')  30 

2.  Ft)rt  on  tlu!  JMianii,  garrisoned,  (')  30 

3.  Made  |trisoners  on  vessel,  (')  50 

4.  Left  sick  at  River  Raisin,  {*)  25 

5.  Killed,  wounded,  *Sic.,  4tli  August,  (')  75 
0.     Do.            do.                 Hth       do.        C)  80 

7.  Detachment  under  McArtliur,  (')  350 

8.  Sick,  {")  800 

840 

Subtract  840  from  1800  leaves  9(50. 

We  will  now^ivo  other  testimony  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  General  Hull's  troops. 


*  (1)  Ten  nicii  (or  ciich  lilock- 
liouse  is  cort;iiiily  not  n  liirji'c  nllow- 
niico.  ('2)  A  siiliiilt'.M'ii  ollu'cr  iiiiil 
30  men  wore  loft  at  this  place,  by 
onk'r  of  tlu!  S;'cri>tiiry  of  War. 
(IliiU's  MiMiioirs,  ]).  11!).)  (3) 
rorl)nsirst('!^timoiiy.  '"Dr.  Fidwanis 
was  directed  to  take  ciiief  jiart  of 
t!ie  hospital  stores,  and  as  many  of 
the  men,  most  si;'k.  as  tlio  vessel 
conld  carry."'  ("ass's  testimony, 
Trial,  p.  17.  ••  .\'.i  );il  VJ  or  .5  )  m:>ii, 
invalids,  his  (witness's)  own  servant, 
and  part  of  his harrjiajje,  were  in  tiic 
vessel."  (I)  I  lull's  Memoirs,  p. 
119.  (!))  Vanhorne's  testimony, 
Hull's  Trial,  paji-u  70.  Hull's  Me- 
moirs, p.  ll!l.  (<i)  Colonel  Miller's 
testimony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  108. 
"The  loss  in  the  battle,  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  81  :  hetliinks  17 
killed  on  the  ifround  and  (i  1  wound- 
ed. (7)  Hull's  Trial,  Cass's  testi- 
mony, p.  '23.      "  Colonel  Cuss  then 


said,  that  he  left  Detroit  on  the  lUh 
August,  in  the  evenint;,  with  a  de- 
tachment of  about  330  men,  under 
Colonel  McArthur.  (S)  As  the 
hospital  stores  and  medicines  had 
been  taken  in  the  ])ackot  by  the 
IJriti.sh,  the  sick  were  numerous. 
We  estimate  them  at  200,  for  the 
followinrf  reasons.  (^a])tain  East- 
man, of  Ith  H.  S.  rco-iment,  testified 
on  Hull's  Trial,  p.  90,  that  "the 
grand  agf,'reirate  of  that  regiment, 
incltiding  a  smull.  delachmenl  of  the. 
Is/,  then  1  in  fit  for  (hihj,  and  Iho  sick, 
was  315,  on  1.5th  Aufrust.  Colonel 
JMiller  testilied  p.  Ill,  that  on  the 
morniniij  of  Auo-ust  l(j,  there  were 
about  250  or  -iOO  ell'ective  for  duty," 
conserpiently  there  must  have  been 
nearly  100  men  disabled  and  sick  in 
this  sintrlo  reiriment.  Wo  cannot 
therefore  estimate  the  number  of 
sick  in  all  four  regiments  at  less 
than  200  men. 


ay,*  (')30 
.'JO 
50 

:;i5 

75 

80 

350 

yoo 

810 


o  the  num- 


roit  on  tlio  lUh 

\ng,  witli  ii  (Ic- 

50  men,  under 

(8)    As  the 

Mieilicines  had 

packet  by  the 

ore   numerous. 

iit  200,  Hjr  tlic 

(^.■il)tiun    I'jiist- 

>'iment,  testified 

9!>,  tii;it  "  the 

tiiiit  regiment, 

'achment  of  the. 

'//,  (I  ml  I  he  sick, 

ijTnst.     Colonel 

11,  tl  lilt  on  the 

1  ('),  tiiere  were 

■ctive  f(ir(hity," 

uist  Imve  been 

lied  and  sick  in 

I.     We  cannot 

the   number  of 

'imcnts  at  less 


AND  SUIUllONDER  OF  Till;  I'OST  OF  DKTIloIT.       3^5 

1.  G(Mu>i;il  Hull,  ill  his  (.riicial  (Ic.sjkhcIi  givin^r  an 
account  of  tlio  smiciuicr,  sa^s :  "At  this  limo^he 
wiioh;  cricctivo  (oicc  at  iiij  disposal  at  Dclioii,  did 
not  i'\c(!cd  800  men." 

2.  Major  Jitssiip's  fcslinioiiy  is  niort;  jiariiciilar. 
Jn  Foihes'  Pu'portor  Hull's  'JVJal,  it  is  as  (olh>vv.s  : 
"lie  staled  also  that  Ik^  had  received  a  report  liom 
diClereiit  adjiiiaiits  of  dirrereiit  eoij,s,  esiimatiiio  ,|,e 
men  fit  for  action,  and  thinks  that  the  aiiioiiii't  (as 
stated  in  General  Cass's  letter)  e,\eee(h'(l  1000  men, 
inchidiiii,'  the  Michi-an  militia  of  400,  and  the  de- 
tachments ahsentwith  Colonels  Cass  and  IMcArthnr; 
perhaps  this  estimation  includes  the  Midiinan  leoion' 

*         *         *        -K-        'I'l  I  .  '"^  ^  ' 

1  lUM-e  were  also  some  (JO  or  'lO  armed 
wa-on.Ms."--lliiirs  'iVi.I,  p.  [)].,  Jf  ,,,>  snhtract 
from  lOGO  t!u<  .TjO  men  ahseiit  under  Cass  aim  Mc- 
Arthur,  and  a(hi  the  10  wagoners,  the  whole  nmnher 
of  troo|)s  present,  accoidinu  to  i\Fajor  Jessiij),  wonid 
be  about  750. 

3.  Major  Jessiip,  in  his  testimony  on  t!ie  trial, 
pag(>  90,  furnishes  lis  with  another  esiiinate  of  the 
nnmbcr  of  General  J  lull's  troops  on  lOih  of  August,, 
which  mak(>s  it  considerably  larger  than  that^jnst 
given.  During  his  cross-t-xamination  by  General 
Hull,  he  was  asked,  "  Do  you  r(>coll(>ct  the  pajier  now 
presented,  and  in  tlu;  words  '  (effective  a""r(>oatn  of 
the  three  regiments,  about  700  'r" 

Answer.  "  It  is  in  my  lKindwriting,Kind  was  hand- 
ed by  me  to  General  Hull,  on  the  evening  of  August 
15tli.  The  w\igoners  of  the  regim(Mits,  1  believe, 
were  included   in  the  estimate,  hut  the  ith  regiment 

25 


tm 


HISTORY  OF  TIIK  CAMPAION  OK  1H12, 


was  not  ;  it  was  only  what  rcuuiiiird  of  Cass  and 
McArthur's,  and  the  wliolc  of  Colonel  Findlay's  rc- 
pmcnt,  and  so  expl. lined  at  the  tlni(!." 

Major  Jessup  evidenti}'  inehided  in  this  estimate 
ail  the  effeetive  Ibiee,  except  the  4th  regiment,  oven 
to  tho  wagoners,  lie  makes  it  ahoiit  7U0  :  add  the 
c(Te(;tive  of  the  kli,  (hy  Colonel  Miller's  testimony, 
250  or  2G()  men,)  and  we  have,  as  the  total  effective 
force  under  General  llnlPs  command  at  the  time  of 
tho  surrender,  about  1)50  men.  But  as  he  says 
"about  700  men,"  he  may  have  exaggerated  tho 
numbers.  We  have  then  the  following  estimates  of 
General  Hull's  troops  : 

1.  CiikulatioM   (if  llic  miinhors  originally  urulcr 

his  coinmiuid,  by    sublrncting  those    killed, 

detached,  sick,  <fce.  9(50 

2.  General  ITuH's  own  statement,  800 
:i.  Miijor  Jessiip's  first  statement.  750 

4.  Major  Jessup's  seeonil  estimate.  050 

5.  Colonel  Cass's  estimate  in  his  letter  of  Sept.  10, 

makes  the  nnmber  1000 

But  Colonel  Cass  was  absent  at  the  time,  and 
Major  .Jessup  tells  us  that  the  estimate  in  Colonel 
Cass's  letter  was  derived  from  himself.  Now,  aceord- 
iwr  to  Forbes'  Rei)ort  of  the  Trial,  Major  Jessup's 
testimony,  give.i  under  oath,  makes  the  number  '00 
less.  Almost  all  subsequent  writers,  in  giving  the 
number  of  General  Hull's  troops,  have  followed  Co- 
loiiel  Cass,  and  made  it  amount  to  1060,  instead  of 
recmrint;  to  the  testimony,  which  would  have  shown 
it  5i)  '-, «  muni  less.     If  we   take  the  average  of  the 


S12, 

of  Cass  and 
Fiiullay's  rc- 

tliis  estimate 

^iiiuMit,  oven 

00  :  add  the 

's  testimony, 

otal  effective 

the  time  of 

as    he  says 

[jgerated  the 

estimates  of 


under 

killed, 

9(50 
800 
750 
OfjO 


AND  SUURrONUKH  OF  Tlin  POST  OK  nETROIT. 


387 


Icpt.  10, 

1000 

ho  time,  and 
te  in  Colonel 
Now,  aceoid- 
[ajor  Ji'ssnp's 

number  ''00 
in  giving  the 

followed  Co- 
)0,  instead  of 
1  liave  shown 
verage  of  the 


first  fonr  estimates,  whicli  is  805,  we  shall  ,,roI,ahly 
have  the  nun.her  of  (ieneral  Hull's  eff.rtive  force,  as 
nearly  as  it  can  now  bo  ascertained. 

IV.   We  Ikiv(!  shown,  that  an   army  destitute  of 
provisions,  and   (;ut  olT  from  its  supplies,  and  which 
cannot  re-open  its  eomnnmications,    must  uwmMy 
iail:  that  (;eneral  Hull's  army  was  thus  destitute,  and 
thus  incapable  of  opening   its  communications.     VVe 
iu.ve  shown  that  to  succeed  in  the  enterprise  intrusted 
to  Ge.uM-al  Il.dl,  there  was  necessary   the  conunand 
of  Lake  Eru! ;  ample   reinforcem(>nts   from   Ohio   to 
keep  open   the   road   through  the  wilderness,  and'  to 
support  his  army  in  its  mov.-ments;  and  co-operation 
at  Niagara.     We  have  seen  that  he  had  no  reinforce- 
ments from  Ohio,  that  the  T.ake  was  under  the  con- 
trol of  th<>  British,  and  from  the   absence  of  co-ope- 
nition  at   Niagara,  and   the  armistic(!  of  Dearborn 
Pievost  and  IJrock  were  enabled  to  accumulate  troops 
at  Maiden  and  Sandwich.     We  have  seen  that  by 
the  fall  of  Mackinaw,  the  Indians  and   British  from 
the  Northwest  were  thrown  upon   Detroit:  finally, 
W(^  have  (Mideavoured  to  prove,  that  at  the  time  of  the' 
surrender.  General  Hull's  effective  force   could   not 
hav<>  (;x(H-eded  865,  whih;  those  of  Brock  nuist  have 
amountrMJat  h>ast  to  1  GOO  or  1700  men  ;  besides  large 
Clumbers  of  Indians  near  at  hand,  ready  to  reinforce 
him. 

It  only  remains  for  us  now  to  prov(>,  that  this 
condition  of  things  was  not  the  fault  of  General  Ilnll, 
but  was  owing  to  tin;  neglect,  ignorance,  errors,  or 
"'ability  of  the  Administration  at  Washington,  and 
of  the  Commander-in-chief,  General  Dearborn. 


388 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  01'' 


Hull 


1.  It  was  cert.. inly  not  G(Mirral  Hnli  s  i.;ii.  ,  'S 
the  British  had  \\w  command  of  Lake  Erie,  dv  we 
have  shown  tlii'l  in  180l\.  1811,  and  1812,  he  ad- 
dressed ol'licial  communications  ;o  the  American 
Government,  urging  Ujjon  them  the  importance  o^" 
gaining  the  control  of  the  Lakes. 

2  It  certainly  was  not  the  fault  of  General 
that  his  communications  through  Ohio  were  int(;r- 
cepted.  It  could  not  possibly  he  expected  that  with 
an  army  of  less  than  1200  men,  he  should  stretch 
back  along  a  line  of  two  hundred  miles,  through  a 
Iderness  filled  with  savages,  while  he  was  at  the 
same  time  defending  himself  against  a  superior  force 
in  front.    Me  made  three  st^paratf^  attempts  to  re-open 


\vi 


his  communications,  o 


ne  of  which,  thouiih  victorious, 


did  not  succeed  in  jienctrating  twenty  miles. 

3.  It  certainly  was  not  General  Hull's  fault  that  he 
was  not  reinforced  from  Ohio,  f(>r  as  early  as  July 
5th  he  wrote  to  iIk;  S(M'retary  of  War.  that  •'  troops 
would  be  absolutely  nec(^ss:iry  on  the  read,  to  protect 


pr 
M 


•ovisions."     On    .Tidy  29ih   he  wrote   to  Governor 
ei'TS  of  Ohio,  Governor  Scott  of  Kentuekv,  and  to 


the  Secretarv  of  War,  requesting  an  immediate  rein- 
forcement of  '-000  men.  And  before;  assmning  the 
command  of  th(>  army,  he  infortned  the  Secretary  of 
War  that  three  thousand  men  would  be  necessary.* 

4.  It  certainly  was  not  General  Hull's  fmit  that 
there  was  no  eo-oj)eration  at  Niagara.  According  to 
the  plan  of  the  campaign,  as  understood  and  agreed 

*  Gen.  I'.  IJ.  P()rler':<  U'-tii.umy,     mod'.'  of  siipij'viiif:^  liioiii.  .•\inl  t.lmu 


Hull's   Tri;il, 


TJ7. 


(icn.     propn^:-.!  iSOOd  luun. 


Hull  talked  of  provi.sions,  imd  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


389 


joneral  Hull 
wore  iiiter- 
vd  thai  with 
loiild  stretch 
i,  through  a 
;  was  at  the 
Liperior  force 
Its  to  rc-open 
gh  victorious, 
liiivs. 

s  iauh  that  he 
:'arly  as  Jul) 
that  "  troops 
;ul,  to  protect 
to  Governor 
tiu;ky,  and  to 
lucdiate  rein- 
assumin"'  the 


ll's  fault   thai 

According  to 

;)d  and  agreed 


upon  l)(!twcen  General  Dearborn  and  the  Secretar 


of  War,  Canada  was  to   be   invaded 


simultaneously 


by  four  armies,  one  at  Detroit,  one  at  Niagara,  one  at 
Sacket's  Harbour,  and  one  at  Lake  Champlain.  If 
any  thing  like  this  had    been  attempted,  there  is  no 


doubr  that  it   nii<ilit  have  be 


en  easily  accomplished, 


and  Canada  must  have  faHen.  All  the  preparations 
should  iiave  been  completed  before  the  declaration  of 
war.  But  in  fact  General  Hidl's  army  was  the  oidy 
one  which  was  ready  for  action.  Yet  even  then,  by 
a  vigorous  effort,  forces  might  have  been  accumilated 
at  Niagara  and  at  Sacket's  llarboiu',  which  would  have 
made  it  impossible  for  Prevost  or  Brock  to  seifd  any 
reinforcements  to  Maiden.  But  nothing  could  ex- 
c'jse  the  dilatoriness  of  Government  in  its  prepara- 
tions and  movements.  Jt  was  not  till  eight  days  af- 
ter war  was  declared,  that  the  Secretary  wrote  to 
GeiKM-al  Dearborn,  to  tell  him  that  after  he  had  made 
the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  defence  of  the  sea- 
board, he  was  to  goto  Albany  and  make  i)roj)arations 
to  move  in  the  dir(>ction  of  Niagara,  Kingston,  and 
iMontreal.^'  In  this  letter  he  is  told  to  "take  his  own 
time,"  as  tiiough  a  little  delay  might  be  of  service, 
and  th(>  danger  to  [)(;  apprehended,  was  that,  of  too 
great  despatch. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  thirteen  days  after  this,  the 
Secr(!tary  of  War  remembers,  that  ther{>  was  some 
plan  for  invading  Canada,  and  writ(.>s  to  General 
Dearborn,  telling  him,  "  the  j)eriod  has  arrived,  when 


lirr  lilOIII.  aiiil  t.lmu 
lun." 


7^iAc  2(!  hi  Ajipojulix. 


390 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


your  services  are  required  in  Albany,"  and  orders  him 
after  he  shall  have  ])laccd  the  works  on  the  sea-coast 
in  the  best  state  of  defence,  to  "  order  all  the  re- 
cruits not  otherwise  disposed  of,  to  march  immediate- 
ly to  Albany.'"^  The  princijile  of  the  worthy  Secre- 
tary evidently  was,  one  thing  at  a  time.  First 
arrange  every  thing  on  the  sea-coast,  and  then  it  will 
be  time  enough  to  think  about  Canada.  As  to  Gen- 
era) Hull's  army,  that  is  a  good  way  ofli^,  and  we  iiave 
not  heard  any  thing  about  it  yet,  and  we  can  leave 
that  to  take  care  of  itself  just  now.  July  20,  that  is, 
ten  days  after  this,  the  Secretary  l)egins  to  wonder 
what  has  become  of  General  Hull's  army,  and  to 
think,  that  ii  little  co-operation  would  be  desirable^ 
He  therefore  writes  to  (lenerai  Dearborn,  that  he  is. 
in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  from  General  Hull, 
who  probably  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  o»h  instant. 
"  You  will  make  such  arrangements  with  Governor 
Tompkins,  as  will  place  the  militia  detached  by  him 
for  Niagara  and  other  posts  on  the  Lakes  under  your 
control,  and  there  should  be  a  communication,  and  if 
practicable  a  co-operation  throughout  the  whole  fron- 
tier." By  this  time,  it  vSeems,  the  Secretary  has 
couK!  to  think  a  co-operation  in  the  movements  of  his 
armies  a  desirable  thing,  though  not  very  practicable. 
But  after  reflecting  upon  it  six  days  longer,  he  writes 
to  General  Dearborn,  on  July  26th,  telling  him  thaii 
he  had  heard  of  General  HulFs  arrival  at  Detroit, 
and    says,    "  arrangements    should    be    immediately 


*  Rrconl^ol'  Wiir  ortlcp,  X'ol   »;.  Kolins  VTi  :|ii(J  n; 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DFTROIT. 


391 


made  by  you  to  co-oporate  with  him  at  Niagara," — 
co-operation  he  cvidLMitly  now  believes  to  bo  j)racti- 
cable,  as  well  as  desiraWe. 

While  tliese  reflections  were  passing  throu"-h  the 
mind  of  the  Secretary  of  ^Var,  how  was  General 
Dearborn  occupied?  Piirsnin<i-  the  wise  and  military 
maxim  of  'one  thing  at  a  time,'  he  was  busily  en- 
gaged in  dividing  his  recruits  among  the  forts  along 
the  sea-coast,  ])utting  twenty  nuni  in  one  and  fifty  in 
another,  as  might  be  necessary. 

After  this  important  business  was  settled,  the 
Commander-in-chief  goes  to  Albany,  to  carry  on  the 
cami)aign  against  Canada.  One  thing,  however, 
rather  puzzles  him — "  Wlio  has  tln^  command  at  Ni- 
agara ?"  On  the  20th  July,  some  three  weeks  after 
General  Hull's  arrival  at  Dcitroit,  he  writes  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  ask,  whether  it  was  he  himsolf 
or  some  one  else,  who  was  in  command  of  the  oper- 
ations in  [J|)per  Canada.*  On(;  would  think  it  was 
about  time  for  him  to  know.  Finding  by  the  Secre- 
tary's letter  of  July  20th  and  26th,  that  it  was  actually 
himself  who  was  to  command  on  tin;  frontier,  he  pro- 
ceeds, not  without  due  deliberation  aj)parently,  (for 
it  is  eighteen  days  after  the  date  of  the  Secretary's 
first  letter,  and  seven  days  after  the  receipt  of  the 
second  at  Albany,)  to  '.)rder  troops  toward  Niagara. 
Probably  this  delay  of  a  week  in  issuing  his  orders 


*  Extract  from, ■ilctli'rlVoinCii'ne-  iiiaiiil  of  tin'  ojn-rations  in  Upper 
ral  Dearborn  to  tlio  Sccn'tary  of  Canuia?  I  take  it  for  jrrantod  that 
War,  dated  (ireeiibiish,  .Inly  -JOtli,     my  command  do^s   not  extend  to 


1812,     "Wboistoh 


l>.v  (•( 


'ni-    ihit  dis  unt 


quarar. 


392 


IirSTOIlY  OF  TUP,  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


after  Iio  had  rccoivod  tlio  Secretary's  letter  of  the 
2Gth,  eontaiiiiiig  thi^  most  iiiHM|uivocaI  instructions  to 
make  a  diversion  on  th(!  Niagara,  was  owing  to  his 
being  aware,  that  it  wouhl  be  too  hUe  to  be  of  any 
service.  For  lie  says  in  his  h'tter  of  August  7th  to 
the  Secretarv,  after  speaking  of  thi;  reinforcements 
vvliieh  he  had  ordered  to  Niagara,  "  I  trust  they 
will  move  soon,  but  too  kite,  I  fear,  to  make  the  di- 
version in  favour  of  General  Hull,  which  is  so  desira- 
ble." llowi>ver,  on  the  7tli  and  <)th  August  (j(<nera! 
Dearborn  did  at  last  begin  to  order  troops  to  Niagara, 
to  effect  a  div(Msion  in  Gleneral  IJull's  favour.  J3ut 
on  the  9th  he  concluded  an  armistice,  by  which  he 
bound  himself  to  act  solely  on  the  defensive,  thus  al- 
lowing General  Brock  to  take  all  his  trooj)s  from  Ni- 
agara, if  he  chose,  and  carry  them  to  Detroit,  to  act 
offensively  there,  while  he  prevented  himself  from 
making  anv  attack  at  Niai^ara.  The  course  of  Gen- 
eral Dearborn  in  all  this  aflair,  is  really  most  extraor- 
dinary. 

On  .July  'JOih  he  writes  to  know  who  has  the 
command  at  Niagara.  On  .July  31st  he  receives  the 
Secretary's  l(tt(>r,  telling  him  thai  he  has  the  com- 
mand, and  instructing  him  to  co-operate  with  General 
Hull  innnediately,  by  offensive  movements  at  Niagara. 
August  7th  and  (Mth  he  j)r()ceeds  to  obey  these  in- 
structions, by  ordering  troojis  and  artilleries  to  move 
without  delay  to  Niagara.  And  August  9th  he 
signs  an  armistice^,  by  which  he  |)revents  himself  from 
making  any  offensive  demonstrations  at  Niagara  or 
,any  where  elsc^,  but  allows  General  Brock  to  march 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  TOST  OF  DETROIT.       393 


lettrr  of  the 
stiuctions  to 
Dwing  to  his 
t)  be  of  any 
J  gust  7th  to 


vlio  has  the 
rccoives  the 
as  th(;  com- 
^  iih  General 
i  at  i\ia<iara. 
cy  th(;se  in- 
ries  to  move 
iiist  9th  he 
himself  from 
;  Niagara  or 
ck  to  march 


all  tiie  troops  in  Upper  Canada  against  tieneral  I  full. 
The  terms  of  the  armistice;  wcmc,  that  the  troops  on 
both  sides  should  confine  thentselves  to  defensive  ope- 
rations, (!xcept  at  Detroit,  l)iit  that  CcMieral  J  J  nil  was 
to  he  left  at  lihertv,  either  to  accede  to  the  armistice 
or  to  continue  offensive  o|)(M'ations.  After  depriving 
himself  of  all  power  for  aiding  General  IJiill  hyolTen- 


sive    movements,  the   next   hest   thni" 


for    C 


I en era 


Dearborn  to  hav(;   done,  would   have  have   been,  to 


lave  liiven  Genera 


d  IJull 


an  immc 


diate 


onnortum 


tyof 


lee  Kim  ir 


whetl 


ler  to  come  into  the   armistice  or  not. 


A  communication  might  have  b(!en  sent  by  express, 
and  hav(!  reached  General  Hull  in  six  or  seven  days. 
If  this  had  Ixmmi  done,  it  Monkl  have;  prc^vented  the 
surrender  of  Di'troit  :  lor  the  letter  would  have  ar- 
rived there  on  or  before  August  loth,  and  the  orders 
of  Sir  George  Prtn'ost  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
which  were  imperative,  might  have;  been  communicat- 
ed to  General  Brock.  But  instead  of  sending  this 
important  communication  by  express,  it  was  actually 
nine  days  in  going  from  Albany  to  Lcjwistown,* 
travelliiiii'  at  the  rate  of  about  00  miles  a  day  ! 
General  If.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  in  his  defence  of  his  fa- 
ther, argues,  that  th(>  armistice;  concluded  by  him 
with  Sir  George  Prenost,  could  not  have  been  inju- 
rious to  General  Hull,  because  General  Brock  says  in 
a  letter,  dated  August  2oth,  that  he  did  not  hear  that 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  had  been  agreed  uj)on,  until 
his  return  to   Fort   Erie   from    Detroit.!     It  may  be 


*  NoU;  llh  ill  tlio  Aii;>;  lu'i:;. 


f  ncu'iiix'  (>r  General  Doiirborn 
bv  \\l<  ton. 


391. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


true  that  General  Brock  did  not  hear  that  the  armis- 
tice had  heen  actually  concluded,  before  his  departure 
for  Detroit,  but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that 
he  knew  it  was  in  contemj)lati()n.  General  Brock 
did  not  leave  York  till  the  Gtli  of  August,*  and  on 
the  2d  of  August,  Sir  George  Prevost  wrote  to 
him  express  from  Quebec,  informing  him  of  the  pro- 
posed arrangement,  and  also  that  he  Jiad  ordered  re- 
inforcements to  proceed  to  Upper  Canada. f  But 
even  though  General  Brock  had  not  heard  of  the  ar- 
mistice before  his  return  from  Detroit  and  Niagara, 
this  does  not  justify  General  Dearborn  in  agreeing  to 
it,  to  the  exclusion  of  General  Hull.  He  ought  to 
have  known,  that  its  effect  would  be  to  enable  Gene- 
ral Brock  to  move  with  his  whole  force  a":ainst  De- 
troit.  And  there  is  no  doubt  that  General  Brock 
would  never  have  ventured  to  leave  Niaaara  with  so 
large  a  body  of  troops,  had  he  not  been  satisfied  that 
no  movement  of  hostile  aggression  would  be  made  by 
the  Americans  from  that  point.  For  this  want  of  co- 
operation, General  Dearborn  or  the  Administration  is 
certainly  answerable.  We  do  not  wish  to  speak  with 
undue  severity  of  either.  General  JJearboru  had 
probably  no  other  motive  in  all  his  o])erations  than  to 
fulfil  his  duty,  but  the  effect  of  his  supineness  in  ac- 
tion, and  his  unjustiliabici  armistice,  were  as  fatal  to 
General  Hull  as  though  there  had  been  a  determina- 
tion to  sacrifice  him  bv  inaction,  or  by  connivance 
with  the  enemy  in  entering  into  the  armistice. 

*  Life  of  Major-Gcneral  Brock,        f  Note  5th  in  Appendix. 


il2, 

It  the  armis- 
lis  (lopartiire 
believe,  that 
neral  Brock 
list,*  and  on 
ost  wrote  to 
I  of  the  pro- 
l  ordered  re- 
lada.f  But 
'd  of  tlie  ar- 
md  Niagara, 
I  agreeing  to 
[le  ought  to 
nable  Gene- 
against  De- 
ne ra  I  Brock 
jar  a  with  so 
satisfied  that 
be  made  by 
i  want  of  co- 
inistration  is 
1  speak  with 
jar born  had 
tions  tiian  to 
leness  in  ac- 
e  as  Altai  to 
I  determina- 
1  connivance 
istice. 

ppendix. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       395 

No  doubt  the  Administration  carried  on  the  war  in 
as  efficient  manner  as  its  means  and  abibtj  permitted. 
But  no  reflecting  person  who  studies  the  history  of 
the  war  can  avoid  the  conclusion,  that  our  faihires  and 
misfortunes  in  the  first  campaign,  were  owing  almost 
exclusively  to  the  want  of  sufficient  prej)aration  be- 
fore war  was  declarcjd,  and  tlu;  want  of  co-operation 
and  celerity  of  action  after  it  had  commcmced.  For 
neither  of  these  can  blame  be  attached  to  General 
Hull. 

Some  may  blame  him  for  not  fighting.  'Tis  true, 
that  by  pursuing  an  opposite  course,  he  would  have 
rescued  his  reputation  from  the  imputation  of  coward 
ice,  but  a  man  who  had  fought  nine  battles  during 
the  Revolutionary  War,  and  had  twic(!  been  promoted 
for  his  bravery  and  gallant  conduct,  did  not  feel  him- 
self called  upon,  unnecessarily  to  expose  to  the  ruthless 
tomahawk  of  unrelenting  savages,  men,  women,  and 
children,  who  had  fled  to  the  fort  for  protection, 
merely  to  shield  a  reputation,  which  many  years  be- 
fore had  been  severely  tried,  and  had  established  for 
itself  a  character  for  unquestioned  courage. 

General  Hull  cannot  justly  be  blamed  for  the 
fall  of  Detroit,  and  the  surrender  of  his  army,  for  both 
must  have  occurred,  however  he  might  have  acted. 
Want  of  preparation  and  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  and  General  Dearborn,  with  the  ar- 
mistice of  the  latter,  made  these  events  inevitable. 


396 


IIISTOllV  OF  THE  CAMPAION  OF  1812, 


CHAPTER    IV. 

The  Court  MAnTiAL.-IIow  constituted,  and  ir.s  Chaha.  ti;k.-Its  Decision 
AND  Su.ntknci;.— COMU-Sln.v. 

We  now  pass  to  speak  of  GeiKM-al  Hull's  Trial  by 
a  Court  Afartial,  and  to  show  what  induenccs  were 
used  against  hiin,  and  by  what  means  the  public  mind 
became  possessed  with  the  belief  that  he  was  either 
a  traitor,  or  a  coward,  or  both. 

AVe  have  mentioned  the  extravagant  expectations 
M'hich  had  been  entertained  by  great  numbers  of  the 
peoph^,  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  of  the  ease 
with  which  the  t'anadas  would  be  conquered  by  the 
armies  of  the  United  States.     Men  of  more  wisdom 
and  exj)erience,  however,who  knew  the  real  diflicidties 
of  such  an  enter|)rise,  had  formed  quite  a  diflbrent 
opinion.     Among  these  was  General  Harrison,  who, 
as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extracts  from   his 
letters   to   the   Secretary  of  War,  early  foresaw  the 
probable  defeat  of  General  Hidl's  aruiy,  and  the  fall 
of  Detroit.    In  a  letter  of  August  6th,  1812,*  he  says: 
"The   information  received  a  day  or  two  ago  from 
Detroit,  is  of  the  most  unpleasant  nature:  the  loss  of 
Mackinaw  will  probably  be  followed   by  the   capture 
of  Fort  Dearborn  (or  Ciiicago)  ;  and  the  sus])ension  of 


*  P;u\>-onV  r-ifc  of  If.'irri.-on,.  p.  275. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


397 


1:1:. — Its  Decision 


offensive  operations  by  General  ITiill's  army  will,  I 
fear,  yive  great  strength  to  the  British  party  among 
the  Indians.  *  *  *  h  is  my  opinion,  that  it  will  he  the 
objeet  of  the  British,  to  draw  as  many  of  the  Indians 
as  possible  towards  Maiden,  to  eut  off  the  supplies 
from,  and  ultimately  to  eapture,  General  Hull's  army." 
In  a  letter  of  August  10th,  he  thus  speaks  :  "If  it  were 
certain  that  General  Hull  uould  be  able,  (jveii  nith 
the  r(>inforeement  which  is  now  about  to  be  sent  to 
him,  to  reduce  Maiden  and  retake  Mackinaw,  there 
would  be  no  necessity  of  sending  other  troo[)s  in  that 
direction.  But  I  greatly  fear,  that  the  eapture  of 
Mackinaw  \\  ill  give  such  eck;t  to  the  British  and  In- 
dians, that  the  Northern  Tribes  will  pour  down  in 
swarms  upon  Detroit,  oblige  General  Hull  to  act  on 
the  defensive,  and  meet  and  perhaps  overpower  the 
convoys  and  reinforcements  which  may  be  s(!nt  to 
him.  It  appcuirs  to  nu;,  indeed,  highly  jjrobable,  that 
tlu!  large  detachment  which  is  now  destintul  lor  Ids 
relief  luider  Colonel  Wells,  will  have  to  fi^ht  its  way. 
I  rely  greatly  on  the  valour  of  those  troi)])s,  but  it  is 
possible  that  the  event  may  be  adverse  to  us,  and  if 
it  is,  Detroit  must  fall — and  with  it  every  hope  of  re- 


establ 


ishiuii  our  affairs  in 


that 


[juarte 


r,  nil 


tiltl 


)e  next 


year.  I  am  also  ap[)rehcnsive  that  tlu;  provisions 
which  are  to  be  s(>nt  with  Colonel  \\ Clls,  are  by  no 
means  equal  to  the  supply  of  tlie  army  for  any  leniith 
of  time,  increased  as  it  will   be   by  this  detachment. 


Tlu 


ey  must  then  depend  U[)on 


small  convovs,  which 


can   never   n^ach   their  destination   in  safety,  if  the 
British  and  Indians  think  prop(>r  to  prevent  it.   Com- 


398 


irrSTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


maiidiiifr  as  1IU7  do  tlu;  navigation  of  ilio  Lake,  the 
liriiish  can,  with  the;  utmost  facility,  transfer  their 
force  from  the  one  side  of  it  to  the  other;  meet  our 
detachments  and  ()ver|)o\ver  them,  if  they  are  small, 
vvhili;  performing  a  lahorions  and  circuitous  march 
through  a  swampy  country,  at  any  point  they  think 
projK-r.  To  prevent  these  disasters,  or  to  remedy 
them  should  tln^y  occur,  a  considerahie  coverini;  army 
appears  to  me  to  he  the  only  alt(M-native  :  for  should 
any  of  my  apj)rehensions  lie  realized,  it  is  out  of  the 
question  to  stij)p()S(!  that  troops  could  he  collected 
time  enough  to  rendcu'  any  essential  service."* 

It  will   he  se(Mi   how  exactly  General   Harrison 
points  out  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  (Jencral 
Mull's    army,   and    how  clearly   he    anticipated    the 
probahility  of  its  overthrow.     These  views,  however, 
were;    shared    by   very   few    persons  in    the    United 
States.     Jgnorant  of  the  real  state  of  things,  it  was 
universally  su])posed,  that  General  IJull  was  to  cap- 
ture Canada  with  scarcely  any  opposition,  and   the 
news  of  the   surrender  of  Detroit    came   upon   the 
country  without  any  warning.     The  party  opposed 
to  the  war  very  natmally   made  use  of  this  disaster 
to  show  that  their  views  had  been  correct,  and  threw 
the  blame  u|)on  the  Administration  and  the  opposite 
party,  who  had  plunged  the  country  into  war  without 
adequate  preparation. 

At  first  the  ^Administration  scarcely  attempted  to 
defend  itself.f     But  it  soon  found  a  man   ready  and 


*  Nf)((:  6th  in  Appendix, 


t  Note  7tli  in  Appendix. 


12, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       399 


3  Lake,  the 
aiisCcr  tlu'ir 
;  in(!oi  our 
'  arc;  small, 
(ous  inarcli 
;  tliev  think 

to  rciiUHly 
k'criiig  HI  my 

for  should 
i  out  of  tlie 
le  collected 

il  Harrison 
of  (jcMicral 
ipatcd  the 
s,  how  {.'vcr, 
he  United 
iigs,  it  was 
as  to  cap- 
n,  and  the 
upon  the 
y  ()j)posed 
lis  disaster 
and  threw 
c  opj)osite 
ar  without 

cmpted  to 
ready  and 

ndix. 


wiHinj;  to  assist  it  to  throw  the  vvhoh!  blame  of  the 
disaster  upon  the  unsuccessfid  Cieneral.  Colonel 
Cass,  having  by  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  liberty 
to  return  home,  went  to  Washington,  and  wrote  his 
celebrated  letter  of  Se|)teml)er  lOth,  1812,  which 
has  been  the  j)rincipal  soiu'ce  of  all  subsecpient 
charges  against  (ieneral  Hull,  and  was  even  received 
as  evidence  on  his  trial.  TIk;  object  of  this  letter 
was,  to  convince  the  public  that  the  whole  blame  of 
tlu!  surrender  was  chariicable  to  the  Commander — 
that  he  wanted  neither  men  nor  su|)|)lies  of  any  kind, 
and  that  the  British  might  have  been  defeated  with 
perfect  ease,  but  for  the  cowardice  of  tlu;  General. 
His  letter  was  not  without  its  effect  on  the  public 
also,  w  ho  did  not  know  that  Colonel  Cass  had  writ- 
ten to  Covernor  M(Mgs  and  to  his  brother-in-law,  only 
a  few  da}s  before  th(!  surreniJer,  that  the  army  was 
in  want  of  ever'/  thing,  and  must  perish  unless  soon 
assisted. 

As  soon  as  General  lIuU  was  e.\chang(!d  and 
rcturniHl  to  the  United  States,  he  was  j)Iaced  under 
arrest,  and  the  Administration  e.\hil)ited  charges  for 
capital  oflences  against  him.  A  Court  Martial,  of 
which  General  VVadi;  llam|)ton  was  President,  was 
summoned  to  assemble!  at  IMiiladelpliia,  when  Gen- 
eral Hull  appeared,  and  was  ready  for  his  trial.  But 
this  Court  Martial  was  dissolved  by  the  J^resident, 
without  giving  any  rcNison  for  its  dissoliilion.  After 
General  Hull  had  been  another  year  under  arrest,  a 
new  Court  IVlartialwas  summoned,  of  which  General 
Dearborn  was  appointed  President. 


100 


MlSTdlJV  or  'I'HK  CAMP.MCN  or  isio 


It  w.is  at  AIIkiiiv,  Jamiarv  .'id,  Mil  k     A  majority 
oftlu"  ollitris  wcic  yoiiiio  „„.|i,  Liciilcnaiit  Coli.ncls, 
lately  |)ioinot<>(l  to  that  rank,  some  oC  whom  had  hrvii 
th(-  aids  (.r  Cinicral    Dcai  horn,  and  liad  hvvii   intro- 
duced into  the  arniv  hy  his  patronaue.     (i(>neral  Hull 
made  no  ohjeetion  to  tin;  manner  in  which  iIk-  Court 
was   eonsiitiit(«d,  for   he    w.is   anxious    for   his   trial. 
.S|)eeial  and  very  a  hie  eonnscl  \yv\r.  em|)h)ved  hy  the 
Covernment  to  assist   the  .liid-,.   Advocate,  hut  (ieii- 
eral    IlidPs  counsel  was  not   allowed   to  address  tho 
Court  in  his  defence.     Allhon-h  this  exclusion  of  the 
prisonerls  counsel  has   he  n  an  estahlished  custom  of 
forei-n  Courts  xAlartial,  there;  a|)iu>ars  no  ^ood  reason 
why  it  should   have    heen  followed   in  this  country; 
es|)ecially  as  it   eonllicts  with   the   provision  of  the 
Consiiiution,    which    declares    that    in    all    miiiimtl 
pwsccntions  the  accused  shall  have  the  assistance  of 
comisel  for  his  defence. 

Char^vs  of  treason,  cowardice,  and  neulect  of 
duty,  were  exhihited  a-ainst  Cieneral  llnl!,  under  the 
followinu'  specifications. 

Thesp(>eiricationsmiderthechariieof  treason  were: 
First.— "  lliiinu   the  vessel  to   transport  his   sick 

men  and  ha'iiiage  from  the  Miami  to  Detroit." 

S»'cond.~"N()t  attacking-   the    enemy's  fort  at 

Maiden,  and  retreatinj^'  to  Detroit." 

Third.—"  Not  strengthening  the  fort  of  Detroit. 

and  surriMidering." 

The  s])ecifications  under  the  charge  of  cowardice 
were  : 

First.— "Not  attacking  Maiden,  and retreatinir  to 
Detroit."  ^ 


12, 


AND  SUHRRNDHIl  OF  THK  POST  OF  DMTROIT. 


401 


A  m;ij()iify 
It  Colonels, 
in  had  Ixcii 
l)('(Mi  iiilro- 
i'IkimI  I  loll 
I  the  Court 
1'  Ills  trial. 
>}'(^d  Uy  the 
',  hilt  (i(!ii- 
Hldrcss  the 
ision  of  iho 

custom  of 
ood  reason 
<  cotiiHry; 
ion  of  the 
I  crinnnal 
isistance  of 

lU'iilcct  of 
under  the 

asoii  \v(>ro : 
rt  ills  sick 
)it." 
''s  fort  at 

)f  Detroit, 
cowardice 


reatnig  to 


Second.  "  Appearances  of  alarm  dmini;  the  can- 
nonade." 

Third.  "Appearances  of  alarm  on  the  day  of  the 
surrender." 

Fourth.   "  SurnMiderini^  Detroit." 

The  specifications  under  the;  c/'iariie  of  neglect  uf 
duly,  were  nnich  the  same  as  the  others. 

As  rejiards  tlu;  vAvav^c.  of  treason,  the  decision  of 
the  Court  was,  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction  of  the  of- 
fence, "  hut  tlu!  evideiuM!  on  the  siihject  having  heen 
publicly  given,  the  Court  deem  it  proper,  injustice  to 
the  accused,  to  say,  that  they  do  not  helieve,  from  any 
thing  that  has  appeared  before  them,  that  General 
Willian)  lliill  hascomnfitted  treason  a;j;ainst  the  Uni- 
ted States." 

The  Court  found  the  accused  guilty  of  the  s<!cond 
and  third  ciiarges,  and  seiiKinced  him  to  be  shot  to 
death  ;  but  on  account  of  his  revolutionary  services 
and  advanced  age,  earnestly  recommended  him  to  the 
mercy  of  the  President. 

The  President  approved  of  the  sentence  of  the 
Court,  but  remitted  the  execution  of  it. 

It  is  impossible  to  read  the  report  of  the  trial,  and 
not  feel  that  Hull  was  sacrificed  to  the  necessitv  of 
preserving  the  Administration  from  disgrace  and  ruin. 
Some  victim  was  necessary,  and  the  unsucc(!ssful 
General  was  the  one  upon  whom  the  public  indigna- 
tion could  most  easily  be  directed,  lie  therefore  be- 
came the  scape-goat  for  the  President  and  his  party. 

The  argument  which  influenced  many,  conscious- 
ly or  unconsciously,  was  like  that  of  Caiphas :  "  It 

26 


402 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


is  expedient  that  one  man  perish,  rather  than  the 
wliolc  j)arty  be  destroyed." 

A  jjolitical  expediency  made  the  destruction  of 
General  J I  nil  inevitabh^. 

The  constitution  of  the  Court  was  singular.  The 
President,  the  Commander-in-chief,  General  Dear- 
born, was  taken  from  his  duties  at  an  important  pe- 
riod of  the  war,  and  he  was  the  man,  who,  of  all 
otlun-s,  had  perhaps  the  greatest  interest  in  the  con- 
viction of  General  Hull.  If  the  fall  of  Detroit  was 
not  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  General  Hull,  it  was 
owing,  in  part,  to  the  errors  of  General  Dearborn,  in 
not  co-operating  at  Niagara,  and  in  concluding  the 
armistice  with  Prevost,  to  the  exclusion  of  General 
Hull  and  his  army.  The  ac(piittal  of  General  [lull 
would  be  the  condemnation  of  General  Dearborn.  A 
man  with  so  deep  a  j)ersonal  interest  would  not  be 
permitted  to  sit  as  Juror  in  a  matter  of  dollars  and 
cents  ;  but  General  Dearborn  was  brought  from  his 
duties  at  the  head  of  the  army,  in  time  of  war,  to 
he  made  President  of  the  Court  which  was  to  decide 
on  the  life  or  death  of  General  Hull. 

The  principal  witnesses  on  the  trial  gave  their 
testimony,  like  men  arguing  a  cause.  They  evident- 
ly evinced  an  anxiety  throughout,  to  show  that  Gen- 
eral Hull  was  to  blame  in  all  that  occurred.  They 
remembered  every  thing  that  made  against  him — no- 
thing that  could  tell  in  his  favour.  This  strong  de- 
termination to  do  their  commander  all  the  mischief 
in  their  power,  whether  arising  from  prejudice  or  a 
worse  motive,  deprives  their  testimony  of  the  weight 


312, 

ler  than  the 

estruction  of 

iigiilar.  The 
oncral  Doar- 
iiportant  pe- 
,  who,  of  all 
in  the  con- 
Detroit  \A'as 
Hull,  it  was 
Dearborn,  in 
)ncluding  the 
n  of  General 
General  [lull 
Dearborn.  A 
vould  not  be 
)f  dollars  and 
ight  from  his 
le  of  war,  to 
was  to  decide 

il  gave  their 
riiey  evident- 
)W  that  Gen- 
irred.  They 
nst  him — no- 
is  strong  de- 
I  the  mischief 
:)r(>judicc  or  a 
)f  the  weight 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROFT.       493 

■^t  might  otherwise  poss(>ss.     Thus  in  General  Cass's 
testimony,  we  fmd  a  very  remarkable  jmvver  of  re- 
collection in  regard   to  some  matters,  and  an  equally 
remarkable  forgetfuhiess  as  to  other  things.     If  any 
question  is  asked,  the  ansvvc^r  of  which  might  bene- 
ht  G(!neral    Hull,  he  finds  it  impossible  to  rem(>mber 
any  thing  about  it.    He  remembers  that  tin;  defences 
at  Maiden  were  poor,  and  "  was  of  opinion   that  the 
works  were  not  def(!nsible,"  but  he  "  does  not  recol- 
lect about  the  guns  or  gun-carriages  at  Detroit,"  and 
is   not  very  sure   that  the  enclosures  and   platforms 
were  defective,  though  he  rather  thinks  they  were. 
Though  his  memory  thus  fails  him   in   regard  to  the 
defective  guns  and   enclosures,  he    distinctly  recol- 
lects the  good  picketing  at  Detroit— "  it  was  in  re- 
markably good  order,  and  as  good  as  he   ever  sayv." 
He    cannot  recolh^ct,  within  four  days,  the  time   of 
crossing  from  Detroit  to  Canada— it  was  "  on  the 
12th    or    IGth   (he  could   not   be  precise   about  the 
time)"— he  cannot  even  rememb(>r  wiiether  Colonel 
Miller's  detachment  went  to  J3rownstown,  before  or 
after  the  evacuation  of  Canada.       Yet  his  testimony 
is  positive  to  his  conversation  with  ( urneral  Hull,  in 
which  he  recommended  more  active  measures,  and  in 
his  l(«tter  of  Se|)t.  10th  he  recollects  facts  wliich  oc- 
cnrr(>d  in  Detroit  diirinsr  his  absence  from  that  place, 

such  as  that  of  oOOofilK!  Ohio  militia  shedding  tears  be- 
cause they  were  not  allowed  to  fight.  The  testimony 
of  Snelling,  Mc Arthur,  Vanhorne,  and  some  other  of- 
ficers, is  still  more  strongly  marked  by  this  evident 
predetcrn)ination  to  say  as  many  *hings  as   they  can 


401 


HISTORY  OF  THK  CAMPAKJIV  OV  1813, 


to  injure  Gcnoral  Hull,  mid  as  Anv  as  possiblo  in  Ili^> 
favour.  Vrry  possilly  ibcy  nii^lit  not  have  been 
conscious  of  tliis  l)ias,  l»ut  it  is  noni!  lliclcss  apparent, 
on  the  face  ol  their  tc^stimony. 

One  peculiarity  in  this  trial  was,  that  the  opm- 
ions  of  the  witn(\sses  in  regard  to  military  measures, 
were  constantly  r(>c(^iv(Ml  as  evidence.  'I'his  is  Justly 
regarded  as  very  improj)er  by  all  w  riters  on  Courts 
Martial.  It  is  the  business  of  the  witnesses  to  tes- 
tify to  actions  ai  J  conduct;  that  of  the  Court,  to 
form  an  oj)inionasto  their  forct;  ami  application. 

0'J3rien,  in  his  late  work  on  American  Military 
Courts,  says:  "When  it  is  a  cpK^stion  of  military 
science,  to  affect  the  officer  on  trial,  (juestions  of 
opinion  are  inadmissible.  For  it  is  obvious,  that  tin; 
Court  has  met  for  nothing  els(>,  than  to  try  that  (pies- 
tion,  and  they  have  before  them  the  facts  in  evidence, 
on  which  to  ground  their  conclusions.  Courts  Mar- 
tial shoidd  be  very  cautious  in  r(>ceiving  evidence  as 
to  opinion,  in  all  instancies  ;  and  the  ()|)p()rtimities  and 
means  of  the  witness  for  forming  an  opinion,  sliotild 
be  made  to  api)ear." 

The  witnesses  all  gave  in  evidence  tin  ir  oplnioub 
that  General  llidl  ought  to  have  retained  the  bridge 
Aux  Canards  ;  ought  not  to  hav(!  evacuated  Canada  ; 
ought  to  Iiave  sent  a  larger  number  of  troops  with 
Vanhorne  ;  ought  to  have  exercised  his  troops  more  .; 
&c.,  &c.  Subtract  that  part  of  their  testimony 
which  is  made  up  of  their  opinions,  and  the  bulk  is 
much  reduced. 

General  Hull  was  acquitted  of  the  charge  of  trea- 


AND  SriMUONDKR  OF  THE  TOST  OF  DFTROIT. 


405 


wihlo  ill   lli^» 

liavo    been 

■ss  aj)[)aront, 

{  tlu!  ophi- 
y  mcasiii(^s, 
his  is  Jiisvly 

oil    Courts 
>S(.'S    to    tcs- 
e    Court,  t(^ 
cation, 
an  iVtilitarv 

of  military 
iicstions  o( 
IS,  that  th(" 
y  that  (|iu's- 
111  cvidciu'o, 
Jonrts  Mar- 
ovidcnco  as 
tunities  and 
lion,  slionld 

iir  opinioiiiy 
the  hri(li;c 
'd  Canada  ; 
troo])s  with 
oops  more .; 
Icstiinony 
the  bulk  is 

ff^c  of  trea- 


son, bccanso  th(!  principal  fact  on  which  this  charge 
was  based,  wonld  have  proved  the  Secretary  of  War 
Jiiiilty  of  treason,  rather  than  the  Ceneral.  Tiiis  fact 
was,  his  sending  a  vessel  by  the  lake,  after  war  was 
declared,  containing  his  invalids  and  hospital  stor(;s. 
But  when  Ik^  sent  the  vessel,  he  had  received  no 
notice  of  the  declaration  of  war,  though  notice  might 
easily  have  reached  him,  if  jiroper  nuNisiires  had  been 
taken  to  expedite  so  important  a  document.  Mean- 
time the  hritish  at  Maiden  had  rec(^iv(>d  notice  of  the 
ileclaration  of  war,  in  a  \vX\v\  Jranh d  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury;  in  conserpience  of  which  they  at- 
tacked and  took  Cj(!n(;ral  Null's  vcjssel. 

General  Hull  was  found  guilty  on  the  charge  of 
oovvardioe.  The  principal  evidence  under  this  charge, 
was  that  of  tlu;  miliiia  officers,  derived  from  his  per- 
sonal ajipearance  on  the  loth  and  IGth  August.  They 
testified  that  he  looked  frightened,  that  ho  chewed 
tobacco,  and  that  he  sat  against  a  wall,  as  they  sup- 
posed to  protect  himself  against  the  cannon  shot. 
Other  officers,  with  (piite  as  much  experience  as  these 
tnilitia  g(!iitl(Mii(!n,  saw  no  evidence  oi'  fear  in  the  con- 
duet  of  General  Hull.  Thus  Major  Vanhorne,  Cap- 
tain Bak(>r,  Major  Jessup,  Cajitain  Fuller,  Captain 
McCormiek,  and  especially  Cajitain  Snelling,  testified 
that  they  thought  General  Hull  under  tlu;  influence 
of  fear;  that  he  se(>nu.'d  agitated;  that  his  voice 
trembled,  &:e.,  kr.  But  other  ofiicers  saw  nothing 
of  the  kind — or  rather,  seeing  tlu;  same  appearances, 
they  interpreted  them  more  Justly  and  generously. 
They  kn(>vv  that  Gener(d  Hull  IkuI  endured  much  fa- 
ligue  and  exjiosure  ;  that  Jie  had  hardly  slept  for  sev- 


406 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815,. 


eral  nights ;  that  he  liad  mucli  responsibility  on  his 
mind  ;  and  they  attributed  to  those  causes  any  ap- 
pearance of  depression,  or  any  physical  inlirniity 
which  tliey  noticed.  Brave  men  do  not  suspect 
others  of  being  cowards,  on  sudi  slight  grounds.. 
Colonel  Miller  could  not.  be  brought  to  say  that  he 
thought  his  General  under  the  influence  of  })ersonal 
fear.*  Lieutenant  Bacon  did  not  susj)ect  that  any 
such  alarm  existed  in  the  mind  of  liis  commander.f 
Captain  Maxwell,  who  had  been  in  twenty-three 
battles,  in  three  wars,  saw  nothing  like  fear  in  the 
General's  manner.t  Major  Munson  gave  a  similar 
testimony.^  So  did  Captain  Dyson  and  Colonel 
Watson. II 

The  charge  of  cowardice  rests,  then,  upon  certain 
personal  appearances,  which  a  part  of  the  witnesses 
sujjposed  to  arise  from  fear  of  bodily  harm,  and  which 
another  part  ascribed  to  fatigue  of  body  and  anxiety 
of  mind. 

Which  of  these  interpretations  is  most  probable: 
Is  it  probable  that,  amid  an  army  of  heroes,  General' 
Hull  was  the  only  man  who  was  a  coward ;  that 
while  the  militia,  who  had  never  been  in  battle,  were 
shedding  tears  because  they  could  not  fight,  he  who 
had  fought  bravely  in  nine  pitched  battles  was  trem- 
bling with  terror  ?  Is  it  probable  that  while  those 
who  were  exposed  in  the  open  field  were  calm,  he 
whose  duty  recpiirc^d  no  such  exposure  was  agitated 
with  personal  &ar  ;  and   that  he  who  had  shown  iu 


*  Sco  Note  8,  in  Appomlix. 
f  Sec  Note  0,  ill  Apjiendix. 
t  Sec  Note  10,  in  Appendix.. 


Sec  Note  II, in  Appendix. 
Sec  Note  12,  iu  Appcmiix... 


2. 

(ility  on  hi& 
)es  any  ap-- 
il  inlirmity 
lot  suspect 
It  grounds. 
say  tliat  he 
of  personal 
•ct  that  any 
)mnK»nd('r.'f 
rventy-three 
fear  in  the 
e  a  similar 
nd   Colonel 

ipon  certain 
e  witnesses 
,  and  which 
ind  anxiety 

t  probable : 
es,  General' 
ward  ;  that 
)attle,  were 
ht,  he  who 
1  was  trem- 
►vhile  those 
re  calm,  he 
as  agitated 
d  shown  in. 

Appendix. 
Appcwii\.. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


407 


the  midst  of  danger  a  daring  courage,  should  be  in 
an  agony  of  terror  when  no  danger  was  near?  The 
supposition  is  entirely  absurd,  and  we  may  safely 
predict,  that  the  judgment  of  history  will  so  deter- 
mine. If,  then,  it  be  said  that  the  Court  Martial 
found  General  Hull  guilty,  and  that  therefore  he  was 
so,  we  reply — The  Court,  by  its  constitution  and 
situation,  was  under  a  bias,  that  made  it  almost  im- 
possible for  it  to  do  justice  to  the  prisoner.  The 
public  mind  had  heen  excited  against  him,  from  one 
end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  by  the  whole  force  of 
the  Administration  presses  and  of  the  war  j)arty. 
Scurrilous  pamphlets,  filled  with  the  grossest  abuse 
of  his  conduct,  were  hawked  about  for  sale,  at  the 
very  doors  of  the  house  where  he  was  beiu":  tried. 
The  President  of  the  Court  had  a  personal  intisrest 
in  his  condemnation.  All  those  who  testified  ajrainst 
him  had  been  rewarded  beforehand  with  ])romotion 
in  the  service — several  of  them  without  having  been 
in  any  other  campaign,  except  that  wath  General 
Hull ;  and  it  was  therefore  very  evident,  that  the 
way  to  favour  and  rank  was  to  be  found  in  taking  the 
same  side.* 

The  prosecuting  officer  was  assisted  by  sjiecial 
counsel,  while  General  Hull's  counsel  was  not  al- 
lowed to  speak.  The  opinions  of  witnesses  against 
him  were  freely  admitted,  as  evidence  concerning  mi- 
litary operations ;  and  ht!arsay  testimony  was  also 
received,  under  circumstances  not  dissimilar. 

In  reviewing  the  history  of  this  campaign,  it  seems 

*  Note  13,  in  Appendix. 


408 


HISTORY  OP^  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


to  US  that  tho  following  points  may  bo  rcgardod  as 
fully  ostahlislied  ; 

First. — That  so  long  as  Lake  Eric  was  com- 
niandod  by  tin?  British,  and  tho  wcmkIs  bv  l.ostilo  In- 
dians, and  by  tho  fall  of  P.  \  .  w  tho  Northern 
Indians  wore  let  loose  against  lerai  lioM,  and  no 
co-oj)eiMtion  or  diversion  in  his  favour  was  attempt- 
ed at  Niagara — it  was  impossiljle  for  Detroit  to  bo 
preserved  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  tlu;  British. 

Second.— 'Y\\\'^  state;  of  things  was  not  tlu;  fault 
of  General  Mull,  but  that  of  the  Administration,  in 
not  making  adequaK;  j)reparations  in  anticipation  of 
war — of  General  Dc^arborn,  in  not  affordin"-  the  ex- 
pected  co-operation — and  of  the  condition  of  the 
country,  and  the  inherent  difficulties  incident  to  tho 
genius  and  policy  of  our  government. 

Third. — The  charge  of  treason  was  dismissed,  as 
wholly  groundless,  by  the  Court  Martial;  and  tho 
charge  of  cowardice,  when  examined,  becomes  in- 
credible and  absurd. 

The  only  (pu^stions,  therefore,  which  can  now  be 
raised  by  reasonable  men,  are  these :  Did  not  Gen- 
eral Hull  err  in  Judgment  in  some  of  his  measures? 
Might  it  not  have  been  better  to  have  attacked  Mai- 
den ?  and  was  the  surrender  of  his  post  at  Detroit, 
without  a  struggle  for  its  defence,  reconcilable  with 
his  situation  at  that  time? 

Tho  reason  assigned  for  not  attacking  Maiden, 
wo  have  seen,  was  the  deficiency  of  suitable  cannon 
for  that  purpose,  and  a  want  of  confidence  in  the 
militia,  as  acknowledged  by  the  officers  In  command, 
to  storm  the  works  at  Maiden,  which  wore  defended 


12, 


rcgai'dod  as 


;  was  com- 
/  l-.ostilo  Jn- 
k;  Nortlicrn 
I  I'M,  and  no 
'as  attcmpt- 
I'troit  to  be 
k;  Jiritish. 
ot  tli(!  fault 
istration,  in 
icipation  of 
ing  tiie  ex- 
ion  of  tlie 
ident  to  the 

isniissed,  as 
1 ;  and  the 
lecomes  in- 

L'an  now  be 
d  not  Gen- 
measures  ? 
aeked  Mal- 
at  Detroit, 
:ilable  with 

ir  Maiden, 
ble  cannon 
nee  in  the 
command, 
3  defended 


AND  SURRKNDER  OF  Tilt;  POST  OF  DFTROIT.       499 

by  cannon  l)atteries,  while  reliance  on  tlu^  part  of  the 
Americans,  was  on  militia  l)ajon(;ts  almost  entirely. 

Ill  coiisidiM-iiif^  the  conduct  of  General  Hull  i.i 
surrenderiufi-  Dc^troit,  wc;  oiiiiht  always  to  hear  in 
mind  that  he  was  Governor  of  the  Territory  as  well 
as  General  of  tli(>  army — that  he  acce|)ted  the  com- 
mand of  the  army,  for  the  (;.\j)ress  purpose  of  dc- 
fendiiif^r  the  Territory,  and  that  though  in  compliiincc 
with  the  orders  of  the  CJovernment,  he  had  invaded 
Canada,  a  ])riiicip;d  object  was  still  the  defence  of 
the  })eople  of  Michigan.  If  therefore  his  situation 
was  such,  that  even  a  successful  temporary  resistance 
could  not  finally  prevent  the  fall  of  Detroit;  had  he 
any  right  to  expose  lln;  people  of  Michigan  to  that 
universal  massacre  which  would  uiupiestionably  have 
be(!n  the  result  of  a   battle  at  Detroit? 

It  must  also  be  reuKMnhered,  that  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender  the  fort  was  crowdcul  with  women  and 
childrcMi  who  had  lied  thither  for  protection  from  the 
town,  which  tended  still  more  to  embarrass  the  situa- 
tion and  move  the  symi)athies  of  their  Governor. 

If  therefore  some  persons,  with  whom  military 
glory  stands  higher  than  humanity  and  ])lain  duty, 
may  still  blame  General  Hull  for  not  fighting  a  use- 
less battle,  and  for  not  causing  blood  to  be  shed  where 
nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  its  effusion,  we  are 
confident  that  all  high-minded  and  Judicious  persons 
will  conclude,  thnt  to  sign  the  surrender  of  Detroit 
was  an  act  of  greater  courage  and  truer  manliness  on 
the  part  of  General  Hull,  than  it  would  have  been  to 
have  sent  out  his  troops  to  battle. 


410 


IllSTOKY  OK  TIIK  ('AMTAICN  Ol'   1RIL>. 


SiK'li  liiis  iiliciuly  l)((  n  the  vcidici  f^ivcii  by 
thousands  iliroii^liont  {\\c  hind.  In  \\\r.  A|)|H'ndi.\ 
will  he.  found  letters  (Voni  some  of  these,  men 
()(  the  hiiihest  distinction  ;  aecompiuiied  hy  other  let- 
toi-s  iVom  th(!  associates  of  (ieneial  Midi  dinin<;  the 
Jiovolution.  'rh(>ir  testimony  is  vahiahle  as  showiuf^ 
the  opinion  enteitaine<l  of  him  l)y  his  companions, 
and  it  shows  what  will  he  tin;  judiL^nient of  posterity, 
when  temporary  interests,  passions,  and  prejudices 
shall  have  pass(>d  away. 

To  that  nltimat(>  trihtinal  the  fricMids  of  CuMUMal 
JTidl  conlidently  appeal.  Tiu^  call  upon  future  histo- 
rians of  the  war  of  IKl'i,  to  rise  above  the  inlhiencc  of 
prejudice  and  to  render  justice  to  the  memory  of  their 
follow-citizen.  If  his  l"eerm<is  can  no  loiif;er  he  com- 
forted by  this  tardy  recoiujUMise  for  the  unmerited 
abuse  and  calunmies  from  which  he  suffercul ;  the 
truth  of  history  may  at  least  be  vindicated.  IJ(;  slecips 
in  his  tran(prd  i;iave,  and  can  never  hear  that  his 
countrymen  have  at  last  understood  him.  But  our 
country  itself  will  be  honoincd,  if  it  can  be  shown, 
that  thouij;h,  like  other  republics,  it  is  sometimes  un- 
gratelul  to  its  servants,  yet  that  it  will  at  last  do  jus- 
tice to  their  iDcmory  ;  and  that  though  clouds  of  mis- 
representation may  long  overshadow  the  name  of  an 
upright  man,  that  the  sun  of  truth  has  at  last  illumi- 
nated it. 


Al'l'KNDIX. 


NoTK     I. 

Exirdcl  j'roiii.  a.  Notice,  of  (iciirrdi  Hii/fs  Mniioirs  of  I.'k 
('(t//i/t(iiirn  of  1812,  f/ o/H  the.  Norlk  Aincriinn,  llciiicin. 

'"  JNIciiuHrs  (•!'  tlic(';iiii|);ii<iii  of  fho  Nortliwcstciii  Army  of 
the  United  St;it(!S,  A.  I).  IHlii,  in  ji  scries  of  Letters 
jiddressed  to  llic^  cili/.eiis  oi'  iIk;  United  Stiit.iis,  with  un 
A|»|)endix,  contiiininif  a  l)ri(!l"  siu^teli  oi"  tlu;  llevolution- 
ary  services  ol'  tlu;  autluM'.  I>y  William  Hi.ll,  late 
Cjluveriior  of  tlu;  Tcirritury  df  Miclii;^;iii ;  and  |}ri<^;idier- 
(Jeneriil  in  iIh;  service  i^'i  the  United  {Slates.  Hvo.  pp. 
yiO.      Hoston  :  TriK^  c"v^  (Jreen  :    IHiil.' 

"  Most  ol"  our  roadors  roincmhcr  i\\v.  principal 
events  of  the  disastrtxis  campaign  to  which  this  work 
rchit(;s,  and  the;  decision  of  the  court  martial  hy  wliich 
General  Hull  was  tried.  This  ol'lic  er  has  always 
consi(l(Med  his  case  as  standinj.^  in  a  very  unfair  and 
partial  light  before;  the  public,  and  has  at  last  brought 
forward  wh.at  he  deems  a  correct  detail  of  all  the 
transactions  pertaining  to  his  connexion  with  the 
army. 

"  We  have  no  disposition  to  take  any  part  in  the 
controversy  between  General  Hull  and  his  opponents, 


412 


APPRNDIX. 


nor  to  revive  a  sul)jnct  which,  for  the  credit  of  the 
country,  had  better  be  forgotten  than  ronuMuborcd  ; 
yet,  if  we  were  to  judge  simply  hy  tlie  public  docu- 
ments collected  and  published  in  these  Memoirs,  wc 
must  draw  the  conclusion,  unef|ulvocally,  that  he  was 
required  by  tiie  General  Cjovernment  to  do,  what  it 
was  morally  and  physically  impossible  that  he  should 
do— that  he  was  surrounded  by  dlflicultics  which  no 
human  agency  could  conquer  ;  and  in  short,  whatever 
may  have  been  his  mistakes  of  Judgnuuit  in  any  par- 
ticular movement,  he  deserved  not  the  unqualified 
censure  inflicted  on  him  by  the  court  martial. 

"  The  trial  was  evidently  conducted  without  a  full 
knowledge  of  all  the  testimony  in  his  favour  ;  import- 
ant documents  in  the  public  offices  he  could  not  then 
obtain  ;  they  are  now  published,  and  throw  new  light 
on  the  subject. 

"  The  precipitancy  with  which  war  was  declared, 
— the  total  want  of  pr(;paratlon,  and  the  deficiency  of 
means,  afford  an  apology,  no  doubt,  to  the  General 
Government,  for  not  providing  an  Immediate  and  ad- 
equate defence  for  the  northwestern  frontier;  but  it 
is  an  extremely  hard  case,  that  an  officer  should  suffer 
in  consequence  of  the  neglect  of  higher  ])owers. 

"  General  Hull  has  no  right  to  complain,  that  his 
orders  were  not  sufficiently  clear  and  explicit ;  but  he 
has  a  right  to  complain,  that  he  was  ordered  to  d(!fend 
a  long  line  of  frontier,  and  invade  an  enemy's  pos- 
sessions, without  being  |)rovlded  with  means  to  effect 
such  an  enterprise  ;  and  above  all,  has  he  a  right  to 
complain,  that  he  was  formally  condemned  by  a  grave 


APPENDIX 


413 


credit  of  the 
omcmbcrod ; 
|)iil)lic  docu- 
Vlcnioirs,  we 

that  lie  was 
I  do,  what  it 
lat  he  should 
ies  which  no 
)rt,  whatever 
:  in  any  par- 

iiiiquaiificd 
rtial. 

vitlioiit  a  fill! 
)ur ;  import- 
uld  not  then 
*vv  new  iiji^ht 

'as  declared, 
deficiency  of 
the  General 
iate  and  ad- 
iitier ;  but  it 
;hould  suffer 
powers, 
lin,  that  his 
icit ;  but  he 
>d  to  d(!fend 
iiemy's  pos- 
ms  to  effect 
i  a  right  to 
.1  by  a  grave 


military  tribunal  for  the  issue  of  unfortunate  events, 
as  mortifying  to  him  in  themselves,  as  they  could  pos- 
sibly be  to  any  other  person  hiss  inter(!sted,  and  over 
which  he  had  no  control.  We  aim  not  to  defend 
General  IJull ;  his  defence  must  rest  on  his  book; 
let  it  be  conceded  that  he  was  guilty  of  mistakes — 
the  ipiestion  still  recms,  and  it  is  one  of  vital  conse- 
quence to  the  i)arty  accused,  whether  these  mistakes 
may  not,  in  the  main,  be  very  easily  traced  to  his  cir- 
cumstances— to  his  confident  expect;. tion  of  aid  from 
government,  which  he  r.ever  received,  and  of  co-ope- 
ration with  other  branches  of  the  army,  which  never 
took  place,  and  without  both  of  which  there  was  no 
possibility  of  his  effecting  what  was  required  of  him. 
The  })ublic  documents  and  hitters  published  by  him, 
answer  this  question  d«M'idedly  in  the  affirmative,  and 
ought  to  j)roduce  an  impression,  on  the  public  mind 
at  least,  far  difftnent  from  that  left  by  the  d(;cision  of 
the  court  martial. 

"  In  addition  to  their  personal  bearing,  these  Me- 
moirs contain  many  facts  of  historical  value,  relating 
to  the  last  war.  The  appendix  speaks  of  the  author's 
services  in  the  Revolution." 

\(iiik  Aincrican  liniciv,  Jinnutri/,  \H-2^>.      Vul.  XX. 

Note  2. 

Memorials  by  General  Hull,  recommendinq  a  fleet  on  Lake 

Erie. 

The  following  extracts  from  memorials  by  General 
Hull,  concerning  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  show  how 
early  he  drew  the  attention  of  the  Government  to 


411. 


APPMNDIX 


this  iinportant  siiljjcft,  iiiid  with  vvliat  nrj^iitiKMits  he 
iirji;('(l  it  upon  their  atlcritioii : 

IMi'tnoriiil  oC  April  :U\,  IJIOl). — *»  I  would  siiLr'^jst 
for  considcrinion  the  cxpcdiciicy  of  l»uildin<>  some 
armed  vessels  on  Lake  Krie,  lor  the  pnrj)ose  of  pro- 
serviiiji  the  commimicatioii  ;  eonsider  you  hav(!  throe 
military  |)osts  to  tlu!  north  and  west  of  thesi;  waters, 
and  no  other  eommiinieatlon  with  them." 

lldlTs  iMemoirs,  p.  l!).-~i\Iemorial  of  Jiin(!  15, 
1811:  "  I'rom  the  prest-nt  state;  ol'  our  foreign  reia- 
lions,  particularly  with  Kniiland,  I  am  indiieed  to  be- 
lieve there  is  little  prospiici of  aeontimianee  of  |)eace. 
In  the  event  of  a  war  with  Kn^land,  this  part  of  the 


United   IStat 


( 


es  (m(>aninir   the 


JM 


i(-lii<>an 


1 


erritoi 


-y) 


will  he  peetdiarly  situated.  The  Hritish  land  forees 
at  Amherstl)iu<^  and  St.  Josephs,  are  about  e(|ual  to 
those  of  the  United  States  at  this  place  and  Miehili- 
mackinac.  The  j)o|)idation  of  llj)per  Canada  is  more 
than  twenty  to  one,  eom|)ared  to  tliis  territory.  That 
provii.ce  contains  about  one  himdred  thousand  inhab- 
itants, while  our  |)opiiIation  does  not  amoiuit  to  five 
thousand.  A  wild(>rness  of  near  two  hundred  miles 
separates  this  settlement  from  any  of  the  States. 
Besides,  the  Indiana  Territory  and  States  of  Ohio 
ami  Kentucky  ;>!<>  thinly  iid)al)ited,  have  extensive 
frontiers,  and  their  own  force  will  be  necessary  for 
their  own  defence.  With  resj)cet  to  the  Indians, 
their  situation  and  habits  are  such  that  little  depend- 
ence can  be  placed  on  them.  At  present  they  appear 
friendly,  and  was  1  to  calcidate  on  the  profession  of 
their  chiefs,  I  should  be  satisfied  that  tliey  would  not 


I 


•^umcMits  lie 


ildin;;  sonw^ 
pose  <»r  pro- 
I  liiiv(!  throe 
i('S(!  w'jitcrs, 


r  JiiiK!  15, 
Ibrcij;!!  rcla- 
luccd  to  be- 
L'o  of  peace. 

part  of  the 
Tenitory) 

hind  loiecs 
lit  e(|iiai  to 
nd  Miehili- 
lada  is  more 
itoij.  That 
sand  iiihab- 
)tint  to  five 
\(.\ivi\  mih^s 
lUc  States. 
tes  of  Ohio 
-'  extensive 
jcessary  for 
10  Indians, 
tie  d(  jjend- 
they  apj)ear 
rol'ession  of 

would  not 


APPKNDIX. 


415 


become  hostile.  Their  first  passion,  however,  is  war. 
TUv  policy  of  the  Hritish  (lovernineiit  is  to  consider 
thcni  their  allies,  and  in  the  event  of  war,  to  invite 
theni  to  join  their  standard.  The  policy  of  the 
American  (lovcrnment  has  been  to  advise  them,  in 
the  event  of  war,  to  remain  (piict  at  their  villages, 
and  take;  no  part  in  (piarrels  in  uhich  they  h;ive  no 
interest.  Many  of  their  old  sachems  and  chiefs 
would  advise  to  this  line;  of  conduct.  Their  antliority, 
however,  over  tlu;  warriors  would  not  restrain  them. 
They  would  not  listen  to  their  advice.  An  Indian  is 
hardly  considered  as  a  man,  until  he  has  been  enj^af^ed 
in  war,  and  (;aii  show  troplii{!s.  This  first  and  most 
ardent  of  all  their  passions  will  bi;  excited  by  pre- 
sents, most  ^n-alifyini;'  to  their  pride  and  vanity. 
Unless  stroiii^  measures  are  taken  to  prevect  it,  we 
may  eonsidcT,  beyond  all  doubt,  they  will  1)(!  influ- 
cneed  to  fi)llovv  the  advice  of  their  Brilis'  1^'ather. 
This  then  appears  to  be  the  jdaiu  sliile  of  the  ease: 
th(!  British  hav(!  a  rci.'.ular  force;  c(jual  to  ours.  The 
province  of  Upper  Canada  has  on  its  rolls  a  militia 
of  twenty  to  one;  against  us.  In  addition  to  this 
there  can  Ix;  but  little  doubt,  but  a  lariic  proportion 
of  tlu;  savages  will  join  them:  what  then  will  be  the 
situati(ui  of  this  part  of  \\m  countiy  ?  S{>paiatcd  from 
the  States  by  an  extensive  wilderness,  which  will  be 
filled  with  savag(>s,  to  preveuit  any  succour,  our  water 
communications  entirely  obstructed  by  the  British 
armed  v<'ssels  on  Lake  Krie,  we  sliall  have  no  other 
resource  for  d(>fi'nce  but  the  small  garrisons,  and 
feeble  population  of  tlu'  territory.     Under  these   cir- 


416 


APPENDIX. 


cunistanccs  it  is  easy  to  Ibicsco  wjiat  will  be  tiio  late 
of  this  coiiiitry. 

"  It  IS  a  principle  in  nature,  that  the  lesser  force 
must  give  way  to   the  greater.    Since  my  acquaint- 
ance wiih  the  situation  of  this  country,  I  have  been 
of  the  opinion  that  the  government  did  not  sufficient- 
ly estimate  its  value  and  importance.  After  the  Kev- 
olution,  and  after  it  was  ceded  to  us   by  treaty,  the 
blood  and  treasure  of  our  country  were  e.\pt!nded  in 
a  savage  war  to  obtain  it.     The  post  at  this  place  is 
the  key  of  the  Northern  country.     By  holding  it;  the 
Indians  are  kept  in  check,  and  peace  has  been  pre- 
served with  them  to  the  present  time.     If  we  were 
once  depriv(!d  of  it,  the  Northern  Indians  would  have 
nowhere  to  look,  but  to  the   Critish  government  in 
Uj)per  Canada,     'i  hey  would  then  be  entirely  influ- 
enced by  their  councils.     It  would  be  easy  for  them, 
aided  by  the  councils  of  the   Ijritish  agents,  to  com- 
mit depredations  on  the  scattered  frontier  settlements 
of  Ohio,    Kentucky,  Indiana,  &lc.     They  would  be 
collected  from  the  most  distant  parts  of  their  villages, 
where  the  English  factors  have  an   intercourse  with 
them,  and  would    become  numerous.     Under  these 
circumstances,  if  there    is   a   prospect  of  war  with 
England,  what  measures  are  most  expedient?    In  my 
mind  ther(>  can   be;  no  doubt.     Prepare  a  naml force 
on  Lake  Erie,  superior  to  ike  British,  and  siijicicnt  to 
preserve  ijour  communication.''^ 

Httirs  ^[lnl(lirt!.  pp.  lit-'JO. 

Memorial  of  March  G,  1812  :— "  If  we  cannot  com- 
mand the  ocean,  we  can  command  the  inland  lakes 


APPENDIX. 


417 


11  bo  tlie  late 


of  our  country.  I  liave  always  been  of  o})inion,  that 
wc  ought  to  have  built  as  many  armed  vessels  on  the 
Lakes  as  would  have  commanded  tlumi :  we  have  more 
interest  in  them  than  the  Jiritish  nation,  and  can 
build  vessels  with  more  convenience." 

IIiiWs  Memoirs,  p.  21. 


Note 


3. 


The  following  letter  is  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  General  Dearborn : 

"Wah  DF.rAiiTMK.NT,  i!Gth  .Tunc,  1812. 

"Sir: — Having  made  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  defence  of  the  seaboard,  it  is  the  wish 
of  the  President  that  you  should  repair  to  Albany,  and 
prepare  the  force  to  be  collected  at  that  i)lace  for  ac- 
tual service.  It  is  understood,  that  being  poss(!ssed  of 
a  full  view  of  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  and 
being  also  acquainted  with  the  disposition  of  the  force 
under  your  command,  you  u  ill  take  your  own  time, 
and  give  the  necessary  orders  to  the  officers  on  the 
sea-coast. 

"It  is  altogether  uncertain  at  what  time  General 
Hull  may  deem  it  expedient  to  comuKMice  offensive 
operations.  The  preparations  it  is  presumed  will  be 
made,  to  move  in  a  direction  to  Niagara,  Kingston, 
and  Montreal.  On  your  arrival  at  Albany,  you  will 
be  able  to  form  an  opinion  of  the  time  required  to  pre- 
pare the  troops  for  action. 

"  To  Major-Gencral  Deahbokn." 

HiiU's  Memoirs,  j).  113.— Records  of  War  Office,  Vol.  V.,  folio  468 

27 


418 


APPENDIX. 


Note  4. 

"Lewtstown,  August  19tli,  1812. 

"  In  the  night  of  the  17th  I  received  your  letter 
of  8th  inst.  The  inclosures  have  been  dehvered  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Mjers,  commanding  at  Fort 
George,  who  has  since  acknowledged  the  receipt  of 
the  letters,  and  pledged  himself  strictly  to  observe 
the  terms  of  the  armistice. 

"  I  am,  &c. 

S.  VA\  RKNSSELAER." 


'    Note  5. 

Letter  from  Sir  George  Prevost  to  General  Brock. 

"AT-f;nsT,  2,  1812. 

"  Last  evening  an  officer  of  the  98th  Regiment 
arrived  here,  express  from  Halifax,  the  bearer  of 
despatches  to  me  dated  on  22d  ult.,  from  Mr.  Foster, 
who  was  then  in  Nova  Scotia.  I  lose  no  time  in 
making  you  acquainted  with  the  substance  of  this 
gentleman's  communication.  He  informs  me  that 
he  had  just  received  desj)atches  from  England,  re- 
ferring to  a  declaration  of  Ministers  in  Parliament, 
relative  to  a  proposed  repeal  of  the  '  Orders  in  Coun- 
cil'— provided  that  the  United  States  Government 
would  return  to  relations  of  amity  with  us,  the  con- 
tents of  which  may  possibly  induce  the  American 
Government  to  agree  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
as  a  preliminary  to  negotiations  for  peace.  *  *  * 
As  I  propose  sending  Colonel  Haynes  immediately 
mto  the  United  States,  with  a  proposal  for  a  cessation 


APPENDIX. 


419 


!i:laer." 


of  hostile  operations,  I  enclose  for  your  information, 
the  copy  of  my  letter  to  General  Dearborn,  or  the 
Commander-in-chiefof  the  American  forces.  *  *  * 
A  report  has  been  made  to  me  that  a  frigate  and  six 
transports,  with  the  Royal  Scots  (1st  Battalion)  on 
board,  from  the  West  Indies,  are  just  below  Bic;  in 
consequence  of  this  reinforcement  I  have  ordered 
the  company  of  the  49th  Regiment  sent  to  Kingston, 
to  remain  there  ;  and  in  addition  to  the  Royal  New- 
foundland Regiment,  and  a  detachment  of  an  officer 
and  fifty  veterans,  most  fit  for  service,  now  on  their 
route  to  that  station,  I  shall  order  Major  Ormsby, 
with  three  companies  of  the  49th  Regiment  to  pro- 
ceed from  Montreal  to  the  same  post,  to  be  disposed 
of  as  you  may  find  it  necessary." 

Life  of  Brock,  p.  214. 


Note  6. 

Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  with  much  naivete,  nar» 
rates  his  own  ex])ectations,  and  how  they  were  cooled 
by  the  opinions  of  a  man  of  military  experience.  In 
his  History  of  the  War  of  1812,  pp.  85-87,  he  thus 
speaks: 

"  My  first  doubt  or  uneasiness  was  the  suggestion 
of  an  old  soldier,  whose  residence  I  sometimes  visited 
in  the  summer  season.  This  gentleman  raised  a  full 
company  of  a  hundred  hardy  mountaineers,  on  the 
first  outbreak  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and 
marched  them,  before  even  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, through  the  trackless  wilds  of  a  northern 


420 


APPENDIX. 


winter,  to  join  Montgomery,  whose  armj  he  did  not; 
reach  till  the  day  after  his  defeat  and  death  before 
Quebec.  From  that  time  throughout  the  war  he  was 
every  where,  as  the  hardest  service  called,  from  Long 
Island  to  Georgia,  conspicuous  in  every  battle,  at 
Long  Island,  Monnjouth  and  Yorktown,  closing  seven 
years  of  constant  and  arduous,  yet,  to  him,  always 
cheerful  and  pleasant  cami)aigning,  at  the  last  action 
of  the  war,  the  siege  of  Savannah  ;  from  Quebec  to 
Savannah,  never  ofl"  duty,  foremost  in  all  encounters, 
a  soldier  in  every  qualification. 

"  It  was  from  this  veteran  soldier,  meeting  him 
at  the  chief  town  of  his  county,  that  I  heard  with 
incredulous  annoyance,  the  first  doubts  of  Hull's 
success.  I  had  no  doubt  that  ho  was  in  full  and  tri- 
umphant march  from  Maiden  to  QiuMmstown.  Gen- 
eral Craig  expressed  his  apprehensions  of  the  reverse. 
He  knew  the  difficulties,  the  chances,  the  obstacles  in 
the  way;  had  attentively  read  all  the  news[)aper  ac- 
counts of  the  expedition,  could  estimate  probabilities 
of  Indian  enmity  ;  had  experienced  the  force  of  Eng- 
lish armies  :  shook  his  head  at  my  confidence,  and 
advised  me  not  to  be  too  sanguine.  Not  from  any 
disparagement  of  Hull,  but  from  the  inherent  mishaps 
of  military  proceedings;  the  fortune  of  war :  this 
Nestor  of  another  war,  questioned  the  success  of  om 
outset,  and  -Usturbed  my  dreams  of  triumph." 


APPENDIX. 


421 


he  did  no? 
;atli  before 
tvar  ho  was 
from  Long 

battle,  at 
)sing  seven 
hn,  always 

last  action 
Quebec  to 
encounters, 

eeting  him 
heard  with 
of  Hull's 
\ill  and  tri- 
^'n.  Gen- 
Lhe  reverse. 
)bslaelcs  in 
\'si)a|)er  ac- 
irobabilities 
'ce  of  Eiig- 
idence,  and 
t  from  any 
Mit  mishaps 
r  war :  this 
;cess  of  ouf 
)h." 


Note  7. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Records  of  the  War 
Office  (Vol.  VI.  page  253)  shows  that  the  Secretary 
of  War  expected  at  that  time  to  bear  the  blame  of 
the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign,  which  he  seemed 
to  think  might  perhaps  have  otherwise  rested  on  the 
Commander-in-chief. 

"War  DErAUTMENT,  Dec.  18,  1812. 

"Sir, — Your  letter  of  the  11th  is  received. 
Fortunately  for  you,  the  want  of  success  which  has 
attended  the  campaign,  will  be  attributed  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  War.  So  long  as  you  enjoy  the  confidence 
of  the  Government,  the  clamour  of  the  discontented 
should  not  be  regarded.  You  are  requested  to  make 
an  exchange  of  General  Hull  as  soon  as  possible  "' 

(Signed)  WJLIJAM  EUSTIS.'^ 

"To  Major-GouiTiI  DicAKBOKK." 

Note  8. 


u 


Witness  cannot  say  whether  the  agitation  pro- 
ceeded from  personal  alarm  or  from  a  consideration 
of  the  heavy  responsibility  in  which  he  was  involved  ; 
and  he  does  not  know  whether  at  the  time;  he  formed 
any  decidcnl  opinion  on  the  subject," — Miller's  Tes- 
Jtimony,  'I'rial,  p.  110. 

Note  9 

"  General  Hull  appeared  engaged  as  usual,  and 
.agitated  more  than  usual^oii  the  morning  of  the  IGiIl, 


422  APPENDIX. 

but  witness  does  not  know  the  cause ;  he  had  no 
suspicion  that  it  proceeded  from  personal  f(uir ;  nei- 
ther did  he  hear  any  of  the  officers  at  the  time  ex- 
press the  opinion  that  it  did." — Bacon's  testimony^ 
p.  124,  Hull's  Trial. 

Note   10. 

"  I  saw  General  Hull  riding  on  horseback,  and 
cast  my  eye  upon  his  countenance  ;  his  voice  appeared 
cool  and  collected;  [  saw  him  ride  off;  I  saw  nothing 
like  agitation  ;  my  reason  for  looking  particularly  at 
the  General's  countenance  was,  because  there  was. 
a  clamour  that  he  was  intimidated." — Captain  Max- 
well's testimony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  128. 

Note  1L 

"  The  General's  situation  was  a  critical  one.  He 
had  a  great  deal  of  responsibility,  and  great  care  on 
his  mind,  if  he  had  any  feelings.  I  saw  nothing  in 
his  conduct  but  what  might  be  accounted  for  wilhout 
recurring  to  personal  fear." — Major  Munson's  testi 
mony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  131, 

Note  12. 

Question  by  General  Hull  to  witness — "  How  did 
1  appear  on  that  morning  (of  the  surrendcjr)  ? 

Answer.  "  You  appeared  perfectly  tranquil  and 
collected." — Testimony  of  Colonel  Watson^  Hull's 
Trial,  page  149» 


he  had  no 
fear;  noi- 

0  timn  ex- 
testimony^ 


cback,  and 
:e  appeared 
aw  nothing 
ticularly  at 
there  was. 
)lain  Max- 


li  one.  He 
;at  care  on 
nothing  in 
for  without 
ison's  testi- 


-"  How  did; 
r)? 

anquil  and 
sou^  Hull's 


APPENDIX. 


Note  13. 


423 


The  following  account  of  the  Court  Martial  is  by 
General  Hull.  "  Young  General  Dearborn  has  pub- 
lished  the  names  of  the  officers  who  composed  the 
Court  Martial,  with  his  father  at  the  head,  as  Presi- 
dent. It  required  two-thirds  only  of  the  members  to 
pronounce  the  sentence,  h  is  very  certain  that  it 
was  not  unaniuious,  as  it  is  said,  '  two-thirds  of  the 
members  agreed  to  it.'  Had  it  been  unanimous,  it 
would  have  been  so  stated.  It  must  be  evident  that 
a  part  of  the  Court  were  oj)posed  to  it.  I  should  be 
happy,  indeed,  were  it  iu  my  |)ower  to  designate  the 
characters  who  were  only  influenced  by  disinterested 
and  honourable  motives. 

*'  I  have  stated  the  reasons  why  I  did  not  object 
to  the  President  or  any  of  the  members  of  this 
Court  Martial.  I  had  been  much  more  than  a  year 
a  prisoner  in  arrest ;  was  conscious  of  having  faith- 
fully done  my  duty,  and  in  my  official  communication 
to  the  Government  requested  an  investigation  of  my 
conduct.  It  had  been  delayed  in  an  unprecedented 
manner,  during  this  long  time,  and  I  believed,  had  I 
made  objections  to  the  President,  or  any  members  of 
the  Court,  it  would  have  caused  further  delay.  Be- 
sides, most  of  the  members  of  the  Court  were  stran- 
gers to  me  ;  men  whom  I  never  before  had  seen,  and 
whose  names  I  had  never  heard,  excepting  General 
Dearborn,  General  Bloomfield,  Colonel  Fenwick, 
Colonel  House,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Conner. 
By  examining  the  list,   published  by  young  General 


424 


APPENDIX. 


Dearborn,  jou  will  perceive  the  other  members  he- 
longed  to  new  raised  regiments,  whieh  did  not  exist 
dining  the  eami)aign  of  1812.  They  were  a|)[)ointed 
to  regiments  nnmhered  from  thirtj-two  to  forty-two. 
Thej  had  no  military  rank  at  that  time. 

"It  is  well  known  that  officers  were  selected  to 
form  these  additional  regiments,  from  the  most  violent 
partisans  of  the  Administration,  and  this  alone  was  a 
sjfficient  qualification.  Officers  of  this  description 
constituted  a  majority  of  the  Court.  They  were 
pledged  to  any  measures  which  the  Administration, 
my  persecutors,  wished.  With  respect  to  General 
Dearborn,  the  President,  the  deep  interest  which  he 
had  ill  the  issue  of  the  trial,  has  been  presented  to 
you.  General  Bloomfield  was  a  meritorious  officer 
of  the  Revolution,  and  served  with  credit  to  himself. 
He  was  an  amiable  and  much  resi)ected  citizen  at  the 
termination  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  1  believe 
retained  the  esteem  of  society  to  the  close  of  his  life. 
Colonel  Fenwick  and  Colonel  House,  I  have  ever 
believed,  were  governed  by  the  purest  and  most 
honourable  motives,  and  were  under  no  other  influ- 
ence than  a  sense  of  duty.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Conner  received  his  commission  about  the  time  that 
General  Dearborn  was  aj)pointed  the  first  Major- 
General.  He  was  in  his  family,  and  one  of  his  Aids. 
But  a  short  time  before  the  Court  Martial  was  or- 
dered, he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  by  the  same  patronage,  and  selected  as  a 
member  of  the  Court  for  my  trial.  To  the  President 
of  the  Court  Martial  he  owed  both  his  fiist  appoint- 
ment and  his  sudden  promotion." 


APPENDIX. 


425 


mhcrs  be- 
i  not  exist 
n|)[)oiiitecl 
forty-two. 

nlected  to 
ost  violent 
[)ne  was  a 
escription 
hey  were 
iiistration, 
)  General 
which  he 
sen  ted  to 
us  officer 

0  himself, 
/en  at  the 

1  believe 
Df  his  life. 
Iiave  ever 
md  most 
her  inllu- 
t-CoIonel 
time  that 
3t  Major- 
'  his  Aids. 

1  \vas  or- 
entenant- 
;ted  as  a 
President 
;  appoint- 


NOTE    14. 

Mnjor  Bannister's  letter  to  General  Wade  TTamp- 
ton  (the  latter  havini^  been  appointed,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, the  President  of  the  Court  Martial  on  the  trial 
of  General  Hiill,  to  convene  in  1813;  but  the  Court 
did  not  meet,  it  having  been  superseded  by  another 
Court,  vvith  General  Dearborn  as  President,  which 
met  in  February,  1JJ14,  at  Albany — Hull's  Trial,  Ap- 
pendix, page  1)  is  as  follows: 

"  BiiooKFiEU),  February  17tli,  1813. 

"Mr.  President: — Having  learned  that  my 
war-worn  companion  in  arms,  General  \\  illiani  Hull, 
is  called  upon  to  answer  to  some  of  the  highest 
charges  wliich  can  be  preferred  against  a  military 
character,  and  that  you,  sir,  are  the  President  of  the 
Court  before  whom  he  is  to  be  tried,!  take  the  liberty 
of  addressing  to  you  a  i'cw  observations  on  the  sub- 
ject, which  are  dictated  by  the  interest  I  feel  for  my 
country,  as  also  the  rej)utali()n  and  character  of  my 
friend,  who  stands  highly  criminated  before  you.  My 
first  acquaintance  with  General  Hull  was  in  times  the 
most  unfortunate — '  the  times  that  tried  men's  souls.' 
The  services  which  he  rendered  to  his  country  during 
the  Revolutionary  war,  ought  not  to  be  forgotten. 
He  was  then  young,  active,  brave  and  faithfid  ;  high 
in  the  estimation  of  his  superior  officers,  and  respect- 
ed even  by  his  enemies,  for  his  lidcility  to  his  country. 
I  will  not  unnecessarily  take  up  your  time,  in  de- 
tailing the  innumerable  liardships,  fatigues,  privations 
and  sufferiiigs  to  which   wo  were  subjected,  during 


426 


ArPKNDIX. 


the  worst  of  times.     It  is  sufficient  for  my  purpose 
on  this  occasion,  to  notice  particuhuly  the  capture  of 
Burgoyno,  and  the  well  known  hattie  of  Monmouth. 
In   these   two  memorable  ev(>nts,  where  the  ground 
was  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  slain,  and 
the  air  resounded  with  the  groans  of  the  dying,  Hull 
was   unshaken.     He   bravely  fought,  and  a  grateful 
country  acknowledged  his  bravery.     I  was  then  Bri- 
gade-Major to    General  Learned,  in   whose  brigade 
General  Hull  was  a  Major,  in   Colonel  Brooks's  Re- 
gni^ent.     The  welfare  of  his  coiuitry  was  apparently 
as  dear  to  him  as  his  life  ;  but  if  he  has  now  fallen, 
lie  has  fallen  indeed.     Having  associated   with  him 
in  times  so  interesting,  and  in  no  other  character  than 
that  of  a  brave  man,  I  shall  be  unhappy  to  learn  that 
he  has  terminated  his  patriotic  career  by  meanly  act- 
ing the  coward. 

(Signed,  SETII  RANNIriTER." 


General  Heath's  Certificate,  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  2. 
"  I,  William  Heath,  of  Roxbury,  in  the  county  of 
Norfolk,    and     Commonwealth    of     Massachusetts, 
having  served  as  a  General  Oflicer  in   the  American 
Revolutionary    war,    from    the    commencement   of 
hostilities  on  the   19th  of  Aj)ril,    1775,  until  peace 
took  place  in  1783,  hereby  certify,  and  on  mi/  sacred 
honour  declare  (and  to  which  I  am  ready  to   make 
solemn  oath),  that  in   the  said   war  William    Hull, 
now  a  Brigadier-General  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  served  as  an  officer  in  various  places,  in  all 


r  my  purpose 
lie  caj)tuie  of 
>f  Monmouth, 
re  the  ground 
the  shiin,  and 
e  dying,  Hull 
nd  a  grateful 
tvns  then  13 ri- 
vliose  brigade 
Urooks's  lie- 
as  apparently 
IS  now  fallen, 
ed  with  him 
haractcr  than 
to  learn  that 
J  meanly  act- 

{ANNLSTER." 


[ppc7}dlx,  p.  2. 

he  county  of 
assachusetts, 
he  American 
3ncement   of 

until  peace 
3n  mi/  sacred 
idy  to  make 
iiliani    Hull, 

the  United 
)laces,  in  all 


APPKNDIX. 


427 


of  which  ho  sustauied  llu;  character  of  a  brave  and 
good  oflic(;r— possessed  the  particular  esteem  and 
confidence  of  General  Washington,  who  was  anxious 
for  his  promotion,  as  will  appear  from  extracts  of  his 
letter  to  this  deponent  on  that  subject,  which  are 
exhibited  herewith.  That  this  deponent  being  in 
the  immrdiate  command  o^  the  American  troo[)s  in 
the  Highlands  of  N(>w-York,  on  Hudson  river,  in  the 
month  of  January,  1781,  an  enterprise  was  contem- 
plated against  the  enemy  at  Morrissania,  the  then 
advanced  post  of  the  British  army,  which  enterprise 
was  to  be  intrusted  to  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull, 
now  Brigadier-General  Hull.  The  success  of  this 
ent(Tprise  was  doubtful,  in  the  oi)inion  of  General 
Washington,  when  it  was  communicated  to  him,  as 
will  appear  by  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  him  here- 
with exhibited.  But  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hull,  with 
the  troops  under  his  command,  were  successful. 
With  great  address  and  gallantry,  they  forced  a 
narrow  passage  to  the  enemy,  and  with  the  loss  of 
one  subaltern,  one  drummer  and  ten  privates  killed, 
one  captain,  one  sergeant  and  eleven  rank  and  file 
wounded,  completely  defeated  the  enemy,  and  be- 
sides the  killed  took  upwards  of  fifty  prisoners,  cut 
away  the  pontoon  bridge,  took  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  forage,  a  number  of  cattle,  &c.,  for  which 
they  were  thanked  in  the  public  orders.  This  depo- 
nent during  the  Revolutionary  war,  having  at  differ- 
ent tim(\s  had  the  honour  to  command  the  State  lines 
of  the  army  from  New  Hampshire  to  New  Jersey, 
inclusive,  and  two  brigades  of  more  southern  lines  ; 


428 


ArPKNlJlX. 


Linitonant-Colonol    IT  nil    sustainnd    a   conspicuous 
character  as  a  brave,  faithful  and  good  officer. 

(Si^'nod)  VVM.  J  IE  ATI  I." 

"  Roxliiirij,  Dicemhrr  i20lli,  1813." 

Extracts  of  Letters  from  General  Wasliin^ton,  to  Major 
General  Heath,  mentioned  in  the  deposition. 

"IFead  Quartkrs,  Morristown,  Dec.  13,  1779. 

"  The  case  belvveen  M;iJor  Hull  and  Major  Cogs- 
well is  of  more  dcjlicacj  and  vc'ry  inijuntant.     Major 
Hull  was  not  appointed  hy  the  State  to  the  Majority 
in  Colonel  Jackson's  regiment ;  he  was  a|)p()inted 
by  me   at   the   intercession  of  several   officers  of  the 
State  line,  and  not  without  authority.     He   is  an 
oflicer  of  great  merit,  and  whose  services  have  been 
honourable  to  himself  and  honourable  to  his  country. 
1  was  then   persuaded,  as  I   still   am,   that  a  good 
oflicer  would,  and   ever  will    be,  an   object  of  the 
State's  regard;    and  there    has    been    no    injustice 
done   to  Major  Cogswell.     Perhaps   by  your  repre- 
sentation you  may  be  able  to  get  matters   put  right, 
and   I  am   sure  you  can  scarcely  render  any  more 
essential  service  than   prevailing  on  the  IJonourable 
Assembly  to  preserve  the  arrangement  inviolate,  and 
to  |)ursue    the  rules  of  promotion  which  have   been 
established.     In  the  case  of  Major  Hull,  he  miiiht,  as 

til  •  c^         " 

I  have  been  long  since  told,  been  arranged  as  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, on  the  Connecticut  line,  by  the  Com- 
niittee  of  Congress  at  White  Plains  \\\  1778." 


APPKNDIX. 


429 


conspicuous 

'fflccr. 

W.  IIHATII." 


f/wn,  to  Major 
silion. 

)i«c.  13,  1779. 

Major  Cogs- 
tant.  Major 
the  Majority 
IS  appointed 
Ticers  of  the 
He  is  an 
s  have  been 

liis  country, 
that  a  good 
)ject  of  the 
lo  injustice 
your  repre- 
s  put  right, 
r  any  more 
Honourable 
iviohite,  and 

have  been 
lie  miglit,  as 
;ed  as  Lieu- 
jy  the  Com- 
78." 


On  the  Enlrrprise  ai^ainst  the  Enemy. 

"ITf.ad  (iiAiiTKiis,  New  Windsor,  Jim,  7,  1781. 

•'  Vou  will  be  j)leased  to  observe,  on  the  subject 
of  your  lt!tter  of  last  evening,  that  although  I  am  not 
very  sanguine  in  my  expectation  of  the  succ(;ss  of 
the  enterprise  proposed,  yet  1  think  in  our  i)resent 
circumstances  it  will  b(,'  advisable  to  encourage  it. 
Colonel  Hull  may  therefore  have  permission  to  make 
the  attempt." 

"  The  foregoing  are  true  extracts  from  the  ori- 
ginals. 

(Sijrnc(i)  WM.  in;.\'rii." 

"  Rox-him/,  Dec.  20,  1813." 

Salmon  Ifuhlx'IFs  Cerfiflcalc,  Hull' a  Trial,  Appendix,  j}.  0. 
"  I,  Salmon  Hubbell,  of  Bridgcjiort,  in  the  State 
of  Connecticut,  being  duly  sworn,  do  depose  and 
say,  that  I  was  a  Lieutenant  in  the  5th  Connecticut 
Regimrpt  of  Continental  Troops,  and  was  accpiainted 
with  General  William  Hull,  in  the  Revolutionary 
army,  and  always  considered  him  a  gentleman  in 
every  n^spect,  as  well  as  a  brave  and  a  good  officer. 
He  was  in  the  attack  on  Stony  Point,  which  took 
place  in  the  morning  of  July  16th,  1779,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  General  Wayne  ;  (the  mode 
of  attack  now  before  me)  wherein  is  ordered  that 
Colonel  Meigs  will  form  next  in  Febiger's  rear,  and 
Major  Hull  in  the  rear  of  Colonel  Meigs,  which  will 
be  the  right  column.  The  result  sj)eaks  in  the 
highest  language  for  the  good  conduct  of  each  officer 
and  soldier.     This  deponent  further  saith  that  he  did 


I 


430 


APPENDIX. 


aid  and  assist  in  said  attack  on  Stony  Point,  and 
was  therefore  knowing  to  the  conduct  of  General 
Hull  therein. 

,^  „  .  (Signed)  SAT.MON  IIUUBKLL." 

"  Hrii/i^rjior/,  Junnanj  20,  1814." 

"  Sworn  to  before  me,  Joseph  Backus,  Justice  of 
the  Peace." 


Deposition  of  Adjutant  Tnfts,  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix, 


To    the  President   and 


p.\ 

"Co.sT()N,  Fel),  3,  1814. 
members  of  the  General  Court 


Martial,  sitting  in  Albany,  f 07' the  trial  of  General 


Hull 
«G 


EN 


TLF.MEN— Having  been  solicited  by  the 
friends  of  General  Hull  to  state  my  knowledge  of 
his  character  and  conduct  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,  I  have  the  honour  of  submitting  the  following 
particulars.  I  was  with  him  as  Sergeant-Major  of 
the  8th  Massachusetts  Regiment  at  Ticonderoga,  and 
m  the  same  regiment  at  taking  Bui-oyne's  army, 
and  was  with  the  regiment  he  commanded  in  takin- 
Stony  Point,  and  his  Adjutant.  '^ 

"  His  character  for  courage  and  firmness  on  all 
these  occasions  was  unexceptionable;  and  he  was  a 
good  military  man,  and  was  universally  esteemed  by 
his  brother  officers,  and  beloved  by  his  soldi(>rs. 

(Sijrnod)  FRANCIS  TUFTS" 


APPENDIX. 


431 


y  Point,  and 
t  of  General 

W  IIUBFJKLL." 

.us,  Justice  of 


Appendix,  p.  1 
Fol),  3,  1814. 
General  Court 
<il  of  General 

ited  by  the 
.noulcdge  of 
^ovoliitionar)' 
tlie  following 
ant- Major  of 
nderoga,  and 
)}iie's  army, 
led  in  takin" 

rtiness  on  all 

lid  lie  was  a 

esteemed   hy 

)ldi('rs. 

IS   TUFTS." 


Certificate  of  J.   Brooks,  late  GovAirnor  of  Massachusetts. 
lIulTs  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  5. 

"  Boston,  Ffl).  4,  1814. 

"Having     been   requested   by  Brigadier-General 
Hull  to  state  any  information  in   my  power  to  you, 
respecting  bis  character  as  an  officer,  durini;  the  late 
Revolutionary  War,  I  would  observe,  that  1   became 
acquainted   with    this   gentleman    in    the    month  of 
February,  1776,  and  that  from   that  time  I  was  well 
acquainted  with  his   character  and  conduct     >  the 
close  of  the  war  in  1783.     During  that  period  it  fell 
to  the  General's  lot  frequenti)  to  meet  the  enemy  in 
combat;  and  in  every  instance  he  acquitted  himself 
much  to  his  honour,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  supe- 
rior officers.     No  officer  of  his   rank  (as  far  as  my 
knowledge  of  that  subject  will  enable   me  to  speak) 
stood  higher  in  the  estimation  of  the  army  generally 
than  General  Hull  ;  not  only  as  a  disciplinarian,  and 
an  officer  of  intelligence,  but  as  a  man  of  great  (Miter- 
prist;  and  gallantry.     I  can  add,  that  he  |)ossessed  in 
a  high  degi-,>e  the  confidence  of  Gen(>ral  Washington. 
Notvviilistanding  my  long  acquaintanci- with  General 
Hull,  as  an   officcn-,  I   never  had  an   ojjportuiiity  to 
witness  his   conduct  in   action    more  than   once,  al- 
though I  have  often  seen  him  under  circumstances  of 
great  danger  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

"In  the  month  of  Sojjtember,  177G,  at  White 
Plains,  he  acted  under  my  immediate  orders,  and 
was  detached  from  the  line,  with  a  comjjany  he  then 
commanded,  to  opjuise  a  body  of  light  infantry  and 
Yagers,  advancing  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  American 


432 


APPENDIX. 


army.  His  orders  wcro  executed  with  great  promp- 
titude, gallantry,  and  effect.  Though  more  than 
double  his  munher,  the  eiieni}'  was  compelled  to 
retreat,  and  (Ik;  l(;ft  of  the  American  line  thus  enabled, 
by  a  flank  movement,  in  safety  to  pass  the  Bronx. 
"  With  great  respect  I  am,  sir,  your  servant, 

(Sijrnp.l)  .1.  I5R0OKS." 

'•To  tlM  I'lvsidont,  (if  till'  Court  iM;irli;il,  A!l);iny." 


Certificate,  of  Joseph  McCakcn,  Hull'st   Trial,  Appendix, 

page  6. 

"  Alban-v,  17IIi  FchniJiry,  LSI  I. 

"  To  the   Court  Martial   appointed  for  the  trial  of 
General  Hull : 

"  I  say,  on  my  sacred  honour,  that  I  was  a  Cap- 
tain, in  the  year  1777,  in  Colonel  Vanscock's  Re<ii- 
ment,  of  tin;  State  of  New-York;  that  I  served  with 
General  Hull  in  the  year  1777,  in  the  expedition  un- 
der Cieneral  Arnold,  which  relieved  Fort  Stanwix; 
that  I  likewise  served  with  General  Hull  in  the  cam- 
paign of  177o,  and  was  with  him  in  the  Inittle  of 
Monmouth,  when  I  was  wounded,  and  lost  my  arm  ; 
that  there  was  no  officer  of  General  Hull's  rank  that 
stood  higher  in  my  estimation,  and,  as  lar  as  1  knew, 
in  the  estimation  of  tht;  army  ;  that  he  was  consider- 
ed as  a  brave  and  excellent  officer. 

(Sigiioil)  .lOSKl'H  McCAKEN, 

A  Major  in  the  ^cw-Vork  iiiu;  in  1778." 


great  promp" 
;h    11)010    than 

comjM'Iled  to 
)  thus  enabled, 

the  Bronx. 

ir  servant, 
.1.  iiROOKS." 


rial,  Appc7idix, 

Februiiry,  181  1. 

)r  the   trial  of 

I  was  a  Cap- 
scock's  Re<>i- 
I  served  with 
expedition  un- 
ort  Stanwix; 
ill  in  the  eam- 
the  battle  of 
lost  my  arm  ; 
ill's  rank  that 
"ar  as  I  knew, 
was  consider- 

CAlvEN, 

rk  iiiu;  in  1778." 


APPENDIX. 


433 


Letter  from  John  Slacj/,a  Itrvolutlonary  soldier,  to  General 

William  Uull. 

"IIakvahd,  20Ui  Align:  t,  \H1\. 
'•  nKN-F.iiAr,  Wii.i.iAM  Tin, I,: 

"  Sill,— P(M-niit    a  soldier  of  the   Revolutionary 
war,  who  served  six  years  previous  to  its  close,  and 
who  is  a  native  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  to  con- 
gratulate you  on  the  honourable  testimony  borne  by 
General  Heath  and  others,  highly  distinguished  in  ihat 
war,  for  your  having  acted  so  distinguished  a  part  in 
our  Revolutionary  struggles.     I  am  jirobably  one  of 
the  few  remaining  who  was  under  your  command  in 
the  hazardous  expedition  at  Morrissania,  and  1  feci 
myself  happy  in  living  to  this  period,  that  I  may  wit- 
ness to  the  gallantry  and  address  with  which  the  en- 
terprise was  effected;  not  only  as  it  respects  the  as- 
sault on  the  enemy  in  that  place,  but  on  the  morning 
after,  in  decoying   the   enemy  some  miles  from   its 
lines,  without  any  material  injury  to  our  troops,  and 
until  it  came  in  contact  with  our  reinforcements,  which 
immediately  checked  the  enemy  and  drove  it  back 
with  considerable  loss.     We  were  nearly  forty  hours 
from  our  (piarters  and   the  whole  time  on  thi;  alert, 
without  any  respite  from  duty.     Well  knowiiii;  the 
courage   and  enterprise  of   the  commander  on  this 
occasion  inspired   every  soldier  with  a  noble  ardour  ; 
animated  everyone  to  a  prompt  and  cheerful  jier- 
formance  of  duty,  and  stimulated  them  to  follow  their 
leader,  not  knowing  whither  going  or  what  the  object. 
"  Would  to  God,  Sir,  I  could  add  one  mite,  to  have 
your  character  as  an  officer  and  soldier,  placed  on  its 

28 


134 


APPENDIX. 


proper  basis ;  and  to  have  it  entirely  acquitted  from 
what  I  consider,  and  I  believe  thousands  of  your 
fellow-citizens  do  also,  the  vile,  wicked,  and  corrupt 
proceedings,  that  have  been  had  against  you,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  failure  of  the  expedition  against 
Canada  in  the  late  war,  and  that  those  who  formed 
the  scheme  of  your  destruction,  might  soon  feel  the 
weight  of  their  own  iniquitous  conduct. 

"  From  an  old  soldier,  who  still  feels  the  high  value 
of  a  soldier's  reputation. 

(Signotl)  JOHN  STACY." 


LctU,  from  Daniel  Putnam,  Esq.,  Son  of  General  Putnam, 

to  General  Hull. 

"  Brooklyn,  Ct.,  Sop.  25,  1824. 

"My  dear  Sir,— The  renewal  of  a  correspond- 
ence that  has  been  suspended  almost  half  a  century, 
m  all  which  time  there  has  been  little  personal  in- 
tercourse, is  an  awkward  left-handed  business,  which 
one  knows  hardly  how  to  begin. 

"  Like  a  mariner  without  a  compass  on  the  track- 
less ocean,  who  steers  his  bark  by  guess,  and  while 
he  remembers  where  his  home  ivas,  is  ignorant  of  the 
course  that  will  conduct  him  to  it,  so  am  I,  alike  un- 
certain whether  amj  advance  on  my  part  can  brin^ 
me  back  to  your  remembrance,  witli  the  kindness  of 
ol-^en  time,  and  if  any,  how  I  shall  set  myself  at 
w:jk  to  make  it  most  successfully. 

"  If  I  advert  to  the  season  of  youth,  when  under 
the  appellation  of  <  Rebels,^  and,  as  it  were,  with  hal- 
ters about  our  necks,  we  were  among  the  number 


APPENDIX. 


4S5 


eral  Putnam, 


who  opposed  a  powerful  enemy  and  never  quailed 
at  his  approach,  why  then,  1  know  not  how  to  asso- 
ciate a  lofty  spirit  and  a  patriot  heart  with  dishonour. 
"  If  I  call  to  remembrance  the  laurels  which  tiien 
encircled  your  brow,  and  tiie  deeds  of  renown  which 
drew  forth  the  thanks  of  Washington  in  general  or- 
^lers,  and  those  of  Congress  inscribed  on  their  jour- 
nals, I  recognize  you  as  the  gallant  Colonel  Hull,  at 
the  head  of  his  partisan  cor])s,  and  do  not  forget  how 
1  rejoiced  in  the  well  merited  fame  of  my  friend. 

"  But  when  I  heard  of  you  in  more  advanced  life 
as  a  general  officer,  at  the  head  of  an  army  destined 
for  the  conquest  of  an  enemy's  province,  I  doubted 
the  extension  of  your  fame,  -dnd  feared  for  the  safety  of 
that  which  had  already  been  acquired  ;  not  that  your 
valour  was  qu(;stioned,  but  because  you  had  embarked 
without  adequate  means,  in  an  enterprise  where  suc- 
cess was  so  necessary  to  conciliate  public  favour,  and 
so  indispensable  to  preserve  the  public  confidence, 
that  disaster,  however  unavoidable,  must  be  attended 
with  certain  ruin. 

"  When  the  news  of  your  capitulation  reached 
us,  and  the  epithets  of  '  Coward,'  '  Traitor,'  &c., 
were  bellowed  lustily  from  so  many  mouths,  and  run"- 
long  and  loud  in  om-  ears,  I  thought,  as  I noiv  think"; 
and  when,  after  a  long  delayed  trial,  I  read  your  de- 
fence before  the  Court  Martial,  and  the  cruel  sen- 
tence of  that  Court,  I  marked  you  as  the  <  scape-goat ' 
on  whose  head  the  errors  of  others  were  laid,  to  di- 
vert the  public  indignation  from  their  own;  but  I 
never  did  believe  your  blood  would  be  shed  to  expiate 
their  sins  ;  it  was  a  sacrifice  too  daring. 


436 


APPENDIX. 


"  It  is  the  property  of  narrow  minds,  when  in- 
flated with  success,  that  thej  are  commonly  hurried 
on  to  deeds  of  arrogance  ;  and  you  have  witnessed 
another  attempt  to  consign  a«o//te/' wome  to  infamy. 
All  that  I  can  wish  lor  you  is,  that  yours  may  rise  as 
far  ahove  the  intrigues  of  your  enemies,  as  that  has 
done,  above  the  imputations  suggested  hy  malice  and 
envy. 

"  It  was  thirty  years  after  death,  before  the  ven- 
omous dart  was  sped,  and  ere  you  shall  have  slept 
like  time  in  dust,  historv  wili  do  you  justice,  and  no 
recreant  haiji!  shall  change  the  sentence. 

"  Accept  my  best  wishes  for  the  peace  and  happi- 
ness of  your  remaining  life;,  and  believe  me  your 
friend, 

(Signed)         DANIEt,  PUTNAM." 
"  General  W^r.  Hull." 


Letter  from  Charles  P.  Sumner,  Esq.,  to  General  Hull. 

"IJosTON,  Marcli  11,  1825. 

"  Sir, — I  perceive  by  the  publications  you  have 
made  in  the  course  of  the  year  past,  in  the  '  States- 
man,' and  in  your  panijjhlet,  that  you  are  desirous  to 
dispel  the  clouds  that  for  a  while  seemed  to  rest  upon 
your  name.  I  therefore  feel  it  my  duty  to  express  to 
you  my  humble  opinion,  that  your  Memoirs  have  had 
and  are  having  the  desired  effect,  of  reinstating  you 
in  the  good  opinion  of  impartial  and  disinterested 
men  :  this  is  the  effect,  wherever  I  have  had  a'\  op- 
portunity of  hearing  their  opinion,  and  it  is  the  effect 
on  me,  althougl\  I  am  one  of  those  who  had  some 
degree  of  prejudice  to  your  disadvantage. 


APPENDIX. 


437 


s,  when  in- 
mly  liurncd 
e  witnessed 
?  to  infamy, 
may  rise  as 
IS  tluit  has 
malice  and 

>re  ihe  ven- 

have  slept 

tico,  and  no 

and  ha])})!- 
e   me  your 

PUTNAM." 


val  Hull. 

rch  11,  1825. 

s  you  have 
lie  '  States - 
desirous  to 
0  rest  upon 
» express  to 
s  have  had 
stating  you 
isinterested 
had  a\  op- 
s  the  effect 
had  some 


"  There  are  Gates  and  Bedlocs  in  more  countries 
than  Enghuid  ;  and  in  other  times  than  those  of 
Charles  II.  ;  and  you  have  afforded  an  instance  of  the 
truth  of  a  remark  of  Charles  J.  Fox,  in  his  history  of 
a  short  period  previous  to  the  English  Revolution  ; 
that  one  of  the  chief  evils  attendant  on  times  of 
high  political  excitement,  is  the  facility  it  gives  a 
dominant  party,  to  brand  their  rivals  with  opprobrium, 
and  make  even  the  records  of  the  history  of  their 
country  speak  the  language  of  malice  and  falsehood, 
couched  in  the  forms  of  law. 

"  I  am  unknown  to  you,  but  there  are  thousands 
equally  unknown,  that  are  daily  imbibing  and  recov- 
ering the  most  respectful  sentiments  towards  you, 
and  believe  that  your  character  will  not  sufler  in  the 
estimation  of  unprejudic(!d  posterity  by  any  compari- 
son that  can  be  instituted  between  you  and  any  of  vour 
more  successful  cotemporaries  ;  two  of  whom  have 
so  recently  bid  farewell  to  the  smiles  or  frowns  of 
men. 

"  Whoever  may  be  your  survivor,  I  sincerely  hope 
yo.ir  sun  may  set  in  a  doidless  sky. 

(.Si-iiicl)        CHARLES  P.  SUMNER." 
"General  W.ii.  IIi-r.L.*' 

Letter  fro/n  Roger  M.  Sherman,  Esq.,  to  General  IhiU. 

"Faiiifielp,  Ct.,  Marrli  21,  1825. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  cannot  forbear  expressing  to  you 
the  great  satisfaction  1  have  derived  from  the  perusal 
of  your  '  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  the  North- 
western Army.'     So  far  as  I  know  the   public  senti- 


438 


APPENDIX, 


ment,  they  are  deemed  a  satisfoetory  and  unanswera- 
ble vindication.  Your  proofs  are  conclusive  ;  and  no 
mind,  however  prejudiced,  accustomed  to  the  weigh- 
ing of  evidence,  can  resist  the  inferences  you  make 
from  them.  This  remark  is  extensively  verified  in 
the  circle  of  my  own  observation.  I  am  happy 
that  you  possessed  such  ample  means  of  doing  an 
act  of  justice  to  yourself,  your  friends,  and  youi 
country. 

"  Please  to  accept  from  Mrs.  Sherman  and  my- 
self, and  present  to  Mrs.  Hull  and  your  family,  assu^ 
ranees  of  our  very  sincere  esteem. 

(Signet!)        ROGER  M.  SHERMAN." 
"  General  Wm.  Hull." 


Letter  from  Dr  Jcmes  Thacher  {the  historian)  ta  General' 

Hull. 

"  Plyiholtu,  April  4,  182.5. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  have  perused  your  Memoirs  with 
great  satisfaction.  It  has  confirmed  my  conviction., 
and  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  has  had  the  same  effect 
on  every  candid  and  unprejudiced  mind.  I  am  decid- 
edly of  opinion,  that  justice  and  duty  require  that 
you  should  no  longer  estrange  vourself  from  the  so- 
ciety of  your  fellow-citizens  and  your  compatriots, 
and  I  hope  you  will  resume  that  standing  with  the 
public  to  which  you  are  unquestionably  entitled.  1 
expected  to  have  seen  you  in  our  ranks,  at  our  inter- 
view with  General  Lafayette.  Since  the  much 
lamented  death  of  our  excellent  and  amiable  friend, 
General  Brooks,  I  have  suggested  to  several  of  ouv 


APPENDIX. 


439 


unanswera- 
ve  ;  and  no 
the  weigh- 
!  you  make 

verified  in 
am  happy 
f  doing  an 

and   youi 

m  and  my- 
milj,  assu  * 

lEILMAN." 


ta  Generat 
pril  4,  1825. 

moirs  wit  It 
conviction., 
lame  effect 

am  decid- 
quiro  that 
»m  the  so- 
•mpatriotSj 
^  with  the 
ititled.     I 

our  inter- 
the  mucli 
l)h;  friend,, 
val  of  ou;. 


brethren,  that  you  ought  to  succeed  him  as  President 
of  our  Society  (Cincinnati).  Some  few  have  oh- 
jected,  and  Dr.  Townsend  (our  Vice-President)  and 
Major  Alden  iiave  been  mentioned,  and  the  result  is 
uncertain. 

"  I  understood  that  you  have  received  a  hitter 
from  General  Lafayette,  and  should  be  glad  to  know 
the  purport  of  it.  He  has  promised  me  that  he  will 
visit  this  town  before  he  leaves  the  country,  and  I 
shall  wait  on  him  immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Bos- 
ton. Being  in  Boston  not  long  since,  1  was  much 
gratified  to  learn,  that  you  had  written  a  Memorial 
to  Congress,  in  favour  of  our  Revolutionary  claims. 
Some  montiis  ago,  I  addressed  through  the  '  Centi- 
ncl,^  tiie  surviving  officers  on  the  same  subject,  and 
wrote  to  General  Brooks,  recpiesting  his  opinion  re- 
specting a  special  meeting  of  our  Society,  to  take  the 
business  into  consideration,  while  the  enthusiasm  ex- 
cited by  the  presence  of  General  Lafayette  was  in 
operation.  At  no  period  have  the  surviving  officers 
been  held  in  higher  respect  and  more  grateful  recol- 
lection than  the  present,  and  never  perhaps  was 
public  money  appropriated  more  to  the  satisfacttion  of 
the  people,  than  that  for  pensions  and  the  grant  to 
General  Lafayette. 

"  I  cannot  believe  but  Congress  will  be  disposed 
to  do  justice  to  the  few  survivors,  who  are  so  fairly 
entitled  to  consideration,  if  a  pr()[)er  aj)plication 
should  be  made.  I  Avill  thank  you  to  forward  to  me  a 
copy  of  your  Memorial,  if  not  too  bulky  for  a  mail 
fetter,  or  inform  me  of  the  purport  of  it,  and  whether 


440 


APPENDIX. 


you   include  the   Iieirs  o/'  deceased  officers  and  the 
soldiers. 

"  I  am>our  Iriend  and  very  luunblo  sen,  nt, 

(«i;^iud)  JAMES  THACHKR." 

"  General  Wai,  IIi;li,." 


Letter  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Binneij  of  Pliiladetphia 
to  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell,  a  ilaughter  of  General  Hull. 

"l'iiii.Ai)i;i,i'inA,  .Ahirch -I,  1811. 

"  My  dear  Mrs.  C AMPUELL,~rour  letter  of  24th 
February  gives  me  great  j.leasure,  in  the  assiu'ance 
that  a  grandson  of  General  Hull  is  prejjarluir  himself 
to  present  to  his  countrymen  that  portion  of  our 
history  which  is  panicularly  connected  with  the  life 
and  actions  of  his  ancestor.  It  will  be;  a  worthy 
employtnent  of  his  talents  as  a  scholar,  and  an  inter- 
esting record  of  his  liiial  piety. 

"  There  are  perha])s  too  many  still  living  who  are 
interested  in  sustaining  the  unjust  sentence  of  the 
day,  to  permit  us  to  hope  for  the  universal  acceptance 
of  any  work  that  shall  bring  it  and  them  to  r(>j)roach, 
by  exposing  the  j)rcjudices  and  party  interests  which 
led  to  it.  But  the  truth,  disj)assionately  told,  and 
sustained  by  evidence,  is  sure  to  triumph,  sooner  or 
later.  It  is  one  of  the  common  incidents  of  our 
condition,  a  state  of  war  between  evil  and  good, 
that  its  triumph  is  frequently  too  late  for  the  happi- 
ness of  those  we  respect  and  love. 

"  You  ask   me  what  I  think   about  asking   the 
Government  for  a  revocation  of  the  sentence  of  the 


?rs  aiul  the 
erv,  nt, 

HACMER." 


APPENDIX. 


441 


Philadvtplna 
<jneral  Hull. 

rch  ^1,  1811. 
tterof24tIi 
!  assurance 
iiu';  liiiiisolf 
ioii  of  our 
itii  tli()  liCc 
a  wortlij 
d  an  iiiter- 

ig  wlio  are 
lice  of  the 
:icco])tnnce 
)  rej)ioach, 
csts  which 
fold,  and 
,  sooner  or 
Its  of  our 
and  good, 
iic  luippi- 


sking   the 
ice  of  the 


Court  Martial.  As  tliis  is  a  question  which  involves 
the  o|)inioiis  and  sentiments  of  others,  rather  than 
myself,  I  should  of  course  think  it  best  to  leav(!  a 
decision  upon  it,  until  the  work  you  speak  of  shall 
have  appeared,  and  had  its  effect. 

"  The  want  of  regular  and  legal  authority  in  any 
branch  of  the  Ciovernment,  to  reverse  such  a  sen- 
tence, will  alu.iys  be  the  refuge  of  such  as  may  be 
opposed  to  the  reversal,  and  can  find  no  reasons 
against  it  in  justice.  Governments  are,  moreover, 
unwilling  in  general  to  record  their  own  injustice, 
even  when  tln^  injustice  has  been  the  work  of  l)arty, 
and  the  party  that  perj)etrated  it  has  passed  away. 

"  Vou  must  be  familiar  with  the  case  of  Admiral 
Byng — the  deepest  stain  f  think  ujion  the  memory 
of  Chatham,  and  the  deepest  disgrace  of  Ceoige  II. 
and  his  ministers.  Byng  was  sacrificed,  w  itliout  a 
solitary  reason  in  his  owu  conduct  or  character,  and 
with  no  motive,  but  to  screen  the  incomj)etency  of 
the  ministers  of  that  day.  Posterity  has  reversed 
the  sentence,  fully  and  unanimously.  But  tin  re  has 
been  no  other  reversal  of  it. 

"After  all,  a  reversal  by  the  Government  is  a 
ibrm.  The  true  rev(;rsal  is  by  the  voice,  and  in  the 
hearts,  of  the  jieojile.  With  those  who  know  the 
ease  of  General  Hull,  that  reversal  has,  I  think,  been 
already  pronounced.  The  thing  to  be  desired  by 
the  personal  friends  of  himself  and  his  family  is,  to 
make  that  reversal  the  sentence  of  history. 

"  How  much  I  shall  be  gratified  to  see,  to  live  to 
see,  I  may  say,  all  your  wishes  attained  on  this,  a 


442 


APPENDIX. 


subject  anion-  the  nearest  to  your  Iieart,  I  need  not 
say. 

"  I  am,  i\)y  dear  madam, 

"  With  ^reat  re-ard,  your  friend, 

(**^'""'''0  IKMl.  III.WEV." 

Letter  from  Culonrl.  Trumhull  to  Mrs.  Ju/ia  K.  W/iccler, 
a  daiii^litrr  of  (jcaeral  lluU. 

"^fF.w  Havkn.  JlllIC  ;{(l,  1811. 

"  Madam,— I  received  in  din;  time  the  letter  of 
th<^  15th  nfay,  uliich  you  was  j)h!as(!d  to  a.hJress  to 
me,  accompanying  the  Memoir,  written  hy  your  father, 
General  Ifnll,  which  explains  the  events  of  the  eam- 
paiiin  of  1812.  I  am  very  much  ohliged  to  you  for 
giving  me  this  opportunity  to  know  and  understand 
the  true  history  of  that  period,  better  than  I  did  before. 

"The  declaration  and  conduct  of  that  war,  1 
have  always  regarded  as  one  of  the  least  iionourable 
passages  of  the  American  history,  [)iit  I  now  view  it 
with  increased  disgust,  as  a  most  disgraceful  period 
of  the  grossest  ignorance  and  misconduct ;  and  what 
IS  worse,  a  vile  (Mideavour  to  divert  |)ul)lic  indignation 
from  its  authors  and  conductors,  by  a  sacri/ice  of  the 
reputation,  and  even  life,  of  one  of  the  bravest  offi- 
cers of  the  Revolution. 

"  I  had  not  the  pleasure  of  a  personal  accjuaint- 
ance  with  your  honourcid  father  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, as  we  W(Me  (employed  in  quarters  distant  from 
each  other,  but  I  always  regarded  him  as  one  of  the 
ornaments  of  the  service. 

"  With  sincere  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
madam,  your  faithful  servant, 


"  Mrs.  Jri.IA  K.  WlJEELER." 


(Signed) 


JNO.  TRUMBULL." 


,  I  need   not 


lilN.N'EV." 
f  K.  Wheeler y 

lime  ;i(l,  1811. 

th(^  lottoi*  of 
>  .'uldicss  to 
jour  fatlicr, 
of  tlio  cam- 
to  you  for 
understand 
I  (lid  heforo. 
that   war,  I 
lionourable 
low  view  it 
'oful   period 
;  and  what 
indiiiiiation 
i/iee  of  the 
iravcjst  offi- 

1  actjiiaint- 
!ie  Re  vol  u- 
istant  from 
one  of  tlie 

lour  to  be, 
U.MBULL." 


APPENDIX. 


Note  15. 


443 


Robert  Wallaces  Account  of  the  Surrender  of  Detroit. 

The  followini'-  letter  was  published  May  SHtli, 
18 '12,  in  th(?  Liekinj^-  Valley  Register,  at  Covinf,'ton, 
KentU(;ky,  and  was  written  by  Robert  Wallace,  a 
f^enlleinan  who  was  one  of  the  Aid-de-C'anips  of 
General  Hull.  This  testimony  to  the  character  of 
CJeiieral  Hull  is  valuable,  because  it  was  given  volun- 
tarily, without  solicitation,  and  without  communica- 
tion with  Geiuiial  Hull's  friends,  who  did  not  even 
know  that  Mr.  Wallace  was  still  living.  It  is  a  graphic 
and  evidently  correct  account  of  the  principal  inci- 
dents of  the  campaign  and  surrender. 

The  letter  is  here  reprinted  without  alt(;ration, 
except  the  omission  of  a  single  phrase,  concerning 
Cajitain  Hull,  which  might  be  misunderstood.  All  the 
remarks  of  Mr.  Wallace  u|)on  General  Hull's  con- 
duct, whfuher  favourable  en'  otherwise,  are  given  with- 
out alteration  or  comment. 


"HULL'S  SURRENDER. 
*'  Mr.  R.  C.  Langdon  : 

"  Sir, — Incompliance  with  your  request,  and  the 
solicitations  of  several  other  friends,  I  have  written 
out,  from  recollection,  a  brief  detail  of  circumstances 
connected  with  the  surrender  of  Detroit  in  1812. 
My  situation  as  Aid-de-Camp,  afforded  every  oppor- 
tunity for  information,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  nothing 


4U 


ArPl^NDIX. 


of  imy   importanci;    trans|)ir(ul    in    Hn'l's   campaign 
without  my  kiiowlcMli^o  of  the  motive. 

"  TIk!  priidciiro  and  dcsj)ati:li  of  our  piarcli  tlu()Uf:;h 
a  wildcriKvss,   makin-^  our  road   tliioi!:;Ii  woods  and 
swamps  ;  fort il'vinii  our  camps,  and  i,^uar(lini^-  against  a 
surj)risc  from  tlio  Indians,  inspired  us  with  confidence 
in  our  old   hut  experienced  commander.      iJis  letters 
from  the   War   Department  urged   l.im   on,  hut  our 
hoavy  wagons  and  constant  rains  retarded  our  pro- 
gress.    On  reaching  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  river, 
we  (ound  an  American  schooner  bound  for  Detroit. 
Anxious   to  comply   with   his  instructions,    (ieneraj 
Hull  directed  our  sinj)his  baggage  to  be  shipped,  and 
set  an  c.\amj)le   to   his  officers,  by  sendijig  his  own 
triuiks  on  board.      Mis  son.  Captain  Hull,  ^who  was 
also  an  Aid,)  in  executing   this  order,  imtt^rtunately 
shipped   a  small   trunk,   containing   th(!    papi  rs  and 
reports  of  the  army,  for  uhich  he  was  afterwards  se- 
verely reprimamled  by  his  father.     This  circumstance 
was  since   considered   an  evidence  of  trea<-hery,  but 
without  the  least  foundation  whatever.     On  the  fol- 
lowing night,  in  camj),  wv.  received  th(>  declaration  of 
war.     A  council  was  innnediately  calk d,  and  an  officer 
desi)atched  with  some  men  to  intercept  the  scIiooium-, 
at  the  riv(-r  IJaisin  ;   but  the  wind  had   been  fair,  and 
she  had  passed  that  river  before  our  messenger  reached 
its  mouth.     The  British   had  received   the   news  of 
war   by   the    Lake,   before   it    reached   us,   and  the 
schooner  was  captured  at  Maiden.     She  had  on  board 
tlie  most  of  our  baggaiie,  our  hospital  stores,  oiu-  in- 
trenching tools,  an  officer  and  three;  ladies,  belonging 


.s   campaign 

larch  tluough 
1  vv^ooiLs  and 
ini^'  ai^aiiist  a 
li  coiirKlciico 
His  letters 

on,  l)ut  our 
led  our  [)ro- 
INIiami  river, 
for  Detroit. 
IS,  (ien(>ral 
iiiipped,  and 
ng  his  own 
!,  .''who  was 
iiturtnnately 

pajjcrs  and 
erwards  S(;- 
ireunistance 
acliery,  but 
On  the  I'ol- 
'ehiration  of 
nd  anoflicer 
le  sehooner, 
en  fair,  and 
ger  readied 
!io   news  of 
s,   and  the 
id  on  board 
res,  our  in- 
,  belonging 


AITKNDIX. 


445 


to  the  4th  regiment,  and  a  number  of  invalid  soldiers. 
On  the  4th  of  .July  we  delayed  at  the  riv(!r  Huron  to 
build  a  bridge  for  our  wagons.  VV(!  rcMuainc.d  under 
arms  all  day,  and  in  order  of  battle,  being  surrounded 
by  Indiaus,  and  in  sight  of  a  British  IVi^aU;  lull  of 
troops.  During  that  day  it  was  r(;marked  to  uk;  by- 
several  ollieiirs,  that  General  Mull  appcjared  to  have 
no  s(!nso  of  |)ersonal  danger,  and  that  Ik;  would  eer- 
lainly  (k;  killed,  if  a  eontest  commenced.  This  was 
said,  to  j)repare  me  lor  taking  orders  from  tlu!  lu-xt 
in  rank  ;  and  1  mention  it  to  show  their  opinion  of 
him  at  the  time,. 

"  We  encamped  that  night  on  an  o[)en  prairie, 
without  timl)er  to  fortify,  or  tools  to  intrench.  Oiu" 
rear  was  protected  by  the  river,  om-  front  and  flank 
by  fires  at  som(>  distance;  from  the  Vnu'.s.  I'ieket- 
guards  were  posted,  scouts  k(;pt  in  motion,  and  half 
the  troops  alternately  underarms  all  night.  All  lights 
were  extinguished  in  the  camp  but  one  that  was  for 
the  us(;  of  the  Surgeon,  lor  W(!  (>xpe('ted  an  attack  be- 
fore day.  I  give  this  as  a  sp(;cimen  of  vigilance, 
which  could  n(;ver  have  been  taken  by  surprise  ;  our 
camp  and  line  of  march  were  always  in  order  of 
battle. 

"Tlu;  extent  of  General  Hull's  instructions  were, 
'  to  protect  D(>troit.'  On  our  arrival  there,  most  of 
our  officers  and  men  were  eag(,'r  to  cross  the  line, 
which  tlu!  (leneral  was  not  authorized  to  do,  but  on 
receiving  permission,  he  moved  over  at  tlu;  head  of 
two  regiments,  and  sent  back  his  boats  for  the  re- 
mainder.    We  looked  for  a  warm  reception,  but  a 


446 


APPENDIX. 


feint  towards  Maiden  on  the  previous  evening  had 
inducted  the  enemy  to  retire  to  that  post  in  the  night. 
Our  camp  was  fortified  imi.iediatelj  o])positc  Detroit, 
where  a  council  was  held  on  tlie  propriety  of  attack- 
ing Maiden  without  a  battering  train  of  ^ir.ilerj, 
which  was  not  then  in  readiness.  Some  of  our  officers 
were  willing  to  try  the  experiment,  but  a  majority 
was  opposed  to  the  risk  of  assaulting  a  regular  fort 
with  raw  troops,  and  without  artillery  to  make  a 
breach.  Consequently  it  was  determined  that  we 
should  wait  for  the  mounting  of  some  heavy  guns 
which  lay  at  Detroit,  and  two  floating  batteries 
were  prei)ared  for  their  transportation  by  water. 

"  This  determination  occasioned  a  delay  of  nearly 
three  weeks,  which  proved  most  fatal  to  the  results 
of  the  campaign.  Had  we  been  prepared  for  an 
immediate  attack  upon  Maiden,  our  campaign  would 
have  been  as  glorious  as  it  was  otherwise  disastrous, 
and  the  name  of  General  Hull  would  have  been  ex- 
alted  to  the  skies. 

"  During  this  unfortunate  interval,  we  subsisted 
in  a  great  measure  upon  supplies  obtain{!d  in  Canada. 
Our  own  stO(;k  would  not  have  sustained  us,  and  all 
communication  with  our  country  was  cut  off.  The 
romantic  policy  of  our  Government,  in  refusing  the 
aid  of  our  own  Indians,  turned  them  against  us,  cut 
off  our  supplies  by  land,  and  increased  the  strength 
of  the  enemv. 

"  A  company  of  volunteers  from  Ohio,  under  Cap- 
tain Brush,  arrived  at  the  river  Raisin  with  some 
cattle  and  flour.     Four  hundred  riflemen,  commanded 


evening  had 
in  the  night, 
ositc  Detroit, 
ty  of  attack- 
of  ^.ifiilerj, 
if  our  officers 
:  a  majority 
i  regular  fort 

to    make  a 
lied  that  we 

heavy  guns 
ng  batteries 
by  water, 
lay  of  nearly 
3  the  results 
)ared  for  an 
paign  would 
e  disastrous, 
:V(i  been  ex- 

-e  subsisted 
I  in  Canada, 
I  us,  and  all 
It  off.  The 
refusing  the 
linst  us,  cut 
he  strength 

under  Cap- 

with  some 

:ommanded 


APPENDIX. 


447 


by  Major  Vanhorne,  were  sent  to  escort  them  to  De- 
troit. This  detachment  fell  into  an  ambuscade  of 
Indians,  and  was  routed  with  serious  loss.  About 
this  time  we  received  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of 

Mackinaw  and  Chicago,  the  only  American  forts  above 
us  on  the  Lakes.  Two  vessels  came  down,  loaded 
with  furs  and  American  prisoners,  under  white  flags, 
and  expected  to  pass  us  in  the  character  of  cartel's  .' 
but  they  were  captured  and  placed  between  our  bat- 
teries at  Detroit.  Those  surrenders  let  loose  upon 
us  all  the  Indians  and  Voyageurs  of  the  upper 
Lakes. 

"  About  the  4th  of  August  our  guns  were  ready  : 
orders  were  given  to  prepare  three  days'  provisions,' 
to  remove  all  surplus  baggage  to  Detroit,  and  the  long 
anticipated  movement  on  Maiden  was  to  have  been 
made  on  the  following  day.  Our  troops  conjectured 
that  such  was  the  intention,  and  were  animated  with 
the  prosj)cct  of  a  decisive  blow.  But  that  niuht  the 
nnfortunate  intelligence  arrived,  that  a  considerable 
lorce  of  British,  Canadians  and  Indians,  was  coming 
upon  our  rear  by  an  interior  route. 

"  II(>re  a  ruinous  error  was  committed.  Instead 
of  making  the  attack  on  Maiden  before  the  rr'inforce- 
nients  of  the  tuiemy  could  arrive,  General  Hull  order- 
ed a  r{!treat  to  Detroit,  leaving  a  small  and  im|)erfect 
fortification  with  three  hiuidred  men,  to  hold  his 
footing  on  the  Canadian  shore,  and  prevent  the  bom- 
bardment of  Detroit.  After  two  or  three  days 
occupation,  this  miserable  concern  was  abandoned. 
General    Hull's    instructions    'to    protect    Detroit,' 


448 


APPENDIX. 


sccMiicd  over  upporniost  in  liis  mind,  but  Uv.  lnck(;(l  the 
energy  neeessary  to  accomplisli  that  ohject  by  vigor- 
ous o|)erations  against  tlio  enemy.     IJis  poliey  was 
aItog(;tiier  on  the  delcnsive.     After  our  return  to  De- 
troit, another  detachment   of  about  V>00  men,  under 
Lieut.  Col.  iAriMer,  was  despatched   to  meet  Captain 
Brush.     They  mc^t  a  superior  force  of  British  and 
Indians  at  Brownstown,  and  after  a  severe  en"afc- 
ment,  drove  the  British  to  tiieir  boats;  but  were  too 
much  disabled   to  j)roceed.     At  the  solicitations  of 
Colonels  Cass  and  j\re Arthur,  those  two  enterprising 
officers  were  permitted  to  take  the  pick  of  their  r(>gi- 
ments  and   try  the  circuitous   route  of  Wayne's  old 
trace  through  the  woods.     They  l(>ft  Detroit  on  the 
14th  of  August,  n  hilst  a  movement  was  mad(^  down 
the  river  bank,  to  deceive  the  spies  of  the  enemy,  and 
the  (l(>tachment  escaped  their  observation.     Our  pro- 
visions were  now  a  subject  of  serious  concern,  and 
these  circunistances  show  what  prosjiect  we  had  to 
replenisji  them. 

"  WIkmi  Ciencral  Hull  accepted  the  command  of 
the  Northwestern  Army,  he  stipulated  for  the  speedy 
possession  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  most  active  opera- 
tions at  its  lower  extremity.  In  all  his  correspond- 
ence with  the  War  Department,  and  with  (Jenerals 
Dearborn  and  Hall  at  the  lower  end  of  the  Lake,  he 
coniiiHied  to  urge  those  subjects,  but  our  Government 
was  unpreparcul  at  every  point  on  the  Lakes.  At 
this  important  crisis  in  the  situation  of  Detroit, 
Dearborn  entered  into  an  armistice  with  General 
Brock  (commander-in-chief  of  the  enemy's  forces), 


0  lacked  the 
ct  by  vi^or- 
s  policy  was 
^tiirii  to  Dc- 
inci),  under 
Oct  Ca])tain 
British  and 
!i'c  en  "a ire- 
ut  were  too 
citations  of 
I'nteiprising 

1  their  regi- 
Vayne's  oUI 
roit  on  the 
rnad(^  down 
enemy,  and 

Our  pro- 

mccrn,  and 

wo  had  to 

)mmand  of 
the  speedy 
tive  opera- 
lorrespond- 
b  Generals 
e  Lake,  he 
overnment 
-ak(\s.  At 
)(■  Detroit, 
h  General 
's  forces), 


APPENDIX 


449 


for  thirty  days,  and  excepted  the  command  of  General 
flull  from  its  operation.* 

"•In  this  manoeuvre  General  Dearborn  was  entirely 
outwitted.  Brock  came  up  the  Lake  with  every 
vessel,  and  all  the  forces  he  could  muster;  and  the 
fust  intimation  we  received  of  his  arrival  was,  a  sum- 
mons to  surrender.  On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth 
the  messengers  of  Brock  came  over,  and  were  de- 
tained some  hours,  under  preti^xt  of  deliberation,  but 
in  reality  to  place  ourselves  in  a  better  state  of  de- 
fence. Several  attempts  were  made  to  recall  the 
detachment  under  Cass  and  McArthur,  which  had 
marched  ihe  day  before,  b--^  our  spies  reported  the 
woods  to  be  swarming  with  Indians,  and  they  could 
not  get  out.  The  absence  of  Cass  and  McArthur, 
with  perhap.  JOO  picked  men,  our  deficiency  of  num- 
bers to  protect  the  city  on  all  sides,  and  our  limited 
supply  ol'  provisions,  were  circumstances  deeply  re- 
gretted. Nevertheless,  a  firm  and  decided  answer 
was  given  in  about  these  words :  « I  am  prepared  to 
meet  the  forces  under  your  command,  and  all  the 
consequences  attending.'  This  reply  had  no  sooner 
reached  the  opposite  shore,  than  the  batteries  opened 
on  both  sides,  and  a  scene  ensued  sufficient  to  astound 


*  Tliis  stdtpmont  of  Mr.  Wal- 
lace is  in  part  orronoouH.  The  ar- 
mistice was  entered  into  1  -^ween 
.Sir  (leortre  Frevost  anri  L  wmi 
Dearborn  ;  theelFectof  wluch,  Isow- 
ever,  was  to  enable  General  Urock, 
who  was  advised  of  tlie  manoeuvre 
of  iSir  George  Prevost,  at  once  to 

29 


cross  Lake  Erie  and  attack  CJenenil 
Hull  witjj  his  wlioie  force,  which, 
l)ut  lor  the  armistice,  would  have 
been  detained,  in  defence  of  the 
pc.^t,  he  was,  under  t'le  circum- 
stances, enabled  temporarily  to 
leave. 


450 


ArFKNDIX. 


I 


the  senses  of  inexperienced  troops.  Still  iliere  wn^ 
but  little  ;i|)peariinee  of  dismay.  Steady  dcKuinina- 
tion  a|)|)eared  to  be  the  expression  of  almost  every 
eye.  On  removini-;  a  frame  buildini,^  din^etly  oppo- 
site the  fort,  a  homb-battery  was  disj)layed,  and  its 
shells  were  showered  upon  us  in  abundant  profusion. 
Chimneys  and  every  other  object  above  the  walls  of 
the  fort,  were  levelled  with  despatch,  except  the  llaji 
of  our  coimtry.  Thu  stars  and  stri()es  still  waved 
amidst  the  smoke,  a  thrilling  aj)peal  to  every  Ameri- 
can heart.  Soon  after  dark  the  Jiring  ceased,  but 
was  renewed  with  the  dawn  of  day.  Until  the 
inorniui;  of  tlio  f'ltal  IGth  of  August,  I  saw  no  flinch- 
ing iti  the  countenance  of  General  Hull.  I  had  been 
with  him  both  in  and  out  of  the  fort;  his  only  a])pa- 
rent  concern  was  to  save  our  iUnmimition,  ior  oin- 
long  iwentv-four  pounders  were  consuming  it  very 
f:..  1  ,  a?  a  I  was  sent  repeatedly  to  the  batteries  with 
oidfci-     to  fne  with  more  deliberation.' 

"About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  Captain  Hull 
found  some  straggling  soldiers  in  the  town.  He 
ordered  thens  immediately  to  their  post ;  and  seein" 
them  disposed  to  hesitate,  he  ])ursued  them  on  horse- 
back, sword  in  hand,  to  their  regiment.  Their 
Colonel  having  given  them  leave  of  absence;,  was 
exasperated,  and  made  his  way  to  the  General, 
demanding  the  arrest  of  his  son.  The  Captain  soon 
made  his  ajjpearance,  and  challenged  the  Colonel  to 
fight  him  on  the  spot.  This  circumstance  produced 
the  first  agitation  that  1  discovered  in  General  Hull. 
He  begged  me  to  take  care  of  his  imprudent  son, 


APPENDIX. 


II  lh(;ro  was 
^  dcUniniiKi- 
Imost  tivcrj 

il(!Ctlj  0|)|)()- 

ycd,  and  its 
It  proftision. 
tli(;  walls  of 
■ej)t  the  flag 
5  still  waved 
very  Ameri- 

ceased,  but 

Until    the 

w  no  flineh- 

I  had  been 
?  only  a])j)a- 
ion,  I'or  our 
ling  it  very 
itteries  with 

■aptain  Hull 
town,  ile 
and  seeing 
m  on  liorse- 
3nt.  Their 
isenee,  was 
e  General, 
aptain  soon 
Colonel  to 
:e  produced 
neral  Hull, 
udcnt  son, 


451 


.md  he  was  confined  to  a  room  in  the  oflicers'  quar- 
ters. 

"  Soon  after  this  a  more  serious  disaster  oecurr(;d, 
whi(;li  increased  the  General's  agitation.     A  number 
of  ladies  and  children,  the  families  of  officers  on  duty, 
occu|)ied  a  .oom  in  the  fort.     General  I  lull's  daughter 
and  her  children  were  among  them.     A  ball  entered 
the  housi;,  killing  two  officers,  who  had   gone  in  to 
encourage  their  families.     The  ladies  and  children, 
many  of  them    senseless,   were  hurried  across    the 
parade  to  a  bomb-proof  vault,  which  had  been  cleared 
out  for  them.     The  General  saw  this  affair  at  a  dis- 
tance,  but  knew   not  wiiom  nor  how  many  were 
destroyed,  for  sev(;ral  of  the  ladies  were  bespattered 
Hvitli  blood.     Other  incidents  soon  followed.    Several 
men  were  cut  down  in  the  fort,  and  two  other  officers 
received  a  ball  through  the  gate.     All  this  time  the 
General  was  walking  back  and  forth  on  the  ])arade, 
<:vidently  in  a  very  anxious  state  of  mind.     Several 
propositions  were  made  to  him,  all  of  which,  1  believe, 
lie    rejected.     For   instance,  Brigadc-M:'ior  Jessup 
projK)  ed   to  cross   the   river,  and  spike  the  enemy's 
gnns.     I  think  he  replied,  it  was  a  desperate  cxperi- 
unent,  and  as  the  enemy  was  advancing,  he  could  not 
spare  the  men  from  their  posts.     Captain  Snellin« 
proposed  to  haul  down  one  of  our  heavy  guns,  to 
annoy  the  enemy,  then  three   miles  below  the  fort. 
He  rej)lied,  that  the  slender   bridge  below  the  town 
would  not  support  its  weight,  and  the  gun  would 
surely  fall  into  their  hands,  and  be  turned  against  us  ^ 
^hat  the  men  were  posted  to  the  best  advantage,  and 


452 


APPENDIX. 


^ 


ill 


he  did  not  wish  to  move  them.     The  gun  alluded  to 
weighed,  with  its  carriage,  about  7000  lbs. 

"  General  Hull  was  then  at  least  sixty-five  years 
of  age,  and  no  doubt  felt  incapable  of  the  bold  exer- 
tions that  his  situation  required.*  lie  appeared  ab- 
sorbed in  anxious  thought,  and  disposed  to  avoid  all 
conversation.  My  duty  required  me  to  remain  near 
the  General,  but  seeing  that  he  appeared  to  have  no 
commands  for  me,  I  stepped  across  the  parade  to  as- 
sist in  the  amputation  of  an  officer's  limb.  Whilst 
occupied  in  this  unpleasant  task,  Captain  Burton,  of 
the  4th  regiment,  passed  me  with  a  table-cloth  sus- 
pended to  a  pike,  I  inquired  what  that  was  for. 
He  hastily  replied,  '  It  is  the  General's  order,'  and 
mounting  one  of  the  l>astions,  began  to  wave  it  in 
the  air.  I  ran  immediately  to  the  General,  and  in- 
quired the  meaning  of  the  white  flag.  ^  I  ordered 
it,  sir,'  was  the  reply  ;  and  facing  about,  he  contin- 
ued his  walk.  The  firing  soon  ceased,  and  mounting 
the  breast-work  I  saw  two  British  ofticers,  with  an 
American  officer,  all  on  horseback,  approaching  the 
gate.  Thinking  their  entrance  improper,  I  informed 
the  General,  and  he  directed  me  ^  to  keep  them  out 
of  the  fort.'  I  met  and  conducted  them  to  the  Gen- 
eral's marquee,  which  was  still  in  the  open  camp- 
General  Hull,  with  Colonel  Miller,  of  the  U.  S.  Army, 
and  Colonel  Brush,^  of  the  Michigan  militia,  made 


*Thi8  conjecture  of  Mr.  Walliico  day  of  surrender,  he  would  be  only 

is  incorrect.    As  General  Hull  was  59  yoars  and  not  quite  two  mouths 

born  on  the  24th  of  June,   1753 ;  old. 
on  the  16th  of  August,  1812,  the 


APPENDIX. 


433 


alluded  to 

-five  years 
bold  exer- 
peared  ab- 
o  avoid  all 
smain  near 
to  have  no 
rade  to  as- 
b.  Whilst 
Barton,  of 
-cloth  sus- 
t  was  for. 
3rder,'  and 
wave  it  in 
al,  and  in- 
'■  I  ordered 
he  con  tin - 
i  mounting 
s,  with  an 
laching  the 
I  informed 
p  them  out 
to  the  Gen- 
)pen  camp. 
J.  S.  Army, 
litia,  made 


3  would  be  only 
lite  two  mouths 


their  appearance.  The  articles  of  capitulation  were 
then  drawn  up  and  signed  by  Miller  and  Brush  on 
our  part,  and  by  the  two  British  officers  on  theirs.  It 
was  reported  to  General  Brock,  who  shortly  entered 
the  fort,  escorted  by  his  advanced  guard.  Brock  was 
shown  into  a  room,  in  the  officers'  (juarters,  where 
Hull  was  waiting,  and  after  settling  some  details, 
the  capitulation  was  ratified  by  their  signatures. 
While  these  matters  were  progressing.  Captain  Hull, 
awaking  from  a  sound  sleep,  discovered  the  British 
grenadiers  in  the  fort.  Breaking  through  a  window, 
he  ran  up  unarmed  and  without  a  hat,  to  the  com- 
manding officer,  and  demanded  his  business  there 
*  with  his  red-coat  rascals.'  The  officer  raised  his 
sword  to  cut  him  down,  but  I  reached  them  in  time, 
to  stay  the  blow,  by  informing  the  officer  that  the 
gentleman  was  partially  deranged.  He  instantly 
dropped  his  arm,  and  thanked  me  for  the  timely  in- 
terference. This  same  Caj)tain  Hull  afterwards 
fought  a  duel,  in  defence  of  his  father's  reputation, 
and  was  at  last  killed  at  the  head  of  his  company,  in 
a  gallant  charge  at  the  battle  of  '  Lundy's  Lane.' 
I  mention  these  particulars,  in  connexion  with  a  re- 
mark since  made  to  me  by  Commodore  Hull,  that 
'■  he  knew  his  uncle  was  neither  traitor  nor  coward, 
for  there  was  no  such  blood  in  the  family.'  General 
Hull,  discovering  that  the  British  had  been  permitted 
to  enter  the  fort  before  the  surrender  was  completed, 
remonstrated  with  General  Brock,  who  apologized 
for  the  indecorum,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  retire. 


i54 


APPKNDIX. 


Our  troops  were  then  marched  out,  in  f^Ioomy  silence, 
and  stacked  their  arms  on  the  esplanade.  When 
tlie  British  flag  was  raised  the  Indians  rushed  in 
from  the  woods — a  coiunh^ss  number — yc^lHng,  fning, 
seizing  our  horses,  and  scampering  through  the  town 
like  so  many  fiends.  In  addition  to  Tecumseh's 
hand,  and  the  Wyandotts,  they  had  gathered  in 
from  all  the  regions  of  tlie  northern  Koikes.  Tl>c 
British  regulars  and  Canadians,  were  about  three 
thousand  men ;  but  the  number  of  the  Indians 
could  not  have  been  known  by  General  Brock 
himself.  Our  effective  force  was  prolxibly  fifteen 
iiundred  ;  about  four  hundred  regulars,  and  the  re- 
mainder volunteers  and  drafted  militia.*  Most  of 
them  would  have  fought  with  desperation,  for  there 
was  no  possible  chance  of  escape. 

"  We  had  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the  de- 
tachment under  Cass  and  McArthur,  was  at  the  riv(;r 
Raisin,  but  to  our  surprise  and  mortification,  they  had 
returned  of  their  own  accord,  having  heard  the  can- 
nonade at  the  distance  of  forty  miles.     They  were 


*  In  ropresrnlin;;  tlio  cfTective 
force  of  GeniTiil  Hull  iit  tliotiinn  of 
the  surrender  iit  "  probably  fillcon 
hundred,"  the  author  of  this  letter, 
Robert  Wallace,  it  will  he  perceived, 
evidently  included  the  force  to  which 
lie  refers  on  page  149,  as  being 
absent  with  Cass  and  McArthur,  in 
his  computation,  and  also  th;it  of 
Captain  Brush,  for   he    says   soon 


after:  "-This  detadiment,  and  the 
company  under  Captain  Brush,  wi-n- 
included  in  the  surrender,  for  theit 
preservation,  as  they  might  liavo 
been  surprised  and  cut  otf  by  the 
Indians,  of  wiiich  we  had  no  way  to 
apprise  them."  But  Wallace  does 
not  undertake  to  be  |)recisc  as  to 
numbers,  aufl  speaks  from  genera.', 
recollection. 


\y  silenco, 
.  When 
ushcd  in 
ng,  ("ninjr, 
the  town 
;cum  sell's 
hcred  in 
Rs.  The 
out  three 
:  Indians 
fil  Brock 
!y  fifteen 
1  the  re- 
Most  of 
for  tliore 

t  the  de- 

the  river 

thej  had 

tlie  can- 

iiey  were 


lont,  and  tlio 
I  Bnisli,  wcn- 
dcr.  for  tlicit 
iniolit  liiivo 
It  oir  by  tlio 
iid  no  way  to 
rVallacP  (loos 
irorifiC  as  to 
'roiii  jrtncra/, 


APPKNDIX 


455 


close  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender,  but  without  any  possible  means  of  eommii- 
nieating  tiieir  position  to  us.  This  detachment,  and 
the  company  under  Captain  Brush,  were  included  in 
the  surrender,  for  their  j)reservation,  as  they  nfigiit 
have  been  surju'^^ed  and  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  of 
which  we  had  no  way  to  apprise  them.  As  it  hap- 
pened, two  or  three  British  subjects,  who  had  jj;one 
out  with  us,  unwilling  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  their 
form(;r  masters,  made  a  desperate  (\scape  through  the 
woods,  informed  Captain  Brush  of  our  disaster,  and 
his  party  made  a  rapid  retreat  to  the  settlements. 
Cass  and  McArthur  were  soon  apprised  of  their  con- 
dition, and  marched  to  Detroit.  Our  meeting  with 
them  was  truly  distressing.  Cheeks  that  never 
blanched  in  danger,  were  wTt  with  tears  of  agony 
and  disappointment.  Yet  I  saw  no  ranting  or  raving, 
such  as  I  have  since  heard  described.  I  heard  but 
one  officer  abuse  the  General  indecorously,  and  ho 
liad  been  extremely  (juiet  and  useless  throughout  the 
campaign. 

"  A  circumstance  wliich  has  often  been  cited,  as  a 
proof  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  General  Hull,  took 
place  on  the  river  bank,  just  before  the  surrender. 
Lieutenant  Anderson,  of  the  U.  S.  Artillery,  had 
drawn  his  guns  from  behind  our  lower  battery,  charg- 
ed them  with  grape-shot,  and  pointed  them  down  the 
road  on  which  the  enemy  were  approaching.  When 
the  first  platoon  o(  their  column  appeared,  his  men 
were  eager  to  fire.   Anderson  forbid  them,  at  the  peril 


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APPENDIX. 


of  their  lives,  to  toucha  giin,  without  his  orders,  wish- 
ing to  get  the  enemy  in  a  fair  raking  position,  before 
thej  should  discover  their  danger ;  but  the  officer  at 
the  head  of  the  column,  perceiving  the  snare,  gave 
notice  to  General  Brock,  v»'ho  immediately  changed 
the  position  of  his  troops,  and  advanced  under  cover 
of  the  thick  orchards  which  stood  between  them  and 
the  fort.  Anderson  was  said  to  have  reserved  his 
fire  by  the  special  order  of  General  Hull,  which  I 
know  to  be  false — for  I  had  just  delivered  a  different 
order,  and  was  waiting  by  his  side,  to  see  the  effect 
of  his  intended  explosion.  When  the  white  flag  was 
raised,  this  same  Lieutenant  broke  his  sword  over 
one  of  his  guns,  and  burst  into  tears. 

"  After  the  surrender.  General  Hull  retired  to  his 
own  house,  where  he  had  lived  while  Governor  of 
Michigan.  It  was  occupied  by  his  son-in-law,  Mr. 
Hickman,  and  his  family.  One  of  General  Brock's 
Aids  suggested  to  me  the  propriety  of  a  British  guard, 
to  protect  the  General's  house  from  the  Indians ;  to 
which  I  assented  without  consulting  General  Hull,  as 
they  had  already  seized  our  baggage  in  the  street. 
This  British  guard,  was  considered  another  strong 
ground  of  suspicion ;  but  General  Hull  supposed  it 
was  sent  to  prevent  his  escape. 

"  General  Brock  took  up  his  quarters  at  a  vacant 
house  on  the  main  street :  Tecumseh  occupied  a  part 
of  the  same  building,  to  whom  I  had  the  honour  of  an 
introduction.  He  was  a  tall,  straight,  and  noble 
booking  Indian  ;  dressed  in  a  suit  of  tanned  buckskin, 


APPENDIX. 


457 


ders,  wish- 
ion,  before 
e  officer  at 
iiiare,  gave 
y  changed 
nder  cover 
;  them  and 
3served  his 
1,  which  I 
a  different 
;  the  effect 
te  flag  was 
jword  over 

ired  to  his 
overnor  of 
11 -law,  Mr. 
al  Brock's 
tish  guard, 
idians ;  to 
al  Hull,  as 
he  street, 
ler  strong 
ipposed  it 

t  a  vacant 
jied  a  part 
lour  of  an 
ind  noble 
buckskin, 


with  a  morocco  sword-belt  round  his  waist.  On 
being  announced  to  him,  he  said  through  his  inter- 
preter, '  Well,  jou  are  a  prisoner,  but  it  is  the  fortune 
of  war,  and  jou  are  in  very  good  hands.' 

"On  the  17th,  General  Hull  with  his  staff  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regular  army,  were 
ordered  on  board  the  '  Queen  Charlotte,'  a  frigate  of 
thirty-six  guns.  While  sitting  in  the  after-cabin  with 
General  Hull,  alone,  he  suddenly  addressed  me  to  this 
effect :  '  My  young  friend,  I  remember  a  promise  I 
made  to  your  relatives  at  Cincinnati,  that  if  it  was 
within  my  power,  to  return  you  safe  to  them,  it  should 
be  done.  You,  as  a  volunteer,  are  entitled  to  your 
parole,  and  1  think  you  had  better  claim  it.'  Having 
a  desue  to  see  the  world  and  perhaps  obtain  some  in- 
formation that  might  be  useful  to  my  country,  I  de- 
clined the  proposition, and  told  the  General,  I  preferred 
to  share  his  fortunes  ;  that  I  had  been  with  him  in 
prosperity,  and  would  not  desert  him  in  adversity. 
The  General  was  deeply  affected,  but,  in  a  few  mo- 
ments replied,  '  that  he  regretted  the  necessity  of  our 
separation,  but  must  redeem  his  pledge,  and  thought 
it  inexpedient  for  me  to  remain  a  prisoner  in  my  youth, 
perhaps  for  years,  and  the  loss  of  time  might  be  a 
serious  disadvantage  to  me.'  I  was  obliged  to  accede 
to  his  wishes.  He  then  sent  for  Commodore  Bar- 
clay, and  claimed  my  privilege,  to  which  that  noble 
officer  readily  assented.  He  then  wrote  a  certificate 
of  my  correct  deportuient,  Sec,  while  under  his  com- 
mand, in  the  form  of  a  letter ;  and  when  the  boat 
was  ready  to  convey  me  on  board  a  merchant  vessel, 


458 


APPENDIX. 


bound  to  Cleveland,  he  [)rcssed  my  Iiand  for  some 
moments,  and  then  exclaimed,  '  God  bless  joii,  mj 
young  friend  !— you  return  to  your  family  without  a 
stain— as  for  myself,  1  may  have  sacrificed  a  reputa- 
tion, dearer  to  me  than  life,  but  I  iiave  saved  the  in- 
habitants of  Detroit,  and  my  heart  approves  of  the 
act.'  The  Commodore  insisted  on  a  parting  j^^Iass  of 
wine,  which  we  drank  in  silence,  and  I  left  the 
ship. 

"  General  Hull  was  a  man  of  tender  feelinjis  and 
accomplished  manners  ;  his  hair  was  white  with  age, 
his  person  rather  corpulent,  but  his  appearance  was 
dignified  and  commanding.  In  the  army  of  the  Rev- 
olution, he  was  esteemed  a  brave  and  gallant  officer, 
which  was  attested  by  Washington  and  other  distin- 
guished men  ;  and  while  upon  his  trial,  the  letters  of 
those  who  survived,  poured  in,  in  his  behalf.  The 
man  who  led  the  attack  on  Stony  Point,  could  not 
well  be  a  coward ;  Wayne  would  not  have  selected  one 
for  that  desperate  assault ;  nor  can  I  ever  believe  he 
was  a  traitor, — no  man  of  his  age  could  have  mani- 
fested more  general  devotion  to  the  service  of  his 
coui:  /y.  What  then  (you  would  ask)  was  the  cause 
of  his  surrender  ?  I  can  answer  this  question  ac- 
cording to  my  own  impressions. 

"  First.  It  was  the  want  of  preparation  when  the 
war  commenced.  Had  our  guns  been  mounted,  we 
should  have  taken  Maiden  without  delay,  which 
would  have  kept  the  Indians  quiet,  and  turned  the 
whole  tide  of  events  in  our  favour.  It  was  General 
Harrison's  opinion,  that  'Hull's  army  must  be  sacri- 


*j 


APPENDIX. 


459 


for  some 
3J011,  my 
vvitliout  a 
a  re  pu  la- 
id tin;  in- 
vos  of  the 
ig  |:^Iass  of 

left    the 

elings  and 
with  age, 
ranee  was 
f  the  Kev- 
in t  officer, 
licr  distin- 
!  letters  of 
alf.  The 
could  not 
lected  one 
believe  he 
ave  mani- 
/ice  of  his 
the  cause 
estion  ac- 

when  the 
unted,  we 
ay,  which 
urned  the 
s  General 
;  be  sacri- 


ficed, for  the  want  of  communication  with  his  coun- 
try.' It  was  Perry's  victory  on  the  Lake,  that  cap- 
tured Maiden  and  restored  Detroit. 

"  Second.  It  was  the  want  of  co-operation  at 
other  points,  to  prevent  the  concentration  of  the 
enemy  at  Detroit.  The  arii.istice  of  Dearborn  was 
a  finishing  touch  to  us. 

"  Third.  It  was  the  want  of  that  energy  and  en- 
terprise which  a  man  may  have  in  the  prime  of  life, 
but  which  is  seldom  retained,  in  civil  life,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-five. 

"  Fourth.  It  was  his  fatherly  attachment  to  the 
citizens  of  Detroit,  whose  Governor  and  protector  he 
had  been  for  yert^  s  and  knew  them  personally,  man, 
woman,  and  child. 

"  Hull  might  have  defended  the  fort  while  his  pro- 
visions held  out,  but  whether  the  inhabitants  of  De- 
troit would  not  have  been  butchered,  on  the  night  of 
the  16th,  is  a  question  1  cannot  answer.  Perhaps 
the  more  immediate  cause  of  the  surrender,  was  the 
absence  of  Cass  and  McArthur.  He  had  the  utmost 
confidence  in  Colonel  McArthur,  as  a  brave  executive 
officer  :  and  in  Colonel  Cass  as  an  intellio-ent  and  able 
adviser.  Had  they  been  present  with  their  men,  or 
had  we  even  known  their  position,  there  would  pro- 
bably have  been  no  surrender  at  that  time. 

"  The  cry  of  traitor  spread  among  the  soldiers,  and 
it  became  a  popular  cry  through  the  country.  But  I 
have  not  met  with  a  field  officer  of  that  army,  who 
believed  there  was  treason  in  the  case.  General 
Cass  has  since  declared  to  me,  that  he   thought  the 


460 


APPENDIX 


main  defect  of  General  Hull,  was  '  the  imbecility  of 
age,'  and  it  was  the  defect  of  all  the  old  veterans, 
who  took  the  field  in  the  late  war.  A  peaceful  gov- 
ernment like  ours,  must  always  labour  under  similar 
disadvantages.  Our  superannuated  officers  must  be 
called  into  service,  or  men  without  experience  must 
ccniinand  our  armies. 

"  It  may  be  supposed,  that  I  am  a  little  partial  to 
my  old  commander,  who  treated  me  with  all  the 
kindness  of  a  father ; — but  he  is  long  since  dead,  and 
I  have  no  inducement  to  disguise  the  truth  or  to 
cover  his  defects.  I  was  not  examined  at  his  trial, 
and  1  will  state  the  circumstances  that  prevented  me. 
When  the  trial  was  first  ordered  at  Philadelphia,  I 
attended,  but  it  was  postponed  for  ten  or  twelve 
months,  and  afterwards  held  at  Albany,  in  New-York. 
Having  changed  my  residence,  my  summons  did  not 
reach  me  until  the  trial  had  commenced,  and  I  arrived 
there  just  in  time  to  hear  the  closing  speech  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  who  was  Prosecutor  on  the  occasion.  I 
remember  his  identical  words  in  relation  to  the  prin- 
cipal charge  ;  viz.,  '  The  charge  of  treason  is  not 
only  unsupported,  but  unsupportable,  and  from  that 
charge  General  Hull  is  entirely  acquitted.'  Hull  was 
condemned  for  cowardice  and  sentenced  to  be  shot, 
but  recommended  by  the  Court  to  the  mercy  of  the 
President,  on  account  of  his  Revolutionary  services. 
The  President  remitted  the  sentence,  but  dismissed  him 
from  the  army.  He  afterwards  wrote  a  defence,  which 
was  so  highly  approved  in  Boston,  that  a  public  din- 
ner was  tendered  him,  as  an  evidence  of  their  appro- 


4« 


APPENDIX. 


461 


becility  of 
veterans, 
3eful  gov- 
ler  similar 
s  must  be 
nee  must 

partial  to 
h  all  the 
dead,  and 
uth  or  to 
[  his  trial, 
ented  me. 
idelphia,  I 
or  twelve 
Jew-York. 
is  did  not 
d  I  arrived 
;ch  of  Mr. 
casion.  I 
3  the  prin- 
lon  is  not 
from  that 

Hull  was 
0  be  shot, 
rcy  of  the 
y  services, 
[iiissed  him 
nee,  which 
lublic  din- 
leir  appro- 


bation. My  situation  with  General  Hull  was  thrown 
up  to  me  in  a  taunting  manner,  by  a  distinguished 
editor  in  Louisville,  during  the  glories  of  1840.  1 
paid  no  attention  to  it  then,  but  will  now  remark, 
that  the  appointment  was  eagerly  sought  for  by  older 
men  than  myself,  of  the  first  respectability,  who 
would  then  have  been  proud  to  have  taken  my 
place. 

"  The  result  of  the  campaign  was  a  sore  disap- 
pointment ;  but  I  served  my  country  faithfully,  with- 
out pay  or  reward  ;  lost  my  horses  and  equipage  into 
the  bargain,  and  have  never  regretted  the  sacrifice. 
If  this  brief  Sketch  affords  amusement  to  your 
readers,  or  adds  one  mite  to  the  truth  of  history,  I 
shall  be  satisfied. 

"  Respectfully  yours, 

(Si<Tned)        ROBERT  WALLACE." 


Note  16. 

Letter  respecting  the  destitution  of  the  country  in  1812,  and 
the  building  of  Perry's  fleet. 

[The  following  letter  has  been  kindly  communi- 
cated by  a  gentleman  who  has  resided  for  many 
years  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  transactions  in  that  region  in 
1812.  Its  details  concerning  Perry's  efforts  to  pre- 
pare his  fleet,  will  be  found  to  be  especially  inter- 
esting.] 


462 


APPENDIX. 


"  Meadville,  April  G,  181G. 

"  Mv  DEAR  Sm, — You  ask  nie  to  give  you  m) 
recollections  as  to  the  state  of  destitution  in  which 
the  country  found  itself,  when  it  was  soimprovidently 
involved  in  war  in  1812,  and  as  to  the  mismanage- 
ment of  matters  during  the  continuance  of  the  con- 
test. This  I  will  cheerfully  do,  premising,  however, 
that,  from  my  local  situation,  most  of  my  information 
was  necessarily  derived  from  public  papers,  discus- 
sions in  Congress,  or  from  hearsay  ;  and  further,  that 
I  am  speaking  of  matters  which  occurred  upwards  of 
thirty  years  ago.  The  facts,  however,  to  which  1 
shall  advert,  may  perhaps  be  of  use  to'you,  in  leading 
you  to  a  more  extended  inquiry  in  regard  to  thern. 

"  Seldom  had  a  nation  better  cause  for  going  to 
war  than  we  had  in  1812.  Our  seamen  impressed; 
GUI  commerce  interrupted  ;  our  vessels  captured  and 
condemned,  and  one  of  our  public  vessels  attacked, 
and  some  of  the  crew  taken  out  of  it ;  in  one  word, 
every  injury  and  insult  was  offered  us  which  a 
haughty,  overbearing  nation  could  offer  to  a  weak 
and  enduring  one.  England  knew  our  national  im- 
becility, and,  presuming  on  that  knowledge,  thought 
that  she  could  play  the  bully  with  impunity.  This 
was  one  of  the  main  causes  which  led  to  the  war  of 
1812. 

"  Mr.  Madison  and  his  cabinet  were  fully  sensible 
of  the  unpreparedness  of  the  country,  and  wished  to 
avoid  war.  They  made  no  preparation  for  a  coming 
contest,  either  by  an  augmentation  of  the  army  or 
navy,  or  by  a  repair  of  our  forts,  or  by  filling  our 


APPENDIX. 


4G3 


arsenals.  It  appeared  as  if  tlie  Government  intended 
to  keep  down  tiie  war-spirit,  by  keeping  the  eountry 
in  a  state  of  utter  destitution.  If  so,  tiiey  were  mis- 
taken. It  is  said  that  the  war  party  in  Congress 
presented  to  the  Administration  the  alternative  either 
of  war,  or  of  their  (the  war-})arty)  op|)osing  the  Ad- 
ministration, and  Mr.  Madison's  re-election.  Unfor- 
tunately Mr.  Madison  preferred  his  j)opularity ;  and 
we  were  hurried  into  a  war  in  such  a  state  of  total 
unjjreparedness,  that  the  commercial  portion  of  the 
community  would  not  believe  that  such  an  act  of 
insanity  was  possible,  until  war  was  actually  de- 
clared. If  Mr.  Madison,  even  at  the  opening  of  the 
session  of  1811-12,  had  reconmiended  to  Connress 
to  prepare  the  country  for  war,  and  had  refused  to 
declare  war  until  the  country  should  be  prepared  for 
it,  I  feel  confident  that  the  war  would  have  been 
avoided.  England  did  not  wish  to  go  to  war  ;  she 
only  presumed  on  our  forbearance.  The  moment 
she  found  we  were  in  earnest,  she  repealed  her 
orders  in  council,  one  of  the  most  objectionable  of 
her  aggressions. 

"  I  shall  now  mention  a  few  instances  of  the  impre- 
paredness  of  the  country,  when  war  was  declared,  in 
1812. 

"  During  the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams,  a 
small  navy  was  created,  consisting  of  a  few  frigates, 
and  some  smaller  vessels.  On  Mr.  Jefferson's  coming 
into  power,  two  of  the  frigates  (perhaps  some  other 
of  the  public  vessels)  were  sold,  and  the  public  money 
was  wasted   in    building  gun-boats,  a  Jeffersonian 


464 


ArrKNorc. 


pliilosojjliical  experiment,  which  proved  worse  than 
useless.  I  am  not  aware  tiiat  a  single  shot  was  fired 
from  one  of  these  }^un- boats  (unless  it  were  at  or 
near  New  Oileans)  during  the  whole  course  of  the 
war.  In  1801  our  small  naval  force  was  still  fiuthcr 
dinunished  hy  the  loss  of  the  frigate  IMiiladeljihia 
(one  of  the  fnu.'st  in  our  navy),  which  was  wrecked 
near  Tripoli,  and  afterwards  burned.  None  of  tln^se 
defalcations  were  supplied  hy  the  substitution  of  other 
vessels. 

"  But  I  shall  pass  to  the  situation  of  the  naval 
force  on  Lake  Erie,  as  being  more  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  object  of  your  injjuiry. 

"  During  the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams, 
a  vessel  of  war  was  built  (bearing  his  name),  which, 
at  the  time,  gave  us  the  command  of  Lake  Erie.  To 
judge  of  the  importance  of  having  the  command  of 
that  Lake,  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  situa- 
tion of  the  country  bordering  on  it.  Tiiat  was,  pre- 
vious to  1812,  with  i'ew  exceptions,  an  unbroken  wil- 
derness, yielding  no  supplies.  All  the  provisions,  and 
most  of  the  warlike  stores,  for  the  forts  on  the  Lakes, 
Detroit,  Miehilimackinac,  Chicago,  and  I  believe 
even  Niagara,  were  draw^n  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Pittsburgh,  ascended  the  Alleghany  river  and  French 
creek,  and  were  shipped  at  the  port  of  Erie  for  their 
several  places  of  destination.  The  three  first-named 
forts  were  totally  dependent  on  the  navigation  of  the 
Lakes  for  their  supplies.  That  cut  off,  and  these  posts 
became,  in  a  great  measure,  untenable.  The  Gov- 
ernment appears  to  have  been  aware  of  this  fact,  but 


«(i 


APPKNDIX 


465 


vorsn  than 
t  was  (irtMl 
vcro  at  (»r 
irsn  of  the 
still  further 
'iiiladel))hia 
as  wrecked 
ne  of  these 
ion  of  other 

r  the  naval 
Tiately  con- 
fer Adams, 
ne),  which, 

Erie.  To 
lommand  of 
n  the  situa- 
it  was,  pre- 
broken  wil- 
visions,  and 

the  Lakes, 
I  I  believe 
hborhood  of 
and  French 
rie  for  their 
first-named 
ation  of  the 

these  posts 

The  Gov- 
bis  fact,  but 


no  adccjuali;  measures  were  taken  to  seeuri;  the  com- 
mand of  the  Iiak(!s.  No  n<!vv  vessiils  of  war  were 
built  there.  The  only  ihinjudone  was  to  haul  uj)  the 
Adams,  in  ord(;r  to  have  her  leufijthened,  so  as  to  ren- 
der her  lK!tt(;r  able  to  c()p(!  with  the  Kiif^lish  war 
vessels  on  the  Lake.  JJut  such  was  the  improvidence 
of  our  tiovernment,  that  the  A(hims  was  yet  on  the 
stocks  when  war  was  declared.  She  was,  I  believe, 
sul)se(|uently  lauucluul — f(!ll  into  the  hands  of  the  En- 
glish at  the  surrciuder  of  Detroit — was  cut  out  from 
under  Fort  Erie,  Up|)er  Canada,  by  Captain  Elliott, 
and  was,  on  that  occasion,  wrecked  on  tlic  rocks  in 
the  Niaf>ara  river.  The  English  havinf^  thus  the  un- 
disptit(Hl  poss(>ssion  of  Lake;  Erie,  and  the  upper 
Lak(!s,  the  fate  of  the  up[)er  posts  was  sealed. 
There  were  then  no  roads  connectiui^  these  posts 
with  the  settled  parts  of  the  country,  by  which  sup- 
plies could  be  obtain(^d.  The  communication  with 
Detroit,  (the  oidy  one  of  these  posts  which  might  be 
supplied  by  land,)  was,  by  reason  of  intervening 
swamps,  forests,  and  rivers,  so  difiicult,  as  to  be  easily 
cut  off  by  an  eiiemy ;  and  hence  Messrs.  Cass  and 
McArthur,  who,  with  a  considerable  force,  were  sent 
to  bring  provisions  to  the  Fort,  did  not  bring  them, 
because  the  enemy  would  not  let  them.  When  in 
1813,  Harrison's  army  piMietrated  to  Fort  Meigs,  it 
was  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  and  at  an  immense 
expense  of  money,  that  its  most  indispensable  wants 
could  be  supplied,  and  yet  the  only  existing  obstacle 
arose  from  the  badness  of  the  roads  and  the  distance 
of  transportation.    But  the  worst  part  of  the  road  to 

30 


*<s 


IGG 


ArniNnix. 


Detroit  Avns  slJnaltMl  north  of  tlio  Maiiince  river; 
and  that  portion  of  the  road,  iVoin  its  eonlif^uity  to 
the  Lake  and  to  l\lal(l»'n,  was  eonstantl}  liahh;  to  in- 
terruption 1))'  the  eiMMny.  Hence  Harrison  eoidd 
never  advance;  heyond  the  Manni(>e,  until  Perry's 
victory  "ave  its  the  connnand  of  the  Lakes.  He  then 
easily  :idvanc(>d— invaded  Canada— diifeated  and 
captured  the  whole  of  the  British  force,  and  then 
stopped  short  in  his  career  of  comptest,  havinj^  hy 
that  time  jjrohahly  hecome  sensihie,  that  the  project 
of  con(pierin^  Canada  hy  the  way  of  Detroit,  was  a 
most  miserable  military  blunder. 

*'  It  is  perfectly  clear  that  all  our  oarly  disasters 
on  the  upper  Lakes  W(;ro  to  be  attributed  to  the  En- 
"lish  having  the  command  of  the  Lakes  ;  and  that,  if 
the  Adams  had  l)een  litted  out  in  time,  and  jurhaps 
anothm-  vessel  of  war  added,  so  as  to  give  us  the  de- 
cided superiority  on  the  wat<«r,  the  loss  of  Detroit 
and  Michilimackinac,  and  the  massacre  of  the  garri- 
son of  Chicago,  would  not  only  have  been  prevented, 
but  we  should  also  have  sav(<d  the  enormous  ex- 
penditures attendant  on  Harrison's  campaign,  and 
the  fitting  out  of  Terry's  fh^^t  on  Lake  Erie. 

"To  the  gross  error  of  not  securing  a  naval  supe- 
riority, was  added  the  neglect  of  puttittg  our  military 
posts  in  a  proper  state  of  defence,  and  of  furnishing 
them  with  ample  supplies.  I  was  told  that  the 
works  of  all  these  posts  were  in  a  state  of  dilapida- 
tion, and  that  even  the  gun-carriages  at  Detroit  were 
unfit  for  service,  and  had  to  be  repaired,  or  replaced 
by  new  ones,  before  the  guns  could  be  used.     On 


APPHNDIX. 


467 


?.  nv(!r ; 
fruity  to 
li;  to  in- 
II  could 
IV-rry's 
Ho  tlicii 
0(1  iiiid 
lul  tlicii 
iv'mjr  by 
!  project 
it,  was  a 

disasters 
i  the  En- 
id that,  if 
I  jx'iliaps 
s  the  do- 
f  Detroit 
tlie  garri- 
revented, 
mous  ex- 
»ign,  and 
ie. 

ival  supe- 
ir  military 
furnisliing 
that  the 
dihipida- 
troit  were 
ir  replaced 
iscd.     On 


I 


;■' 


this    point,  the  pajjersof  (leiieral  Mull  will   prohahly 
give  you  more  correct  iMformalion. 

"  IJiit  a  far  inori;  guilty  picci;  of  negligence,  was 
tho  omission   to  give  the  commanders  of  ihe  dillerent 
posts  timely   notice  of  the   intended  declaration  of 
war.     lnst(!ad  of  getting  the   information  of  the  (h;- 
claration  of  war  from   their  own   (iovernnn  nt,   tiny 
learned  it  through  tin;  enemy;  and  the  (tonsetpieiice 
was,  that  Miehilimackinac  was  surprised  helort;  it  was 
known  that  there  was  war ;  that  a  part  of  the  haggago 
of  Mull's  army  was  captured  ;  and  that  the  garrison 
at    C'hicago,  which  ought  either   to   have   l"'eii   ade- 
(piately  strengthened,  or  withdrawn  in  time;,  was  mas. 
sacred    hy  the    Indians  immediately  on  leaving  the 
fort  to  fall  hack,  on  Detroit,  as  tln^y  had  been  directed 
to  do.     The  loss  of  Mackinaw  and  Chicago  removed 
every  check,  on  the  incursion  of  the  western  Indians, 
and  their  operations  soon  r(>ndered  the  comnumication 
between   Detroit  and  the  settled    portions  of  Ohio 
imj)racticable,  and  thus  the  late  of  that  post,  and  of 
Hull's  army,    became  unavoidable.     The   latter  de- 
feated the  Indians  at  Maguaga ;  they  might  perhaps 
have  beaten  the  Knglisb  under  General  Brock,  but 
this  could  only  })ostpone  their  fate,  not  avert  it.     Cut 
off  from  all  intercourse  with  those  points  from  which 
their  suj)plies  were  derived,  they  must  either  starve  or 
surrender,  there  was  no  third  alternative. 

"  The  impracticability  of  General  Ilarri.son's 
penetrating  beyond  the  Maumee,  and  the  enormous 
expense  incurred  in  supj)l}ing  his  army  tliere,  that 
he  might  cover  that  section  of  country  against  the 


468 


APPENDIX. 


enemies,  at  length  convinced  the  Government  of  the 
absolute  necessity  of  obtaining  the  mastery  of  Lake 
Erie  ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1813,  the  construction  of 
a  fleet  was  commenced  at  the  port  of  Erie.  This 
fleet  was  to  consist  of  two  brigs,  carrying  twenty 
guns  each  ;  three  gun-boats,  and  an  advice-boat.  No 
previous  nreparation  had  been  made  for  the  l)uilding 
and  equipment  of  this  fleet.  On  the  1st  of  April, 
1813,  nearly  all  the  timber  used  for  the  construction 
of  this  fleet,  was  still  standing  in  the  forest.  This, 
however,  was  on  the  spot,  but  all  the  other  materiel 
for  this  fleet,  such  as  cordage,  blocks,  anchors,  guns, 
ammunition,  &c.,  had  to  be  brought  from  a  distance, 
most  of  it  from  Fhilidelphia.  To  form  some  idea  of 
the  trouble  and  expense  attending  the  transportation 
of  this  materiel,  you  must  recollect  thai  at  that  time 
th.)  turnpike  from  Philadelpliia  westward,  extended 
only  to  Harrisburgh ;  that  from  thence  to  Pittsburgh, 
a  distance  of  200  miles,  the  road,  particularly  in  the 
mountains,  was  very  rough  ;  and  that  from  Pittsburgh 
to  Erie,  a  distance  of  alx)ut  130  miles,  the  roads  being 
common  country  roads,  were  very  soon  so  cut  un  by 
the  heavy  hauling  on  them,  as  to  become  nearly  im- 
passable. To  give  some  idea  of  the  expanse  of 
fansportation  i  vould  observe,  that  previous  to  the 
war  of  1812,  and  after  the  close  of  it  in  1815,  the 
expense  of  transportation  from  Philadelphia  to  Mead- 
viiiej  might  be  computed  at  12.^  cents  pci  pound.  If 
we  now  add  to  this  the  37  miles  increused  distance 
from  Mcadville  to  Erie,  and  make  due  allowance  for 
the  increased  expense  during  a  state  of  wsr,  and  take 


I 


APPENDIX. 


469 


nt  of  the 

of  Lake 
ruction  of 
ie.  This 
5  twenij 
boat.  No 
3  l)uilding 

of  April, 
iistruction 
;t.  Tills, 
r  materiel 
)rs,  guns, 

distance, 
le  idea  of 
^portation 
that  time 

extended 
ittsburfjh, 
irly  in  th(3 
Pittsburgh 
ads  being 
nit  up  by 
early  im- 
spanse  of 
Dus  to  the 
1815,  the 

to  Mead- 
tound.  If 
1  distance 
vance  for 
,  and  take 


3 


ft 
I 


i 


also  into  consideration  that  in  the  hauling  for  the 
public  there  were  no  return  freights,  I  think  we  shall 
not  be  far  wrong  in  estimating  the  expense  of  trans- 
portation from  Philadelphia  to  Erie  at  about  20  cents 
per  pound. 

The  officer  selected  to  superintend  the  construc- 
tion of  this  fleet,  and  to  command  it,  was  Oliver  H. 
Perry,  a  young  man  of  about  27  years  of  age,  and 
then  a  Master-Commandant  in  the  navy.  Happily 
for  the  West,  a  more  judicious  selection  could  hardly 
have  been  made.  To  a  sound  practical  judgment, 
Perry  joined  an  uncommon  degree  of  energy,  and 
an  untiring  industry,  and  these  enabled  him,  with 
very  inadequate  means,  to  have  his  fleet  ready  for 
service  in  x\ugust,  and  to  achieve,  on  the  10th  Sep- 
tember 1813,  the  memorable  victory,  which  will  hand 
his  name  down  to  posterity.  Most  people  in  this 
country  know  Perry  only  as  the  hero  of  the  10th  of 
September.  This  is  doing  him  great  injustice.  1, 
who  was  intimate  with  him,  and  was  acquainted  with 
the  difficulties  he  had  to  contend  with  in  the  equip- 
ment of  his  fleet,  always  considered  that  he  showed 
more  real  greatness  by  the  courage  with  which  he 
bore  up  under  these  diflicultics,  than  by  his  victory. 
To  form  some  idea  of  Perry's  situation,  you  must 
know  that,  up  to  the  end  of  August,  he  had  under 
him  but  a  single  commissioned  ofHccr  (the  present 
Capt.  Turner),  then  a  young  man  without  experience, 
and  who  had  but  recently  been  commissioned.  The 
rest  of  Perry's  officers  were  young  midshipmen. 
Just  previous  to  the  action,  Capt.   Elliott  (then  a 


470 


APPENDIX. 


Mastor-C'ommandant)  joined  the  floot,and  this  made 
three  commissioned  oniciMS  to  a  fleet  of  six  vess(!ls  of 
war. 

Ill  point  of  men,  Capt.  Perry's  means  wcm'o  still 
more  dc^fieient.  TUv.  marines  for  tlie  fleet,  furnished 
l)j  tlie  GovernmcMit  from  the  De|)6t  at  VVashinj^ton, 
consisted  of  a  Caj)t.  or  Lieut.  ( Brooks,  kilU^d  in  the  ac- 
tion), and  of  a  Sergeant,  a  drummer,  and  a  fifer.  Two 
or  three  men  were  recruited  on  the  route  to  Erie,  and 
tlie  rest  of  the  marines  had  to  be  recruited  at  Erie. 
As  to  sailors.  Perry's  means  were  also  greatly  defi- 
cient. By  one  of  those  arrangements  so  common 
during  the  war  in  ([uestion,  the  expediency  of  which 
it  is  difficult  to  reconcile?  with  common  sense.  Perry 
was  put  under  the  orders  of  Chaunccy,  the  Com- 
mander of  the  naval  force  on  Lake  Ontario,  and 
all  the  supj)iies  of  men,  intended  for  Lake  Erie, 
wherever  enlisted,  w<ne  in  the  first  instance  sent  to 
Sacket's  Harbour.  The  consequences  were  such  as 
might  have  been  expected.  So  long  as  men  could 
bo  used  on  Lake  Ontario,  to  fill  uj)  the  crews  of  the 
vessels  there  to  their  full  complement,  none  were 
sent  to  Perry,  and  when  any  were  sent,  tlu^y  were 
the  refuse  of  the  drafts.  Captain  Elliot  stated  sub- 
sequently, in  my  presence,  that,  serving  at  that  lime 
on  Lake  Ontario,  he  had  himself  had  the  picking  of 
the  men  to  be  sent  to  Lake  Erie,  and  that  none  were 
sent  but  the  worst ;  and  that  if  he  could  then  have 
foreseen  that  he  himself  should  be  sent  to  Lake  Erie, 
his  selections  would  have  b(>en  very  different.     PcM'ry, 

Secretary  of  th(!  Navv.  expressed 


i 


i 


m 


a  letter  to  the  Secretary 


ArPRNDIX. 


471 


this  made 
vess(!ls  of 

ivero  still 
furuishotl 
ishinj^ton, 
in  ih(!  ac- 
fcr.  Two 
Eric,  and 
:1  at  Erie, 
atly  dofi- 
conimon 
of  which 
ISO,  Perry 
the  Coni- 
ario,  and 
ike  Erie, 
CO  sent  to 
ro  such  as 
non  could 
ws  of  the 
one  were 
[hey  were 
tated  siib- 
that  lime 
picking  of 
lone  were 
then  have 
K\ke  Erie, 
:.  Perry, 
expressed 


i 


li 

M 


I 


some   surprise  that  so  largo  a  portion  of  the  prime 
Now  England  sailors,  enlisted  in  the  cities,  should 
be  turned  into  n(;groos  and   rnulattoos  before  they 
reached  him ;  but  acknowledgiKl  himself  grateful  for 
getting  even  such.     And  well  ho  might  bo  so,  con- 
sidering how  alarmingly  deiicient  he  was  in  men. 
After  the  six  vessels,  built  at  Erie,  were  all  launched, 
and  while  he  was  fitting  them  out,  he  had  but  about 
a  hundred  men,  of  which,  from  sundry  causes,  a  large 
numb(;r  were  on  the  sick  list.     As  all  fit  for  duty  had 
to  work  hard  the  whole  day  in  fitting  out  the  fleet, 
there  were  no  spare  men  to  row  even  a  single  guard- 
boat,  to  give  notice  of  any  night  attack  which  might 
bo  made  on   the  fleet.     An  English  fleet  of  five  ves- 
sels of  war  was  at  that  time  cruising  off  the  harbour, 
in  full  view.    That  fleet  might,  at  any  time,  have  sent 
its  boats,  during  a  dark  night,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  whole  American  fleet  was  almost  inevitable,  for 
Perry's  force  was  totally  inade(|uato   to  its  defence, 
and   the  regiment  of  Midland  Pennsylvania  Militia, 
stationed  at  Erie   expressly  for  the  defence  of  the 
fleet,  refused   to  keep  guard  at  night  on  board.     '  I 
told   the   boys  to  go,  Captain,'  said   the  worthless 
Colonel  of  this  regiment,  in  excusing  himself  for  not 
sending  a  guard  on  board,  '  1  told  the  boys  to  go,  but 
the  boys  won't  go.' 

"  In  this  state  of  destitution  Perry  was  left  for 
weeks;  and  a  more  trying  one  cannot  well  b(Mm- 
agined.  Intrusted  with  the  conunand  of  an  impor- 
tant scjuadron,  for  the  safety  of  which  he  was  held 
responsible,  without  bi'ing  furnished  with  the  means 


472 


APPENDIX. 


to  defend  it,  he  never  could  go  to  sleep  with  the 
reasonable  certainty  that  before  morning  his  fleet 
would  not  be  destroyed,  and  his  reputation  and  pro- 
fessional prospects  be  blasted  for  ever ;  for  he  knew 
well  enough  that,  in  case  of  any  accident,  he  would 
be  made  the  scape-goat. 

"  Under  these  trying  circumstances  Perry  con- 
stantly bore  up  with  a  constancy  and  fortitude  which 
excited  my  admiration  more  than  did  his  subsequent 
victory.  I  never  knew  his  fortitude  to  forsake  him 
except  once,  and  then  his  despondency  was  only 
momentary.  He  had  been  promised  that,  by  a  cer- 
tain day,  Chauncey  would  be  at  the  head  of  Lake 
Ontario,  and  land  there  the  men  necessary  to  man 
Perry's  fleet.  Perry  had  sent  an  officer  to  receive 
this  detachment,  and  to  conduct  it  to  Erie.  He  was 
elated  with  the  prospect  of  having  his  wants  at 
length  supplied  ;  and  it  was  when  his  officer  returned, 
and  reported  that  Chauncey  had  been  at  the  head 
of  the  Lake  at  the  appointed  time,  had  received  his 
letter,  and  had  sailed  again  down  Lake  Ontario 
without  landing  a  man,  or  sending  any  answer,  that 
Perry's  fortitude,  for  a  moment,  appeared  to  give  way, 
and  that  he  complained  bitterly  to  me  of  the  state  of 
abandonment  in  which  his  country  left  him. 

"When,  ultimately,  the  vessels  were  ready  to 
sail.  Perry  called  on  the  militia  for  volunteers,  to 
serve  on  board,  while  the  vessels  were  getting  over 
the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  it  being  expected 
that  he  would  be  attacked  during  the  slow  process 
of  getting  the  vessels  over.     After  the  vessels  had 


APPENDIX. 


473 


tvith  the 
his  fleet 
and  pro- 
le knew 
le  would 

ivry  con- 
ic which 
bsequent 
ake  him 
vas  only 
)y  a  cer- 
of  Lake 
/  to  man 
3  receive 

He  was 
I'ants  at 
eturned, 
he  head 
jived  his 

Ontario 
ver,  that 
ive  way, 

state  of 

•eady  to 
teers,  to 
ng  over 
;.\j)ected 
process 
scls  had 


been  got  over,  he  again  called  for  volunteers  to  make 
a  short  cruise  with  him  to  Long  Point,  and  the  lower 
part  of  the  Lake,  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  How 
many  volunteers  he  obtained  I  do  not  now  recollect, 
but  among  them  was  a  rifle  company,  consisting  of 
72  men  from  this  neighbourhood.  It  was  while  Perry 
was  absent  on  this  cruise,  that  Elliott  arrived  at  Erie 
with  a  reinforcement  of  100  seamen.  Thus  rein- 
forced. Perry  sailed  up  the  Lake  to  Sandusky  Bay. 
Here  he  got  an  additional  supply  of  about  60  sailors, 
from  some  of  the  regular  regiments  in  Harrison's 
army,  and  a  considerable  number  of  volunteers  to 
serve  as  marines.  Nothwithstanding  all  these  rein- 
forcements. Perry  had,  on  the  day  of  the  action,  on 
his  own  vessel,  a  crew  of  only  120  men,  of  whom 
about  20  were  on  the  sick  list. 

"  From  what  I  have  said,  it  must  not  be  inferred 
that  Captain  Barclay,  Perry's  opponent,  was  wanting 
either  in  courage  or  enterprise.  He  was  a  brave 
man,  but  placed,  like  Perry,  under  the  orders  of  the 
commander  on  Lake  Ontario,  and,  like  his  antago- 
nist, treated  in  the  most  niggardly  manner. 

"  The  mismanagement  respecting  the  army  was 
equally  great.  The  officers  appointed  to  the  new  re- 
giments were,  with  some  exceptions,  totally  ignorant 
of  all  military  knowledge.  Too  many  of  them  were 
young  men  of  dissipated  habits,  unfit  for  civil  pur- 
suits or  occupations  ;  or  political  brawlers  who  had 
recommended  themselves  to  the  Government  by  their 
noigy  patriotism.  The  common  men  were  mostly 
enlituc'  ]  in  taverns  and  beer-houses.     At  first,  the  en- 


474 


APPENDIX.] 


listments  were,  if  my  recollection  serves  me,  for 
three  years,  or  during  the  war.  As  the  difficulty  of 
obtaining  men  increased,  the  bounty  was  increased, 
and  the  term  of  service  shortened,  until,  at  last,  a  heavy 
bounty  was  given  to  men  ho  were  enlisted  only  for 
nine  months.  A  more  ruinous  system  it  would  be 
difficult  to  conceive.  As  the  recruiting  stations  were 
generally  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  scenes 
of  action,  and  as  at  least  a  number  of  men  must  be 
collected  at  a  depot  before  they  could  be  sent  off,  the 
term  of  enlistment  of  these  men  was  nearly,  if  not 
quite,  expired,  by  the  time  they  reached  the  army. 

"  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  furnish  arms  to  the  militia  of  this  section 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  Governor  accordingly  sent  us 
a  number  of  boxes  filled  with  muskets,  and  their  usual 
accom[)animents  from  the  State  Arsenal.  I  was  pre- 
sent at  the  unpacking  of  these  guns,  and  never,  I 
believe,  in  modern  days,  has  such  a  collection  been 
seen.  In  some,  the  touch-hole  was  so  covered  by  the 
lock  as  to  have  no  communication  with  the  pan.  In 
others,  the  touch-hole  was  half  an  inch  above  the  pan 
when  shut,  and  some  had  no  touch-hole  at  all.  Many 
of  the  barrels  were  splintered,  or  had  other  internal 
defects.  In  one  word,  the  whole  were  useless  until 
armourers  were  set  at  work  on  them,  when  a  portion 
of  them  were  rendered  fit  for  service. 

"  The  militia  of  this  section  of  Pennsylvania  were 
repeatedly  called  out  to  march  to  Erie,  though  the 
object  of  the  call  was  not  always  obvious,  unless  it 
were  to  let  the  officers  earn  some  money  ;  for  patriot- 


I 


s 


II 


mo,  for 
fticultj  of 
ncrenscd, 
t,  a  heavy 
1  only  for 
would  be 
ions  were 
ic  scenes 
I  must  be 
lit  off,  the 
ly,  if  not 
I  army, 
came  ne- 
lis  section 
ly  sent  us 
heir  usual 

was  pre- 

never,  I 
tion  been 
ed  by  the 

pan.  In 
e  the  pan 
I.  Many 
r  internal 
3less  until 
a  portion 

ania  were 

iou"h  the 

unless  it 

)r  patriot- 


APPENDIX. 


475 


i 


! 


II 


ism  then,  as  now,  had  a  special  care  of  number  one. 
There  never  was  a  shot  fired  there.  On  some  of 
those  occasions  the  troops,  on  their  arrival  at  Erie, 
were  destitute  of  ammunition  ;  and  on  one  occasion 
there  were  no  flints.  An  Aid-de-Campof  the  Major- 
General  was  sent  off  on  horseback  to  Ilarrisburg  to 
communicate  this  want  to  the  Governor.  T\\g  Gov- 
ernor went  round  among  the  stores  in  the  town,  and 
purchased  what  Hints  were  to  be  had,  jmttinjj;  them 
in  his  pocket  as  he  purchased  them.  The  Aid-de- 
Camp  brought  them  in  his  saddle-bags  to  Erie.  A 
supply  might,  in  the  same  manner,  have  been  obtained 
nearer  Erie  in  one-third  the  time,  and  at  half  the  ex- 
pense. 

"In  1812,  a  brigade  of  Pennsylvania  niilitia,  of 
about  2000  men,  partly  drafted  men,  but  mostly  vol- 
unteer companies,  were  assembled  at  Meadville,  des- 
tined to  reinforce  General  Smyth's  army  at  Buffalo. 
I  have  seldom  seen  a  finer  collection  of  men,  but  they 
were  rendered  totally  useless  for  want  of  proper  offi- 
cers. The  troops  elected  here  their  own  superior 
ofiicers.  The  Colonels,  with  one  exception,  were 
totally  inefficient,  and  the  General,  though  I  believe 
physically  brave,  was  morally  a  coward,  and  dared 
not  either  to  introduce  proper  discipline,  or  to  enforce 
the  few  orders  he  issued.  Hence  that  which  might 
have  been  a  fine,  useful  body  of  troops,  was  nothing 
but  an  armed  mob.  They  remained  lying  here  in 
camp  for  a  couple  of  months,  doing  nothing.  They 
were  then  marched  to  Buffalo,  where  they  Avere  left 
in  the  same  state  of  inaction,  until  sickness  broke  out 


i 

I 

i: 


476 


API'RNDIX. 


among  tlu^m,  when  some  dosortcd,  and  tlio  rest  were 
dismissed,  without  any  of  tluMu  having  scon  an  ene- 
my. Smyth  had  ahiindant  means  of  invading  Can- 
ada (the  ohject  for  which  he  was  at  IJuffalo),  hut  I 
believe  he  was  deficient  in  personal  courages  lie  was 
a  mere  braggadocio.  He  kept  constantly  proclaiming 
that  he  would  (^rossthe  Niagara  riv(!r  forthwith.  Two 
or  three  times  the  troops  for  the  invasion  were  actu- 
ally embarked,  but  were  countermanded  after  remain- 
ing some  hours  in  the  boats.  Once  he  appeared  to 
have  brought  his  courages  to  the  right  j)itch.  The 
troops  were  embarked  in  the  evening.  A  j)arty  of 
sailors  was  sent  over  to  storm  the  English  battery. 
This  was  gallantly  accomplished,  though  with  some 
loss.  Instead  of  crossing  inniiediately,  Smyth  re- 
mained on  th(i  American  side  till  morning.  This 
gave  time  to  the  English  to  receive  reinforcements 
from  below.  The  lew  men  who  had  crossed  were 
overpowered,  and'  Smytli  dis(Mnbark(!d  his  troops. 
He  was  one  of  Uncle  Sam's  hard  bargains. 

"  If  the  military  operations  were  badly  managed, 
the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  country  were  not  managed 
better.  Our  fiscal  system  is  defective,  in  that  all  our 
revenue  is  deriviul  from  import  duties.  The  conse- 
quence is,  that  when  at  war  with  one  of  the  large 
maritime  jwwers  of  Europe,  our  revenue  is  diminished, 
because  our  importations  are  Interrupted;  and  besides, 
this  system  does  not  admit  of  being  extended  so  as 
to  yield  an  increased  revenue  when  wanted.  It  would 
be  much  better,  both  for  the  country  and  the  revenue, 
to  prohibit  altogether  the  importation  of  all  such  ar- 


rest  were 
1  an  ene- 
ing  Can- 
o),  but  I 
I  Jo  was 
)claitniiig 
itii.  Two 
ero  actu- 
r  re  ma  ill - 
)eare(l  to 
h.  The 
j)arty  of 
battery, 
ith  some 
myth  re- 
g-.  This 
ircements 
sed  were 
s  troops. 

managed, 
managed 
at  all  our 
he  conse- 
thc  large 
minished, 
1  besides, 
ed  so  as 
It  would 
!  revenue, 
1  such  ar- 


Ari'KNDIX 


477 


tides  as  we  can  ujamifaeture  onrscHves  in  suffieicMit 
quantity  to  su])|)ly  the  wants  of  tin;  country,  and  then 
to  lay  a  tax  on  the  homo  n»anula(!tures.  Such  a  sys- 
tem orrovomie  would  bo  unafrechMl  by  war,  and  ad- 
mit of  the  necessary  (!.\|)ansion  when  an  increase  of 
revemio  was  re((uired.     This  per  parcnthese. 

"  When  war  was  contemplated,  Mr.  Gallatin, 
then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  endeavoured  to  cool 
down  the  war  party  in  Congress,  by  r(!j)resenting 
that  war  would  rcMjd'r  it  necessary  to  resort  again  to 
a  stamj)  act  and  tax  on  whisky,  taxes  whicli,  on  ac- 
count of  former  associations,  were  peculiarly  unpopu- 
lar. But  the  war  spirits  were  not  thus  to  be  deterred. 
They  declared  that  the  money  to  carry  on  the  war 
was  to  be  raised,  not  l)y  taxing  but  by  borrowing; 
and  Gallatin,  who  did  not  wish  to  risk  his  reputation 
as  a  fmancier  on  such  a  j)hilosoj)hical  experiment, 
soon  withdr(!vv  from  the  concern,  and  procured  for 
hims(>lf  a  mission  to  France. 

"  He  was  succeeded  by  G.  W.  Campb(;ll,  an 
honest,  well-meaning  man,  I  believe,  but  destitute  of 
all  fiscal  talents.  He  tried  the  borrowing  scheme, 
forgettirtg  that  to  borrow  there  must  be  lenders,  and 
that  people  are  not  inclined  to  lend  to  government 
unless  the  regular  i)ayment  of  the  interest  be  secured 
by  a  permaiient  revenue.  The  result  of  this  experi- 
ment was  a  rapid  declination  of  the  credit  of  the 
United  States.  I  do  not  now  recollect  what  was  the 
precise  price  of  stocks  in  each  particular  year  of  the 
war,  but  1  know  it  kept  constantly  decreasing.  In 
1811  United  States  stock  was  at  103^  per  cent.     In 


478 


APPENDIX. 


iai3,  I  took  part  in  a  loan  at  88 l  per  cent.     Stocks 
aftoiwaiils  fell   considerably  lower,  but  1  do  not  now 
recollect  tbe  worst  terms  on  wiiicli   money  was  bor- 
rowed, but  I  think  it  was  78  a  80  per  cent.     A  sin-lc 
fiscal  blunder  will  show  Mr.  Canipluiirs  utter  incapa- 
city.    Ho  made  a  contract  with   Mr.  Jacol)  Barker 
for  a  loan  of  several  millions  of  dollars,  I   think  at 
85  percent,  but  with  a  proviso,  that  if  the  Secretary, 
the  next  time  he  borrowed,  had  to  ^ivo  more  advan- 
tageous terms  to  the  lender,  Barker  was  to  have  the 
same    terms   for    his   loan.      Barker's  loan   was,  of 
course,  divided   auicig  the  chief  money  lenders  of 
that  day,  and  when  the   Secretary  was  obliged  to  go 
next  into  the  market  for  a  new  loan,  these  moneyed 
men  had  a  direct  interest  to  prevent  his  getting  it, 
except  on  the   most  usurious  terms.     It  has  lately 
been  stated  in  Congress,  by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  others, 
that  the  United  States  borrowed  money  at,  at  least, 
30  per  cent,  discount.      The  fact    is    literally  true, 
though  as  nominally  the  United  States  did  not  issue 
fl,\m  scrij)  for   ;>'70  in   money,  it  may  require   some 
cxi)lanation.     During  the  war,  the  southern  and  mid- 
land Atlantic  ports  were  blockaded.     The  New  Eng- 
land ports  became  thus  the  main  ports  of  importation, 
and  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  country  was  through 
these  ports.    As  our  exports  were  greatly  diminished, 
the  "^oods  imported  had  to  be  paid  for  in  cash.     This 
drained  gradually,  first  the  more  distant  parts,  and 
afterwards  those  nearer  to  New  England,  of  specie, 
and  the  consequence  was  a  stoppage  of  all  the  Banks 
south  and  west  ot  New-York.     This  suspension  of 


APPENDIX. 


479 


speci(!  payments  naturally  caused  a  d(!pic'ciatioii  of 
their  paper,  and  that  dcjjrcciation  was  "greater  or  k;ss 
in  proportion  to  thi;  distance  at  which  sucli  Bank  was 
situated  from  New  En;^iand.  Now  it  was  in  the  de- 
preciated paper  of  such  suspended  Banks  that  tlio 
United   States  h)ans  were  ()aid. 

"  During  th(!  proj^ress  of  th(!  war  (I  tliink  chiefly 
after  Cani|)hell  iiad  left  the  Treasury),  some  dir<;ct 
and  indirect  taxes  were  iniposed,  hut  this  return  to 
common  sense  came  too  late,  and  was  too  inefficient 
to  restore  the  fast  sinking  credit  of  the  United  States. 
In  tJK!  latter  part  of  WA'l,  we  ])resented  to  the  world 
the  sj)ectacle  of  a  nation,  wiiose  lesomces  were 
nearly  untouched,  and  which  was  yet  on  the  verge  of 
bankru|)tcy,  merely  because  its  rulers  had  not  had 
either  the  skill,  or  the  moral  courage,  to  call  these  re- 
sources into  action.  If  the  war  had  continued  six 
months  longer,  the  Government  would  probably  have 
been  in  an  ()})en,  declared  state  of  bankruptcy. 

"  Believe  me  ever  most  truly,  your  friend." 


Note  17. 

Letter  from   WUliatii  Sul/iran,   Esq.,  to  a  Daughlcr  of 

General  Hull. 

"  Boston,  July  27,  1835. 

"  Dear  Madam, — I  did  not  receive  your  letter  of 
27th  Ajail  until  last  evening.  I  well  remember  your 
fiuher,  as  a  visiter  of  my  father,  when  I  was  a  youth, 
more  than  forty  years  ago.  I  always  considered  him 
to  be  a  personal  and  political  friend  of  my  father,  and 


480 


APPENDIX. 


as  belonging  to  tlio  Democratic,  or  Republican  party 
of  tlio  times  wbich  Ibllowiid  tiie  adoption  of  the;  Na- 
tional Constitution.  Yon  know  that,  from  17559  to 
the  end  of  the  late  war,  the  eiti/ens  of  the  United 
States  were  divided  into  two  great  parties — and  all 
persons  who  were  of  importance  enough  to  belong  to 
any  party,  belonged  to  one  or  the  other  of  them. 

"  There  were  shades  of  difference  among  the 
members  of  these  two  parties,  but  not  so  distinct  as 
to  enable  me  to  distinguish  among  individuals  of  that 
party,  to  which  I  did  not  bidong  myself. 

"  If  I  were  asked  whcthcM-  General  Hull  belonged 
to  the  Jeffersonian  or  llepublican  party,  I  should 
answer,  that  1  think  he  did.  If  I  were  asked  whether 
he  approved  of  National  Policy  in  Mr.  Jefftirson's 
time,  in  all  respects,  I  should  answer,  that  I  had  no 
opportiinity  of  knowing  that  he  disapproved  of  any 
of  it.  If  I  were  asked  whether  he  disapproved  of 
National  Policy  in  Mr.  Adams'  time,  I  should  say,  I 
think  he  did,  because  that  disapprobation  was  com- 
mon to  his  party.  What  his  peculiar  views  and  o[)in- 
ions  were  in  the  time  of  Washington  (1789-1797),  I 
know  not.  In  all  these  times  there  was  little  room 
for  compromising  as  to  opinions. 

"  The  tyranny  of  party  was  as  powerful  then  as 
it  has  been  at  any  time  since  Partisans  on  both 
sides  were  in  full  comir.i-don,  <ynd  the  neutral  or  the 
wavering  were  of  no  account.  I  think,  therefore,  that 
your  father  would  be  ranked  among  the  distinguished 
men  in  Massachusetts,  who  were  of  the  Democratic 
party,  and  thought  and  acted  as  they  did  :  and  what 


fin  party 
tlu;  Na- 
17I59  to 
United 
-and  all 
xjlong  to 
L'm. 

ong  tho 
stinct  as 
s  of  that 

x'longod 
I  should 
whether 
flerson's 
[  had  no 
I  of  any 
roved  of 
Id  say,  I 
/as  com- 
nd  o|)in- 
1797),  I 
tie  room 

then  as 
on  both 
■d  or  the 
ore,  that 
iguished 
mocratic 
nd  what 


APPENDIX. 


4H1 


f 


they  thought,  and  how  they  acted,  is  now  matter  of 
history.  The  ])recise  line  pursued  by  your  lather  1 
cannot  designate.  F  began  to  be  in  the  Legislature 
in  1{}04.  1  do  not  remember  to  have  met  your  father 
there.  I  saw  him  only  when  he  came  into  Boston, 
and  called  to  see  my  father  in  a  friendly  way,  or  on 
business.  I  have  no  remembrance  of  any  conversa- 
tion on  these  occasions,  which  would  indicate  any  dif- 
ference between  your  father's  sentiments  and  those 
generally  entertained  by  his  party.  I  always  enter- 
tained a  high  respect  for  your  father,  as  he  was  al- 
ways, in  my  view,  a  courteous  and  honourable  gen- 
tleman. I  regarded  his  trial  and  condemnation  as  a 
State  affair — and  was  gratified  in  any  opportunity  of 
showing  a  personal  respect  for  him. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect  and 
esteem,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  WILIJAM  SULLIVAN." 

"  To  Mrs.  Maria  CAivirBELL." 


Note  18. 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  S.  Hale,  Esq.  to  Mrs.  N.  B.  Hick- 
man,  a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

"Keene,  New  ifampsliire,  Sept.  27,  1847. 

"  Madam, — 1  thank  you  for  the  *  Memoirs  of  the 
Northwestern  Army,"*  under  General  Hull,  which 

*  The  "  Memoirs  of  tiio  North-    of   public  opinion   throughout  tlie 

western  Army,"  above  referred  to,    United  States  in  favour  of  General 

were  published  by  General  Hull  in    Hull. 

1825,  and  produced  a  great  change 

at 


482 


APPENDIX. 


you  were  so  gv  <  n  -ind  m\  That  public  senti- 
ment has  been  unjub*,  . .  him,  I  do  not  doubt,  and 
have  never  doubted ;  a.id  novi^,  after  having  had  my 
attention  again  fixed  on  the  subject,  and  called  to 
mind  all  I  have  read  and  heard,  I  am  convinced  that 
to  others  rathjr  than  to  hin,,  should  the  disasters  of 
that  campaign  be  atifibutsd.  I  have  no  doubt  of  his 
patriotism,  nor  of  his  personal  courage. 

"  I  am  now  convinced  that  the  Administration  of 
that  day  did  not  contemplate  the  conquest  of  Canada. 

"  It  is  sad,  my  dear  madam,  to  reflect  how  care- 
lessly and  unjustly  praise  and  censure  are  often  dis- 
pensed in  this  world. 

"  Very  respectfully,  yours, 

(Signed)  S.  HALE." 

"  Mrs.  N.  B.  Hickman. 


THE   END. 


1   C.A 


^ 


> 


> 


'v 


ublic  senti- 
doubt,  and 
ng  had  my 
d  called  to 
inced  that 
lisasters  of 
Dubt  of  his 


istratioR  of 
)f  Canada, 
how  care- 
often  dis- 


S.  HALE." 


I 


